Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

nchned plains, avalanefca . ier r st.ow, -in- : rupt curvatures, an 1 in no place’ encounter a stronger grade than t’.t) leet in a mile. 'o , cilies°of Charleston, Savannah, and Bruns wick, have advanced in health at al! seasons for the last few years; chiefly arising from the draining of marshes, and the subs’itution of the dry for rice culture. ■Brunswick, little known heretofore, and re. cently brought into notice, is situated on a peninsula at the mouth of Turtle river, or what may more properly be termed an, arm of the sea, sixteen miles in length, 'i here is, perhaps, no town or city in North America, that combines more advantage for the erec tion of a great commercial emporium, V ith 24 feet of water on its bar, it has a safe har bor and good roadsted for shipping, which are protected by the island of Jekyl lying oh the the mouth of the river, from the severe eas terly gales which frequently prevail on the Atlantic coast at certain seasons of the year. Jt will shortly be connected by a canal with the Altamaha, which drains a large, and the finest part of Georgia, and in a few years by a Rail Hoad with the Gulf of Mexico, the Apa lachicola and its important branches, the Flint and Chattahoochee. It has a good ingress and egress; is without shoals in its neighbor hood, and scarcely requires any other pilot age than that which is afforded by the light house and buoys; and in three or four hours after a vessel spreads her sail, she is over the bar, and on the bosom of the great deep. Situated in the neighborhood ol almost all the remaining live-oak in Georgia, and not far from that in 1' lorida, and accessible to im mense forests of as fine ranging timber as is to be found in the world, it must become a considerable naval station and depot. From its peculiar peninsular position, and the features of the country in its vicinity, it □s highly adapted tor the erection and con struction of strong military deiences, both in front and rear. In a few years it wid be ap proached from every direction noth by land and water; no point of the Atlantic coast is rhe weather milder in winter, or the sea breeze more delicious or bracing in summer and no place in the Union is more entitled to the appellation of the Montpelier of America. This is Brunswick. About seventy-five miles to the east, is Sa vannah, on a fine and navigable stream pos- Hcssing many of the advantages ol Bruns wick, and destined in a short time to reap her full share of the import and export busi- , ncss. Os Charleston, so well and so favora bly known, it docs not become me to speak, i even if" I were qualified, after the late resi- , dencc among you of her able and distinguish- I cd citizen and representative. It is under stood to be the opinion of Col. Long, our able Engineer, under whose superintendence and direction the late reconnoisance and survey -through the Cherokee country has been ac complished, that in three years after the com- Onenccment of the work on the Tennessee driver, the road will be completed (120 miles) , Mo the eastern bank ol the Chattahoochee; intid I feel confident from what has already j been done, that in two years more, if not car- j Tier, a connection will be formed to this latter point from Brunswick, Savannah, Charleston, ’Vest Point and Columbus! All these circum- i f iances, then, must necessarily create a de-I f-ire for Legislative action on the part of Ten nessee and Kentucky, for the continuation of .his road from the Tennessee, river to Nash ville, and from hence to the Ohio in a direc tion lor Lexington and Louisville, us well as :omc point near the mouth of the Wabash, where it is understood several routes from the | J.akcs and other places will concentrate. It will also lead to the improvement of the t navigation of the Tennessee, which, for its ’ length, is the finest river in America. Fed from the highest mountains and the largest springs in the United States, it discharges a greater volume of water in the summer and fall than the Ohio; and the improvements that will be made in the rocky beds ol it and its important branches, will be permanent arH lusting. If these views are correct, and I can per ceive no error in them, it follows, as a matter «f course, that North and East Alabama, al most every part of Tennessee, and a very considerable portion of the west can, and will jcccivo two-thirds, if not throe-fourths ol lheir foreign and other supplies though these Southern channels, ns the safes’, the surest, ihc nearest, the cheapest, and the most expe ditious. There is much interesting detail lhat belongs to this subject, I deem it unneces sary on the present occasion to enter into it, Relieving that even the condensed view which js presented, imperfect as it is, is more than •was needed to obtain from this government all lhat Georgia desires. DANIEL NEWNAN, Agent fur the State of Georgia. Nashville, ‘2oth December, 1837. J Correspondence of the Balt. Cam. franacsipr. Washington, Feb. 15, 1838. Mr. Calhoun addressed the Senate to-day on the sub-treasury bill, though th.* greater por tion ofhis speech was devoted to the examina tion of the merits of Mr. Rives substitute, and certainly not one of the great multitude that heard him, can but admit that lis arguments a gainst the project were put with great noWer and ingenuity. His views of t laiar.cia' no. ■icy of the country, and of the ib-treasu» y scheme are well known, end his remarks on these points to-day, differed but little from those in his speech on the sub-treasury las* ses sion. His great objection to renew the State hank system, is that it has been tried, and has tailed, and therefore undeserving of a second trial. He recurred to h s having been once in Savor of the I aiic-l States Bank, a positi m which h< occupied simply becaus. the connec tion between that institution and the govern ment had existed for some limo, and Ik; there fore was induced by that circumstance not to be in favor of a divorce. Amr, no such ob stacle exists. The separation had'takcn place and he was fully justified in taking a different position, and which had ever been his true one in principle. lie also thought that in the present condi tion of things, Mr. Rives’ substitute would prove a dead-teller. J3y it, twenty-five sol vent banks were to be selected for the public deposites; whereas at present none were pay ing in specie; and as to restarting confidence, for which senators begged, as the first step to specie payments, he denied that it would be a sufficient rpniedy. Mr. Calhoun’s remarks were here distin guished by that singular terseness of express ion, with which he conveys in a few forcible words and novel images, what most other ora tors require a series of sentences to give vent to. The whole stale bank system, lie said, was dead, and lhe project of Mr. Rives was to galvanize it to life again; it was an exhausted volcano, that had burnt itself into ashes and silence, and now it was to be roused to its fu rious action again. He had a particular objection to the substi tute, because it would tend to bring again into connection with the government, that great in stitution, the United States Bank of Pennsyl vania, which singular name, he would for the sake of brevity, change for that of Mr. Bid dle's Bank. In the selection of doposite banks, this bank, he said, would by the finan cial power ol the man at its head, be at the head of all others, because it would be the first to resume. It would be the first on the turf, but would not start fair with the others, and soon take the lead. The effect of this be to raise this institution into the great reser voir of the moneyed power of the country, and to establish a bankarchy, and the question would then be, shall the bunk be the govern ment, or the government the bank. Mr. Calhoun also drew a contrast between the substitute and sub-treasury bill, and at tempted to show that the plan of the Virginia Senator was more complicated than the latter; and infinitely more objectionable on the score ofexecutive patronage. The conclusion of this speech was a striking specimen of Cal houn’s oratory. As he left the course of ar gument upon the measure, and reverted to his past legislative career an I his present position, lira manner nt once assumed that concentrated energy, and his voice that sharp, nervous vo lubility, which always are displayed on such occasions. He expressed his firm determine tion to pursue the course he now occupied, and finished his remarks with describing the measure before the Senate as fraught with ev ery blessing a country could enjoy and lead ing to cultivation and refinement. When Mr. Calhoun had finished, there see med to be a strange disposition among all the Senators to be silent, and so long did this last, that the question was demanded, and the vote was about to be taken on the substitute, when Mr. Tipton expressed a desire to say some thin" on the subject, and fts it was kite ho i would move to adjourn, which motion prevail ed. The fact of the Pennsylvania Senators being instructed to vote against this bill till next session, has made an important change in the prospect of the bill being passed. As the Senate now stands, there would be a lie on the vote being taken, that is, providing Mr. Trot ter does not arrive in time to give his vote. His presence, of course, will give a majority of one to the supporters of the bill. In the House there was a long dull debate upon a bill to continue the session ol the com missioners in Mississippi for the claims giow ing out of the Choctaw reservation. The bus iness in that part of the capitol was arrested once by the absence of most of the members, who were in the Senate hearing Mr. Calhoun. You rs, M • Correspondence of the Evening Post Washington, Feb. 15, 1838. The Senate was crowded to-day, in antici cipation of a strong effort on the part of Mr. Callibun, and the expectation was not disap pointed. The admirers of that peculiarly gif ted man, pronounce his effort of to-day to be equal to, if not beyond any speech he has heretofore made. It was in all res pects characteristic of the man. It can never be said of him, that under any circumstances, or in any position, he blindly followed any file leaders. Whether right Or wrong, he has al ways maintained the character of a bold and original thinker. There is the same indepen dence in his manner, as there is in his matter., lie is disdainful of ornament, negligent of what are termed the graces of oratory, careless whether his sentences are balanced - and rotin ded to strike the ear pleasingly, and yet as far from being a “dry” speaker as any person 1 ever listened to. Pith, terseness, condense- I lion or any term which will convey the im pression of many ideas in. the smallest possible I compass of words, is his most striking charac teristic. To day he entered upon his subject so abruptly, that you would have thought he was speaking in continuation of pievious re -marks. He seemed determined from the be ginning, Ihat there should not be the slightest waste of words, and there was not. Some of his views were strikingly original. 1 allude to his constitutional objections to Mr. Rives’ 'substitute. The first was, if I recollect, that by thk bill, the deposit© banks arc to be selec ted by Congress, without the co-operation in any form, of the Exc alive. This, he cotin ti ded, is contrary to that provision which makes it necessary that every res i:ion t > which the concurrence of both Houses is necessary (ex cept IB cases «>l adimtrtimen’. t>: . » !i- ‘fol tn-he Pros km uft'-.c I< 4- : a*. - This is tl. last paragraph of th.- Till Section of th- . Ist U.icle of the Constitution of the United Static Mr. Rives’ bill places the matter be- | yonjihe action of the Executive. Another i objection was founded on the fifth paragraph I of th; ninth section of the same article, which ; provdes that no money shall be drawn from I the Teasury but in consequence of applica tionsmade by law. He contended that under a gc oral deposite with a bank, permitting the corporation to trade on it as capital, to lend it, &c. for business purposes—the money is dram, let out and let in, contrary to the in | tentif that instrument, and that it never could havdbeen meant by the framers of the Consti tritiol that such use might be made of the pub lic finds. He considered the support given by the former opponents ofthis bill—after the j failure of the scheme—as given with the ex | jectation that it would again fail, and then that .he country would be again driven to a Na tional Bank. The first of the league to come in under the new system, will be the Pennsyl vania Bank of the: United States, an institution now fortifying itself to effect that purpose. I hope no time will be lost in laying this host cogent argument before the public. It tso condensed that in giving a new view of is various parts, you could scarce put it in a here brief form ol words than that in which it vas delivered. The new and striking points nhich it presents, will, I think, have a strong efect on the public mind. t’he gossip among the quid nuncs in rela tion to the grand investigation, has died away alieady. 1 will not say that the attempt will re’ert upon its authors. Suppose it does, does an T one imagine that they will suffer? 1 hey arc beyon'd that. Frequent exposure has male them safe in their own shamelessness. Mr. Clay concluded by expressing his on- I tireconcurrencc in a sentiment recently given I at a large and respectable meeting in New , York, that the question which the people arc i now called upon io decide, is not “bank or no \ bank," but “BREAD OR NO BREAD.” : Well, we have got more “bread” in this . State now, than wo have ever had under the I Biddle dynasty. We have got land enough to j be tilled* which can be bought cheap, and any body that will go onto it with industry and perseverance can got net only a living, but lay up a handsome net income every year. This is more than can be said ol the times as they were under the Biddle dynasty. It is true that by reason of the speculations brought on by the excessive issues of paper money in wiiich Biddle's “regulator" took the lead, many men deserted regular business, and took to flying." The kite strings have all broken by reason of their great length, and the “kiters arc left holding on to the little end. We trust for the sake of honest industry and the welfare of the country, they will get no bread, till they betake themselves to some more useful and respectable employment. Whenever they make up their minds to that, they will get bread enough and to spare—until then, they cannot get it, whether there is a National bank or not, unless the country'forgets the conse quences of kiting sooner than we think it will. A fifty million bank might indeed, by throw. ■ ing out an immense quantity of money, set the I country into another fever, and enable theki -1 ters to splice their strings and sell out; but such a result would be one of the greatest curses that could ever beful the country. Those people who “hang upon the lips” of Mr. Clay, and : clamor for a National bank as a means of re lief, must sooner or later, learn the lesson, , hard though it be, that the only proper way to i get money is to earn it in a regular course of industry and economy. The country will ne ver be permanently prosperous till they are • made to learn it; and Mr. Clay is stabbing nt ' the very vitals of the public prosperity in hold ing out to them any other mode of relief—by which if relief is afforded, it must be tempora ry; at the expense of new victims, and ending in another and more severe revulsion than that under which we now labor.— Maine Age. 'fhe Sergeant at arms of the House of Rep resentatives passed through Baltimore on Sat urday last, on his way to New York, with a summons to Col. Webb to attend at Washing ton for the purpose of giving testimony before the committee on the late duel. Sub-Treasury BUI. The Richmond En quirer of the Ist inst. r says that this Bill will probably pass the Senate by only the casting vote of the Vice President. “Our last re source then,” adds the Enquirer, “our only an chor of hope, wculd be in the House of Rep resentatives. Its fate there is more doubtful. But:. sides are claiming the victory. The vote will be a very nice one—though we arc war ned it is possible the Bill will pass.” Gen. Nelson's Brigade.— We arc gratified to learn from a gentleman, recently from Ho nda. that the presence of that efficient officer —Gen. Nelson, with his Brigade of volun teer.': from this State, has materially contribu ted to inspire confidence in the inhabitants ol that sufiering territory, within the sphere of his operations, to the extent to induce them to pav personal attention to their planting inter ests, so much deranged by existing hostilities. We hope that that gallant officer will, ere long have an opportunity to increase the admiration which the prompt movement of bis brigade has elicited and to reap all the rewards m store for the successful anil patriotic soldier. • a vannah Georgian. COT NTER 1N ST R UCTIO NS. Fifty nine members of the Reform Co.i«< tian of Pennsylvania have adopted rcsolul.i jto disapproving-the late instructions of the Legts kit re in relation to the Treasury Bid. Iwv arc n-pres-ntatives of the original dccttonal body, an I the question may well be asked, which set ol instructions ought to be obeyed? We shall not express an opinion now, but stale the facts for the consideration of the public.— Wash. Chronicle. ___ WESTERN GEORGIAN- —- . " I Home, Marell 24, ISfJS, The following named gentlemen will act as Agents for the Western Georgian: , Howell Cobb, Esq., of Athens, Georgia. E. M. Johnson, Esq., frf Gainesville, do. S. Ripley, Esq., of Jefferson, do. A. Erwin, Esq., of Cumming, do. John S. Bel), Esq., of Spring Place, do. R. M. Avcoc’k, Esq., of La Fayette, do. Turman Waithail, Esq., of Cedar 1 own, Paulding County, do. Leroy Pattillo, P. M. Monroe, do. Charles Murphey, of Decatur, do. j We are indebted to the Hon. Wilson Lump ■kin, the Hon. T.-Glascock, and the Hon. J. F. Cleaveland, for numerous favours in the ! shape of public documents, speeches, papers, Ac., for which we return to them our thanks. E s «ntic:s.l Abelitiofiiisßil* 1 We refer our readers to an article published in to-day’s paper, taken from the Washington Globe, entitled “Political Abolitionism.” The mask is fast falling from the front ol the Abolitionists, and the people now begin to see that morality and religion have been basely prostituted to the basest of political purposes. i The hallowed names of liberty and virtue have j been pressed into service to secure to political | aspirants the “loaves ami fishes” of the Gov ernment. While some of the abolitionists may well de serve the appellation of “Eanr/fi™,” many of those who have adopted openly, or covertly supported their principles, are equally entitled :o be regarded by the Nation as politicalknaves. The Honorable individuals whom the Abo ition “presses delight to honor,” it will be per ceived arc what is termed in modern parlance, and, who we term by courtesy “ Wnios.” A struggle is now commencing in the North I by the Federal Whigs and Abolitionists to so cure the next Presidential Election. And, be cause the Whigs of that section have acted with them, they seem confident taut those in the South and West, who are now in opposition to the administration, will second their views and support the candidate which they may select. This we honestly believe is a great mistake. Thongh we are opposed to the principles, and in many instances, to the measures of the op. position Whigs in the South, we must do them the justice to say, that when the question as surnes the character which the northern politi cians and fanatics seem determined to give it, they will be found taking a stand and asserting their Constitutional rights, in a manner which i will soon dispel the delusion at present enter tained. We have just been favoured with a perusal of a letter from Gov. Gilmer to Capt. W. F. Lewis of this county, commanding the vohin leers organized under an act of the ’last Legis lature for the protection of the citizens of the Cherokee country. 'Pho view which his Ex cellency takes, and the instructions he gives, we believe to be radically wrong. 1 hat view may have originated from a misconception of the Indian character, a-nd from an imperfect notion of the population of the country. The act of the last Legislature providing for the protection of this section of the country, has induced a great majority ol those who have volunteered under it, to make their arrange ments to serve, in case any troops whatever were needed. Many of them have gone to tho expense of purchasing horses and necessary c quipments, which they would not otherwise have done. But they are now informed by the Governor, that— “ Until the 25th of May, the Indians have a right to retain their possessions, and to re main undisturbed in the country, "ion have nothing to do with disarming them, or remo ving them from their fields until that time, and then only in co-operation with and upon the rcoucat of the U. States officer to whom the dutv of removing them is intrusted by the President of the U. States.” That the Indians have the right tinder the treatv, to remain in jeaceafile possession tin-, til the 25th ot' May, cannot be disputed, but, that thr citizens of this country, whether vol unteersor others, are compelled to set quietly and see the Indians making preparations for hostilities, without making a single effort to prevent it, is an error which the Governor will probably’ere long detect. Again: This letter of instructions, contains that which is far more serious and objectionable than the one just al luded to. His Excellency denies that the cap tains of the different companies have the right to call those companies to the field under any circumstances; but that the Colonel of the Re giment “is the officer having Such power, and he can only do so when the Indians assemble together for hostile purposes, and under cir cumstances w hich do not admit of the delay of sending for orders to the Commander in Chid, and when the United‘States troops cannot pie vent the danger.” Now, these volunteer companies organized “for the protection” of the Cherokee Country, arc to remain in their houses, perfectly still, until the “Colonel of the Regiment” shall be informed that “the Indians have assembled for -hostile purposes.” We suppose that the Col onel will be like the rest of the volunteers, in having nothing to do until ordered into the field, and will consequently remain at -home Suppose the Colonel of this Regiment was re siding in Dahlo'hnoga, in Lumpkin county, and the Indians in this section, (at least 120 miles from that place) were to embody and assume a threatening aspect. Yet, under the views ol Gov. Gilmer, the Volunteer company of this county, organized for 'the protection of the country, must wait for orders from the Colo, nel, before they could act. The Colonel too is bound to refrain from bringing his troops in io tlie'field,>until he is satisfied that “the Indi ans have assembled together for hostile pur poses.” What, we would ask of every cilizi n in the country, is the demonstration of“lndian hostility?” Do they, when they determine on taking tho war path, send a flag bearing a de claration of war? No; the first demonstration of Indian hostility is the midnight attack upon the lives and proper.:y of the citizens. 'I h first evidence of their savage ‘’hostility ” is the onslaught- (he murder of families, and the burning of villages and houses' There are many more objections which have suggested themselves, but we will close this article by assuring his Excellency, and the people of tho State, that the citizens of the Cherokee Country who have volunteered for its protection, are better calculated either to suppressor resist hostilities from the Indians than any other body of men. They have resi ded among the Indians—are acquainted with their character and disposition —and being fa miliar with the country, coiild act more effici ently in case of need. And we' further assure him, that should the citizens of this section who are acquainted with the Cherokees, deem it. ■necessary to take the field, they 'will do so without waiting, either for orders from the “Colonel of the Regiment,” the Commander in'Chief, or for the demonstration of.lndian hostilities. For the Western Georg Tan. Mr. Editor: — A great political crisis is com ing; it is already at our doors. One grand division of tho people upon Governmental poli cy is fast ripening: “the field is already lit for the harvest;” the force of circumstances is bringing to view, the true character of men of all parties. When the corner stone of the A merican Government was laid, two prominent features was manifest, and not pretended to be concealed. The Republican and the Federal ist, each proud of his appropriate title. ’These two features have shown more or less from 1776 to 1838, and are children of nature, but. descended from 'different stocks. -'Between those periods there has been -subdivisions -of these two families, and alternately the relations of each uniting with its adversary upon some given point; and thus a doubtful combat has at times more or less shown itself. But the time has again come, when the main question comes up, and consequently the two great antagonist principles will icquirean un divided and vigorous support by fits friends. In Georgia, the question of political division is not friendly to the formation of the 'grand division, because, amongst the Union party there are Federalists. And the same may be said of the States Rights’ parly, and vice ver sa. Republicans in each, and by what means are we to purify? Both patties are corrupt, or have conupt materials; and among both par ties arc to be found staunch Republicans. I know of no better inode to effect so desirable an object, than a full and free discussion through the press, (the great Lever of Repub licanism) of the question; and that candidates