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OrPHtW f®. WfJhWdßTt A ¥W J_J| -I WW 4bL 4mal4Jb®’wk s l Vol. I. PUBLISHED EVERY TUESDAY MORNING ’ BY SAMUEL S- JAC K Terms. Three Dollars per annum,ii? six months or four Dol lars at the expiration of the year Subscribers living out of the State, will bo expected in all cases to pay m advance. No subscription received for less than ono year, uiiess the money is paid in advance; and no paper will be discontinued until all arrearges are paid, ex cept at the option of the Publisher. Persons request ins'a discontinuance of their Papers, arc requested to bear in mind a settlement of their accounts. Advertisements will be inserted at the usual rates; when the number of insertions is not specified, they will be c mtinued until ordered out. IT - All Letters to the Editor or Publisher, on matters connected with the establishment, must be Post Paid in order to secure attention. 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ORRIN HOLT. our paper of last Tuesday, we call-1 ' rd the attention of the reader to the ii’ronsis- ' icncy munifi id by the southern whigs, in [ (■Milling at the elec ion of northern whigs'! against friends of the administration, when it, ! is well known in the smith, that the election ■ ' of such northern whigs gives additional!' strength to tl<> enemies of the south and of southern institutions. We now beg leave to call the attention of the leader to another re-1 m.'.rkabio instance of the inconsistency of the , southern whigs, and of the anti-southern fed. I ling which, opposition to the present federal administration, leads many of us to emertain and exhibit. The recent elections in Connecticut have terminated in favor of the whigs, who, sup-j ported by their friends and allies the abolition ists and conservatives, have succeeded in dieting their governor and a majority of the members of the Legislature. This result' ••/as received by the Southern whigs with joy and grntulntion. They exclaimed that Connecticut was redeemed and disenthralled’! J But this is not all. 'They rejoiced at the, prospect of a northern whig being elected to the S nato of the United States, instead of Mr. Niles, th*' present member, and of the election of whig candidates for the House of IL'pres ntatives to Cot ■>, "tend > f the i rt m mbers, who are all friends of the administration. Can this result in Connecti cut, and the prospi t of sending w’ ig mem bers tn Congre's, boa n itter for rejoicing to so ilia tn men? We cannot believe it. Yet when we find them rejoice .< the electio of a member of Con >ress in Main, who is pledged t< supp r! boh nist . w d'otdd b lievo th t ■J c 80* . il whigs would • ph' • d. she I . abolition st- be elected hi Conm-c. ti< pr.iv. ji I :he\ opposed the admini,"tra il i. V ith< een> t' a ..I with indifference, the southern u i ig* wi-nld see tbo.se Connec- 1 tient i-mbem vi. with the most violent and fiumical 0 tiie .abtditmn st*. As southern men we w -a our it ends to remain in Con gress, because friends are needed there: we have a sufficient number of enemies iw that body already to keep us on the watch and in alarm. To show that we would change ar dent mid devoted friends io the south, for enemies, we will state that the present dele, gat.on of Connecticut me opposed to the nb olitiouu s, have hern absurd and denounced by those fanatics, because by their votes in Congress they mamtested their respect lor the federal constitution and the laws, and the object for which the federal compact was for med. Among those members of Congress from Connecticut, none deserves the respect and gratitude of the South more than Gen. Ornn tloh. And the southern whigs would glorj tn the dee al of such a man’! But l<*• us show to our readers what this ‘Vti. Holt js. and let us show that the defect of such a nau would be a serk „ loss to the South, a:;J deprive Conj ,ssof . >se f u j ~j enlightened member. i A few months ago, several of the anti- j slavery societies of Connecticut passed rcso- | lutions, censuring and abusing the members of I Congress from the north, who voted against I abolition petitions, and condemned the course ' pursued by the abolition leaders. Gen. Holt ' was especially designated in those resolutions, j Gen. Holt thought proper to notice the pro- : f ceedings of those societies, in a letter address ! ed to the Hon. Luther Warren, of Connecti. cut, and dated Washington, February, 1838. In this letter he gives his views at large upon the subject of abolition, and all its bearings. If we could with propriety publish the whole letter, we would do so with pleasure, as it , would convince every unprejudiced southern > man, that the friends of the south are not to be found in the ranks of the whigs. We will, i however, make a few extracts, from which it , will be seen that the purer patriot, a more I determined supporter of the federal constitu. i i lion, and a more generous and unflinching j friend of the south, does not exist any where than General Orrin Holt, of Connecticut. And this is the man at whose defeat the south ern whigs would rejoice!! But for the extracts: “Dear Sir: Having received certain letters from individuals in the State of Connecticut, containing sentiments which, to say the least, differ widely from those expressed by myself , in my vote on the floor of the House of Rep- 1 j resentatives, touching the abolition of slavery j in the States and Territories, 1 have felt con- i strained to bring to your notice the charac ter of those sentiments, and to ask you calmly , nnd dispassionately, whether you consider the inhabitants of our State prepared to sanction such doctrines, unconstitutional as they are, J and pregnant as they must necessarily be, . with destruction to our native land. * * * * » I I “It is well known to you that the Consti- I j tulion never could have been adopted, had it not been for mutual concession and forbear- j i ance, and that the slaveholding States, among I which was Connecticut, had the property , which they then possessed guarantied to them by that instrument, and slaves were embraced in the schedule. “It contained a mutual pledge, in substance • < as follows: We, the people, agree to protect each other, and to perpetuate equal rights. “Il was adopted by the Convention, and sub mitted to us ns well as to every other State ; in the confederacy for ratification, and hav ing received that last solemn and deliberate sanction, it became the mugna charta of the whole people, the great law of the land.—lt ; being then unconstitutional for Congress to abolish slavery in the States, without the con- ; sent of the same, let us consider the right of Congress to dispense with it [nolens volens] in the District of Columbia. “Maryland and Virginia, in my judgment, had no right to concede to Congress, or the United States, the property of the people of those States. “If they did so, it was the height of uncon stitutionulityr and if insisted upon by Con gress, would vitiate the whole of the constitu tion itself: for when by acts, as Legislators, we deprive the people or an individual of those rights, guarantied to him by the com pact, we render the whole instrument void. I admit the right of Congress to legislate in such manner as to protect the people and their interest in the District. At the same time I deny that they possess any power to deprive the inhabitants of their property, any more than (hey have 'ho powe to deprive the in habi'un " of Virginia and Maryland of their Constitutional rights. ***** ‘ Whenever those who have the exclusive control over this subject 'eel tlispos* d to abol ish si very, I s heeiluuy co-operate w,th them in the measure: but neither the threats of abolitionists, the love of office, or the in fluence of wealth, will deter me from render ing my count; v those services which she re quires at my hands. *** * * ♦ “It seen s from all the publications of the abolitionists, that fifty-one members from the free states, including myself, by the pass, f a resolution offered bv Mr. Patton, of Virginia have virtually denied the right of petition.—l deny this conclusion; and if the fault finders w ill consult the 4Sth Hide of the House, they will be convinced that I am cor rect: —“No member can present a petition without first rising and stating to the House its object.” Is not the whole House as capable of Judging of the merits of a petition, as a se lect Committee? Are not the petitioners trea ted with courtesy, when their prayers are re ceived, and the House decides that they arc of such a nature, that they cannot be enter tained further than by laying on the Table! Surely they arc-then why have the abolition ists complained? “ A petition may be offered; but it docs not follow of cours-y that the prayer of the pe titioner will be grunted—and if it is offensive in language, il will surely not be heard; no bode of m> n are 1 mind to sit still and listen to insult or treason, and it is easy to conceive that insult and treason, both, may be contain ed in a petition to Congress, us well as to any Wi s d o m , Jisst ic c, and Mode ra t i on. ROME, FLOYD COUA'TY, GEORGIA, MAY 15, 1838. I other deliberative body. “Supposing that a petition should be intro duced to the Legislature of Connecticut, pray- I ing for the execution of a man, whom every ' member of that body knew to be innocent of ! crime; would such a petition be entertained i for a moment? “The Constitution acknowledges the right of petition, but it does not, nor could it be supposed to mean, that an individual could with impunity petition to Congress to break the Constitution itself. There must be a lim- , it, and that limit is found in the Rules and good sense of the Senate and House. * * * * * “It would seem by very many of the opin ions of the abolitionists, that our southern I brethren in this great Republic were ‘barban- [ ' ans,' not possessing the common sympathies of men: but from my own observation let me inform them, through you, as friends and phi lanthropists, that they very much mistake the , character of the inhabitants of the south. “Let me ask the democracy of Connecti- ' cut, who stood by the country during the last I war with Great Britain? was it not the south? and did not the chief apostle of democracy, | the immortal Jefferson, who penned the Dec- I laration of Independence, spring from those I ‘Barbarians?' and was be not the owner of slaves? I might go on and mention the great Washington, and a host of others, but enough has been advanced to disprove all that they have stated, derogatory of the south and its inhabitants. * * * * ♦ “They basely misrepresent the philanthro pic feelings of the south. 1 can tell them plainly that the people of the south will not be driven into those mad schemes. They have not interfered with our rights or our lib. erties, nor can we interfere with theirs with impunity. When they attempt such a course, I (although denounced by the abolitionists as not possessing moral courage) will be found fighting manfully at my post, in defence of the rights of the State and the District which I have the honor to represent: but until then, 1 cannot join in a merciless cruisade against either southern men, or southern measures, so long as the former act within the spirit of the constitution, and the latter promote the best interests of the people. “1 stand here sworn to support the constitu tional rights of the whole people, and will do so, in spile of the denunciations of the Anti- Slavery Societies of Hartford, and Windham counties. ***** “Cao my immediate constituents, as the de scendants of the brave Putnam who was a slaveholder, and of Knowlton and Hale, who gloriously fought and died to perpetuate the institutions of Equal Rights, join in this imho ly warfare? Let me entreat them through you never to prove “recreant'' to the sacred i trust deposited in their hands, by an interfer cncc with the rights of the slave holding States, whose Stars shine as brightly as our own, and whose glories are traced in common with their Sisters, in living characters upon the broad Tablet of Freedom. “Knowing that they possess as much intel ligence as any other portion of the Union, let me take the liberty to advise them not to be deceived by the excitements which agitate the breasts of a few in our land at the pres ent time, and to examine this matter thorough ly and temperately, before they suffer them selves to bathe their hands in the blood of their countrymen, by making war upon our glorious Constitution. ***** As it relates to Gen. Holt and the stand he has taken in Congress, we give the foilowing extract of a let'er to us from a friend now in the north: “You will have seen in the Brooklyn, (Conn.) G; zettc, a letter from the Hon. Orrin Holt, a democratic representative from Con necticut, upon the subject of slavery, and in justification of a vote he gave upon the “re ception of abolition petitions’" The position assumed by Mr. Holt is one of fearful respon sibility, for it so happens, that the district he represents is worse infected with abolition than almost any other district in New England. 1 hope you will give it an early insertion in your paper; and I most ardently wish that a copy of it could find its way to every citizen of our State. The elections in Connecticut appear to be hailed by the opposition as a glorious triumph; yet the change has been principally effected through the bold and fear less stand assumed by the friends of the ad ministration against the abolitionists. I am credibly informed that every indwidtial, either directly or remotely affected with abolition, joined our enemies in effecting the recent po litical change in that state. They are wel come to the victory, and God forbid we should ever be driven to look to this band of fanatics for succor and support. Mr. Holt is a most worthy man, and devotedly attached to his country and her institutions.” Not only is Gen Holt the friend of i!m* south against the abolitionists, but he, ns well as the other republican representatives in j Congress from the north, support the admtn- lustration in its efforts to comply with the ob -1 ligations of the federal government to remove j the Cherokee Indians from the territory of I Georgia. The republicans of the north are with us upon the Cherokee question, while the whigs in Congress, and the northern whig I presses are lavishing their abuse and their de nunciations upon Georgia, for requiring jus tice and maintaining her rights. If there were a whig majority in both houses of Con gress, how would Georgia be dealt with? I Would not the treaty of 1835 with the Cher okees be declared null and void? If there were not such men as Holt, Niles, Toucey, Fairfield, and others, in Congress from the north, would the abolitionists be checked in their mad career, and could the Cherokee ; question be brought to a satisfactory termina tion to Georgia? No. The whigs have or ganized a solid Phalanx against the removal of the Cherokees and the treaty of 1835, and ■ when every Georgian should rejoice at the [election of a northern friend of the south, we find the southern whig presses hail the choice of men who, as soon as they take their scats in Congress, begin to abuse and slander Geor [ gia, and vote against measures calculated to ' carry into effect the Cherokee treaty of 1835, | and to fulfil the solemn obligations of 1802. i We published last week a scurillous and abu sive article about Georgia and the Cherokees from the Boston Atlas. Among many other articles of a similar character, which we have seen in whig papers, is the follow ing from the Philadelphia United States Gazette, another ; whig leading print: “Some citizens who feel for the honor of the country and the wrongs of sufferers, have prepared, and arc now circulating for sub scription, a memorial to Congress, asking for some Legislative interference in behalf of the Cherokees, who are hunted away from their home and their fathers’ graves—whose wrongs are open, palpable. It may be that [they cannot be redressed—it may be that these men will be driven away from the fruits of their labors and the enjoyment of their rights, but it does not seem meet that this wrong should be inflicted in the name of the nation, and the voice of Philadelphia not be heard in behalf of the oppressed. She may not lessen their grievances, but she must re , cord her solemn protest against the wrong.” From the Washington Chronicle. ' VIEWS OF THE LABORING CLASSES. The National Laborer, a paper published ; in Philadelphia, as the organ of the laboring classes of the North, has the following para graph at the head of its editorial columns: ; truly noble efforts of Senator > Calhoun, to retain the specie feature in the • Independent Treasury Bill, merits and will receive the approbation of the people. His i excellent remarks on the bill as amended by I the motion of Mr* Cuthbert, will appear in our next number-” It gives us much gratification to perceive that a paper conducted with so much ability as the Laborer, and representing the interests of so large and respectable a portion of the community as the laboring classes, takes the correct view of this great question- There is no class of society which it more nearly concerns. Depend upon it that so long as the agricultural interests arc laid under contribu tions to support the money monopolists,so long must the chief burden fall on the laboring classes. It cannot be otherwise. Who are the real producers of Wealth but the laborers? And how can the wages of labor be sustained while the profits of stock are absorbed by the : money-changers? How docs honest labor ; now subsist? Upon worthless shin-plasters— exchanging the sweat of their brows for thy doulas;!” Can these things be, while a swin dling oligarchy feasts daily on rich plate?, , Mr. Biddle, the great vendor of paper, has just been presented with a service of plate, costing twenty thousand dollars—and Mr. Win. C. Rives, his co-adjutor in the Senate, dines, we learn, on gold plate—shaming even the magnificence of the nobility of France and England! How is this 7 Shall privileged I classes be permitted longer to grind down I honest labor in the dust? No—no. The spir- ! it of resistance against these unjust and cruel I i exactions perpet rated under the forms of law, 1 i is rising rapidly, and in terrible strength, i i We shall see the result. l The same paper contains the following:— i call the attention of the working i men of the city and county of Philadelphia, ■ to the subjoined notice of a public meeting io • be held on Monday evening: thev sleep, whilst I their enemies are always on the alert. Let • the producers of wealth be up and doing’ the , opponents of their interests twit them for their • negligence, and proclaim aloud that tliey no ■ longer advocate those measures which they 1 have been for years struggling to obtain. » Now is the appointed time to strike with effect; t let them but take counsel together, as men 5 having a common interest, and that, the in terest of the human family: let them unite in ' their efforts for emancipation, from under the 1 accursed domination of chartered mfim nee. 1 Their union will sustain the truly great men • of the country, who have i atriotieal’y array- | ed themselves on the side of the people; anil if honestly and fearlessly sustained by the people, the indepenence of the nation will no I longer be a mere dead letter. The chartered I public marauders, must, and then will, be “scourged back” into the penitentiaries, the fitting abode of those whose brazen impudence urge them to outrage public property, in the display of their nefarious rewards of plate given for swindling the whole people of the United States - WORKINGMEN’S MEETING- AN adjourned meeting of the workingmen of the City and County of Philadelphia, will be held at John Divin’s Adelphi [louse, ih fifth street, below Walnut, on Monday eve ning next, April 2, at 7 o’clock, to discuss matters of deep interest to them, and to take such measures as may seem most likely to guard and protect their interests in future. JOHN CANEY, President. Thos. ONeil, Secretary. From the Globe. HARSH MEDICINE OF THE JOURNAL OF COMMERCE. It will be scon that the Journal of Com merce, a paper devoted to the bank and mer cantile-interest, takes, in the following arti cle, precisely the views of the duties of tho banks, in the present crisis, that we have again and again endeavored to enforce - The editor talks of “« hard bottom" for “a solid prosper ity;" of “the harsh medicine" of a resumption . as indispensable, and that there “is no health without it,” with more pointedness than tho Globe —insists that “many individuals and . firms will be ruined”—declares that “such a - tempest, as has swept over us cannot pass away ! without leaving some ruins," with all the , strength of General Jackson’s earlier predic tions; and yet this harsh healer of disorders of the credit system will not own himself a . : loco focof ■ j New York Banks. — The Philadelphia Hcr i aid holds the following language in regard to ) the banks of New York: t “By grinding the merchants, they have stic r cceded in getting in their own notes, and pre - venting the payment of large sums due in ’ Philadelphia, while a Philadelphia bank in creased its liabilities immensely by stepping forward to aid New York, when the banks of that place were at a dead stand. Having shifted the responsibility upon Philadelphia, the Now York banks are florishing away as if their necessities and those of their custom ers had riot been the immediate cause of tho suspension; and as il the action of a Phila delphia bank had not enabled them, the New York banks, to lift up their heads and point to their unaccountable vaults.” We do not perceive the wisdom or the pol icy of getting up a war between New York and Philadelphia. The topics suggested by the Herald invito remark, but we are rather disposed to avoid it. We do not see why a resumption of specie payment by the New York banks should create any hard feeling in Philadelphia, either with banks or with indi viduals. As nothing but the most’urgent ne cessity could have justified a suspension in the first place, so nothing but necessity can justify its continuance. Furthermore, we arc convinced that until we plant ourselves upon hard bottom, there can be no solid prosperity. Therefore, pol icy, as well as duty, urges to a speedy resump lion. It is now almost a year that our banks have been in a state of dishonor; how much longer would any one have them continue so? The Herald admits by implication, that they are now able to resume; why, then, should , they not resume? Must they wait for their ■neighbors? Who are their neighbors? If they wait for Philadelphia, must they not, for the same reason, wait for Baltimore, for A ir ginia, for Charleston, for Savannah, Mobile, New Orleans, and Natchez? And how long will it be before all these places will be, ready Ito resume? Long enough, if the same exam- I pic should be followed throughout the country, 'to throw its finances, in connection with the value of property, into inextricable confusion. The process of getting back to specie pay j ments is necessarily a hard one. It is like j taking a harsh medicine in sickness. But it must be done. There is no health without it. For ourselves, we entirely approve of the general course of the New York banks on I this head. We expect to sec the fruits of it 1 in the early revival of business here, and of ‘ prosperity. New York was first in, so far as the Northern States were concerned, and, if we mistake not, she will be first out. Many individuals and firms will be ruined; this is not to be doubted, however much it is to be de plored. Such a tempest as has swept over us, cannot pass away without leaving some ruins. But the elements of prosperity remain; and there will not be wanting men to bring them into action. Every merchant, in view of the present state of things, may well say with old Archimedes, 6'/re me hut a firm foothold; i and if they cannot move the world, they can ut least make business move, and will dose, re® 17.