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Wifi OS Wtt' £} A a'L Vol. I. PUBLISHED EVERY TUESDAY MORNING q BY SAMUEI# S- JACK. Terms TRres Dollars per annum,in six months or four Dol lars at the expiration of the year. Subscribers Uving out of the State, will be expected in all cases to pay tn advance. No subscription received for less than one year, unless the money is paid in advance; and no paper 'will be discontinued until all arrearges are paid, ex cent a«he option of the Publisher. Persons request ing a discontinuance of their Papers, are requested to bear in mind a settlement of their accounts. Advertisements will be inserted at the usual rates; when the number of insertions is not specified, they ■will be continued until ordered out. KF All Letters to the Editor or Publisher, on matters connected with the establishment, must bo Post Paid in order to secure attention. (KF Notice of the sale of Land and Negroes, by Administrators, Executors or Guardians, mustbe'pub lished sixty days previous to the day of sale. KF The sale of Personal Property, in like manner, must be published forty days previous to the day of sale. KF Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate, must be published forty days. KF Notice that Application will be made to the Court of Ordinary for Leave to sell Land and Negroes, must be published four months. KF Notice that Application will be made for Let ters of Administration, must be published thirty days and Letters of Dismission, six months. KF For Advertising—Letters of Citation, $2 7b KFNotice to Debtors and Creditor*, (fft days,) 3 25 Four Month Notice#, 4 00 Sales of Personal Property by Executors, Adminis trators or Guardiens, 3 25 Sales of Land or Negroes by do. 4 75 Application for Letters of Dismission, 4 50 Other Advertisements will be charged 75 cents for every teirteen lines of small type, (or space equi. valent,) first insertion, and 50 cents for each weekly continuance. If published every other week,62J cts. lor each continuance. If published ouce a month ii will ba charged each time a« a new advertisement. For a single insertion one Dollar per square. COMMISSIONERS OFFICE, > (Jhcrokee Agency, Ten. April 25, 1338. 5 In pursuance of instructions contained in the following communication, recently received fan C. A. Hnrwo, wenmniasinnor of In dian affairs, we hasten to give the information required, and hope those who are interested in it will avail themselves of the short time that remains unexpired by the terms of the treaty, to transact their business in our office, before their departure for the West. It is believed that doubts can no longer ex ist in relation to the intention of the Govern ment, to carry out the treaty in accordance with its letter. And it is fondly hoped that our Cherokee brethren, who have heretofore refused to make arrangements for emigration, under a hope that some more beneficial ar. rangement would be made for them, will no longer be deluded by false hopes and neglect to secure tho benefits of the treaty, as it now and ever will exist. And wc would most ear nestly and respectfully request our fellow citi» ■zons who reside amongst the Cherokees, and especially those on whose lands Cherokee fam ilies may reside, to refrain from doing any act, that might obstruct the peaceful removal of them from amongst us,and especially to abstain from expelling them from their habitations un til the Government has time to effect that ob-; ject. Any other course will create difficulties, and certainly be a reflection on the communi ty that would cause or suffer it to be done. JOHN KENNEDY. JAMES LIDDELL. THOS. W. GILSON. | Wax Department, ) Office Indian A fairs, April 11, 1638. J > Gentlemen: —I enclose a copy of general! order No. 7, by which you will perceive that \ Major General Scott has been assigned to the command of the troops in the Cherokee coun- • trv. It is his intention to be at Athens by the; 16th of May, and in accordance with his in structions, to put the Indians on the route for the West at the earliest moment, alter the ex piration of the time named in the treaty for lheir removal. You will disseminate this in formation generally, and exert yourselves to J»ave all the arrangements committed to you completed, and to give effect to the operations ot the Major General. Ver}* respectfully, Your most ob’t serv’t, C. A. HARRIS, CmawnV. .Afro/#. John Kennedy. TWw. If. Ifi/roa, .and James Liddell. or Mislaid. A Nets of hand given by Harris Smberry to ‘W William T. Pries for one Thousand Dollars, due Mth December, 1837, wtih two Credits thereon; for owe Hundred and foriynins Dollars **‘ d mt* dated soms time »a January JB3B. she other for two Hundred Dollars, dated some ume »n March, J®». The maker is furwaroed from payw»g •* to any person but myself. WILLIAM T PRICK. May U-K-* ♦ From the Washington Chronicle. MR. CLAY AND THE ABOLITIONISTS. The Lynchburg Virginian regards it as unfair in us to connect the name of Mr. Clay with the Abolitionists. We certain ly mean to do Mr. Clay no intentional in justice. The attitude he has assumed in ref erence to these infuriates is one of bis own choice, be that what it may. We regret to think it is not such an one as the interests of the South would have indicated,' and we will frankly tell the Virginian why we think so. Not that we hope to change the opinions of the editor, (fortified as they are by feelings of strong personal and political attachments,)— but merely with the view of justifying our own. That Mr. Clay is not as sound as he might be in regard to this great question we infer from his expressed opinions, his acts, and his political connections; And First. As to his opinions—Mr. ‘C. docs not hesitate to declare that he regards slavery as “an evil, moral, social and political.” This, we believe, he declared in his place at the last session of Congress. In this he concurs en tirely, with the Abolitionists; and the only point of difference between them is, as to the means of removing this evil. We never can regard that man as sound on this subject who admits our system of domestic slavery to be a sin in the sight of Heaven —and a source of great political and social mischiefs. In a let ter now before us, written by Mr. Clay to Messrs. McEllory and Mash, dated from Ash land, March 271 h, IS37—he does indeed ab jure abolitionism, immediate abolitionism but in terms by no means satisfactory, wheth- , er we regard their tone or substance. He ; says, after talking of “the evil which afiVtt our country, in respect to its population.” 1 ‘*l regret extremely the agitation of the question of immmediate abolition. Without impugning the motives of those who are con- j cerned in it—indeed with great respect for | some of them, I must say in all sincerity, that j 1 do believe it is attCuuCu With unmiXed inis- . chief. It does no good, but harm to the slave; , feelings and prejudices between different parts ; of the Union, and it injures the very cause ' which it professes to espouse. Instead o! ad vancing, I believe that it hits thrown back to an indefinite time the cause of gradual eman cipation—the only mode of getting nd ol slavery that has been ever thought to be sale, prudent or wise in any of the States in which slavery now exists.” These termes do not sound well in our ears —coming as they do from a Southern man. The difference between immediate and gradu al emancipation is not a matter to be discussed with the Abolitionists; nor is the proper tone assumed. Mr. Clay must have known that these incendiaries were organising themselves into a political party; and standing before the country as he does, he should have usedjan guage less liable to be construed into a con, ciliating appeal to the favor of the party. It would be next to impossible lor those who suspect the soundness of his opinions and feel ings in regard to slavery, to infer any other conclusion from the style and tone of his letter, than that he was disposed to neutralize, at least, if not to conciliate these incendiaries. But we will not stop to indulge in remarks; but, passing over his opinions in regard to slavery, both as a member, and as the Pres ident of the Colonization Society, we would direct the attention of the Virginian to the i present course of Mr. Clay—for, i Secondly— as to his acts —Mr. C. has some I need to explain himself to the Southern Peo j pie. Why did he absent himself from the I meeting of the southern members last Decern ber, when the insulting animadversions of his ; political friends, Messrs Adams and Slade, I drove them from the Halil Why did he not join in tho deliberations of his colleagues? Why did he not unite with them in devising the means of vindicating the rights and honor of the Southern people’ We have seen but one answer given to these interrogatories; i and if that be the true one (we do not vouch 1 it,) we do not hesitate to say that, incur hum ; blc opinion, Mr. C. is more to be dreaded by the South, than are the entire array of Nor ! them Abolitionists. Will the Virginian be i pleased to assign what he considers, or may i be authorized to say, were the reasons of this desertion of Mr. Clay, when the whole of the Southern delegation in Congress were so indignant and deeply agitated? Again —When Mr.JCalhoun introduced his resolution in the Senate containing a consti ; tutionnl exposition of the righis and obliga tions of the States, especially in reference to ' slavery, why was Mr. Clay so silent during . the discussion that ensued? Why did he pre ' fer to give silent votes on a subject of such I deep and absorbing interest to the South’ ‘ Surely his silence could not have Resulted from ! any usual disinclination to express his senti • ments. On all matters of common concern, ; small and great, he usually bears his part in ' the debates; but on this one, this most impor tan! of ail, he is either silent, or if he speaks, j speaks only to embarrass and oppose. The I sth and oth resolutions of Mr. Calhoun were Wisd n . Ju st ice, and Moderation. ' * ROKEIS, IFWYD COUNTY, GEORGIA, MAV22, 1838. in the following Words: “5. That the intermeddling of any State or States, or their citizens, to abolish slavery in this District, or any of the Territories, en the ground, or under the pretext, that it is immor al or sinful; or the passage of any act or measure of Congress, with that view, vould be a direct and dangerous attack on tie in institutions of all the slaveholding Staten “6. That the union of the States rests on an equality of rights and advantages among its members; and that whatever destroysthat equality, tends to destroy the union itself;and that it is the solemn duty of all, and more es pecially of this body, Which represents the States in their corporate capacity, to resistall attempts to discriminate between the Stetes in extending the benefits of the Government to the several portions of the Union; and tlat to refuse to extend to the Southern and Wes tern States any advantage which would teid to strengthen, or render them more secure, ar increase their limits or population by the ai nexation of new Territory or States, on the assumption or under the pretext that the insti tution of slavery as it exists among themj a immoral or sinful, or otherwise obnexious, would be contrary to that equality of rights and advantages which the Constitution was intended to secure alike to all /he members of the Union, and would in effect, disfranchise the slaveholding Slates, withholding from ; them the advantages, while it subjected them ‘ to the burdens of the Government.” Now, we would ask, whatis there in these resolutions to which a Southern man, —a sound Southern slaveholder might not readily yield his assent? Is there any tling inserted in them to which Southern geniemen can rea sonably object? Do they not, indeed, embody, not the spirit of the Constitution only, but the opinions of the Southern people generally, without distinction of party? We are persua ded they do, and, if the vote could be taken, we do not believe that five hundred men South of Manson’s and Dixon’s fine, could who would vote against them. And why did Mr. Clay speak and vote against them? Why did he throw in the Senate the brands of di vision and discord, and finally defeat their passage, when our firm and manly friends’ from the North, showed every disposition to maintain them? Why should the opposition have come frwin him —a Suutliciri man, and a slaveholder? These, too, are questions to be answered, —and acts to be explained. Thirdly— as to his political connections. We need not tell the Virginian that the Na. tional Republicans, in Congress and out of it, are the political friends of Mr. Clay—that be himself is a National Republican, and gave to the party at one and the same time, a leader and a name. We need not tell the country that these National Republicans, (of the North ) speak and vote against us on all these delicate questions growing out of our system of slavery. We have, in recent cases, shown this from the Journals of Congress—and the fact stands out in bold relief, undisputed and undisguised, every day. They vote against their own political associates of the South on these questions; and show, by the fact, that they act upon antagonist principles, or are in fluenced by opposite persuasions and feelings, stronger than the tough ties of party. This conclusion is inevitable, —and carries with it no weight? Shall we aid in placing men in power, who feel and act thus in such a ques tion as this? AV hat, we would ask, is the real, the essential diflerenco between the Nor thern Nationals mid Abolitiemsls, in regard to the power of Congress over the subject of \ slavery, and the expediency of exercising I that power? Will the Virginian tell us? for 5 we protest, before Heaven, that we have been I unable, with all the opportunities we enjoy, to : discover the difference. We, therefore, call I on the Virginian to state the difference, if any ;there be. And with what party are the Abolitionists acting? From what wo see of their papers, we are compelled to believe that they are uni i ting and acting with the Nationals, on ac ' count of the identity of their views. It is ! true, they, or some of them, pretend to put all mere party considerations under foot; but no ’ one can doubt as to their course. A writer in i the last Boston Liberator, (Garrison’s paper,) ! dees, indeed, deprecate an union with political parties; but in such away as to show, he | contemplates such an union. From the Globe. | Policy of Mr. Biddle and the Federalists in Postponing indefinitely a resumption ojSpe~ I de Payments.— Were 1 a friend to the Feder ; alists, I would advise them, as they ever hope for victory over the settled dislike and long ! cherished suspicions of the people of the Uni ted States, to abandon their desperate policy. I But 1 am not their friend, at least while they persevere in their ruinous course; nor will I * pretend to be. The advice of an honest, iopen enemv, is, however, at their service; I and I beg leave to assure them, it is not to be ; despised. I was born among the people, have I lived among the people, and mean to die . among the people; I therefore flatter myself I know something about them. In the first place, I beg leave to assure the Federalists that the generality of the people of the United States are no fools. They comprehend the difference between siding with the enemy and siding with their country; they can tell an argument from a declamation, and truth from falsehood; they can even tell their friends from their foes, in a clear day; and, what the Federalists may deem very re markable, can make out to distinguish the man that empties their pockets from him who fills them. In short, they know the difference between freedom and slavery, almost as well as their betters. Such being the case, I would respectfully advise the Federalists to treat the people of the United States as ra tional beings. This is the first step to regain ing their confidence. In the second place I would earnestly ad monish the Federalists to give these good peo pie a little credit for patriotism. lam will ing to confess—for 1 live with and know them well —that the everlasting clamors, discuss ions, and controversies about banks, currency, and the credit system, have generated among them new and exaggerated ideas of the im portance of money, and made them love it a little too dearly. The constant agitation of these subjects, and the succession of fluctua tions, have inevitably forced them deep in their minds, and given, perhaps, a sordid tinge to their character. But he who believes that this has smothered the spark of patriotism in their bosoms, reckons without his host. Only put them to the knife, and I dare swear you will find them true game. Even Mr. Biddle’s great specific of “suffering” will not entirely quell their inborn attachment to liberty and their native land. In the third place, I would advise them, if they will not consent tea divorce of Bank and State, at least to divorce from the rag barons", the scrip nobility, who have the English name of “Conservative,” in order to cloak ther sneaking kindness for aristocratic distinctions. The ancient and patriotic race of Federalists, who I really be lieve loved their country better than banks, paper money and high dividends —though I must confess they had a queer way of show ing it—the men of real substance, property, and respectability, will only be ruined in the end by an alliance with the iipstart spawn of this ignoble Ragocracy. The two great an tagonist principles in political economy are real value and imaginary value. . These can. not exist together, for any length of time, without the former being devoured by the lat ter, which is an insatiate hungry phantom, a vacuum that swallows up every thing real and substantial. On the contrary, there is a natural and in seperable alliance between labor and property. They are futhev and son, and should never be divorced except by death. Labor first ac cumulates property, and without the assistance of the labor of others, property would be the most worthless of all possessions; for it is from the exertions of labor wealth derives all its enjoyments; yet, strange to say, property and labor are almost always at logerheads together. Whose fault is this? Is it the fault of tho rich or the poor, or both? Or shall wo lay it al the door of that old scape goat, human nature. But this would lead to a long disquisition, which, like most things of the sort might re sult in no practical good. All I shall say on the subject is, that the sooner the real sub stantial wealth of the land cuts itself adrift from this dangerous alliance with the cham pions of irredeemable shin-plasters, and re turns to the embraces of its honest old help mate, labor, the better for the safety of its permanent interests. Tjie paper phantom, like the Madagascar bat, will settle upon it one of these nights, and suck all the blood out of its body. As the first step to this, let them throw that profane, unsanctified Jonas, the Bank of the United States, with its pitot, overboard. They think it their sheet anchor, but it is only a great mill-stone about their necks, sinking them deeper and-deeper into the ocean of in extricable ruin. In attempting to crush this monster, the Democratic Republicans are the best friends they have in the world. Wheth. er as principal or auxiliary in this war against real property, industrious labor, and equal rights, that institution, under the direction of its obstinate or pliant master, is destined to be the “Cleopatra for which Marc Antony lost the world.” It is a source of innate, incura ble weakness to the party; and of all the perverse blunders of Federalism, identifying itself with that obnoxious bank, is the great est it ever committed. Why, it is the rally ing point—l might almost say, the only rally ing point —against which the Democracy of the North, and the State Rights men of the South and West, can unite; and united, they will always be irresistible. Throw Jonas overboard, then, I ray, or your vessel is lost forever. A LOOKER-ON. Al way* proclaim th* fault# of other*. Ther* should be no accrete in a republican government. LOOKING AHEAD. To defeat the movements of politicians wo must exercise incessant vigilance. The pe culiar character of our free" Government sub jects it more than any other to the mischiefs resulting from demagogueism. No scheme however wild and delusive will be long with out advocates in high places if it gain favor with the multitude. Politicians, (for by such name they are called,) are ever on the alert to seize the occasion and the subject to ad vance their designs, no matter at what ulti> mate costs to the community. Hobbies ever stand ready caparisoned on which they mount, or from which they dismount, just as the ex istinff rsflnirps. (iur thr* Nationals, are the most remarkable people on earth for these hobbies. They are ever riding on some one or other, Jehu-like, neck or nothing. The Bank—the Tariff—lnter nal Improvements—Abolition—Morgan ab ductions, and Lovejoy martyrdoms—every thing—all events great and small, seem to furnish them with hobbies. And what is worthy of remark they never fail to ride them to death. There are two, however, which appear to have better wind than any they have yet had in training. We allude to the bank and the Tariff. They started these in 1791—and though again and again broken down, they have been, after allowing time to blow, brought out on the course. The former is now fully caparisoned and ready for the word “Go.” The riders, however, (for there are two of them,) are of fearful avoirdupois;—-and there is every reason to apprehend a stumble and a, fall. The latter is merely in training, and will be ready to start some years hence. Mr. Webster has already given notice that after 1842 he shall examine its condition, and if found ot sound wind, will start it again. In anticipation of this, several journals are throw ing out suggestions, and preparing the public mind for the event. The last Cincinnati Ga zette, in some remarks on free banking, lets fall the following observations: “Notwithstanding the policy, adopted after much experience, it is now loudly claimed in New York, that banking must be free;— as farming is free, so must banking be free; — that every thing does best when free, — -free Iraae—rfree banking— -free everything. Wo have tried an approximation, to free trade, and the result is, we shall have to trot back to the Tariff, pretty fast, or do worse— create a magnificent public debt.” This is easy to be understood. The fear of a “magnificent public debt,” is to drive tho country back into the Tariff snare, just as the present outcry against the “union of the purse and the sword”—“one currency for the Government and another for the People,”— “separating the Government from the People,” dfc. 4*c. i$ ta force us into the embrace of a National bank. These are the cunniag de vices of skilful tacticians; and though tho stratagems may fail of their intended effect, it is well to keep an eye on them and their authors. We must be prepared for the emer gency when it arrives, and not permit our selves to be caught sleeping on our posts. . If the national, or Federal, or Consofida tion, or Whig party once gain the ascendency in the councils of the country —if power should ever pass into their hands —we have no earthly doubt, but that it will be employed to revive and establish these two kindred and odious measures. Federalism in this country cannot possibly exist without .them. They furnish the daily food on which it subsists. — Without them it would be starved out of exis tence. Observing the course of this party—and i knowing well its favorite policy, it is an in cumbent duty of those who control the affairs of Government to anticipate the movements ahead, and to strip their opponents of all pre texts for u revival <>f these overthrown and detested measures. ’’First, By separating the Government from the banking institutions, and returning as speedily as possible to the wise policy prescribed by the Constitution. knd-~Secondly, by adopting a rigid system of economy in the public expenditures. These are essential to success. No administration can be popular that disregards these wise and salutary precepts. Splendid schemes which once won the popular approbation by their magnificence, have had their day—and can no more delude. Economy—accountability, and a strict adherence to the plain principles of the Republican party, are the only means left to ensure popularity to any administration. By these, and these only can we hope to de feat the sinister contrivances of the Federal party, and secure the permanent ascendancy of the doctrines for which we have contended from the foundation of the Republic. Virtue is the only true nobility.— The inso lence of pedigree, the pomp of titles and the pride of wealth are reduced to nothing, when contrasted with the dignity of genuine virtue. Wealth, fame, influence and power c*n none of them be attained without much pain and application. NO 18.