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PRIVATE PROPERTY DISPUTE
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 31, 1963 GEORGIA BULLETIN .PAGE 3
Mrs. Murphy’s Civil Rights - Balancing Oppossing Views
The following article is reprinted
with kind permission from the Octo
ber 19 issue of America, National
Catholic Weekly Review, published by
Jesuit Fathers at New York,
BY WILLIAM J. DAVIS, S. J.
Of the many witnesses to come before the Senate Com
merce Committee, testifying against the public-accom
modations section of the President’s civil rights bill,
perhaps none was more eloquent or forceful than Gov.
Farris Bryant, of Florida. In a packed Senate Caucus
Room, he told the Senators that he came “to argue thet
case for freedom.”
Customers are free to trade where they please, but
this civil rights bill would deny owners a like freedom.
If a customer can walk into a store, look over the
owner or the merchandise, and then decide not to buy,
for any reason whatsoever, or even for no reason at
all; if he can base his decision even on the looks of the
storeowner-then “the owner of the property ought to
have the same freedom.” So runs the argument of
Governor Bryant, and so runs the argument in the
minds of many reasonable men who seem genuinely
concerned about Federal interference with the rights
of property owners.
To resolve the apparent conflict between civil rights
and property rights, it is necessary to take a second
look at our traditional view of private property. Just
what rights, for instance, does the now famous Mrs.
Murphy have in the running of her boardinghouse?
For Sirs. Murphy, and for Americans generally, the
right of ownership is an unassailable absolute. 1
earned this property. It’s mine. I can do with it as I
please.” Some such expression of absolute ownership,
including use, rises spontaneously to the lips of most
Americans. Even those who cannot justify this right
philosophically know that it is somehow guaranteed
as God-given and inalienable, and the presumption is
one of absolute independence in the ownership of
property. The defenders of Mrs. Murphy contend that
she (or her family) built her establishment independ
ently and that she therefore can expect to do as she
pleases with it. They decry government interference as
an infringement on her right to own and dispose of her
property freely.
Their argument begins with the fact that this prop
erty was gained by private initiative. Was it really? Did
the Murphys mill the boards that built it? Did they
smelt the steel that fashioned the tools that drove the
nails? While the building was under construction, who
grew the wheat and ground the flour and ran the rail
roads and provided the thousand and one other serv
ices that the Murphys used? And even more funda
mentally, who settled the land and built a society and
maintained law and order, so that this building could
be constructed? “Private” initiative, in any absolute
sense, is a myth.
But if Mrs. Murphy could not originally acquire her
boardinghouse without the aid of society, neither can
she now maintain it “privately.” How can she keep it
safe from thieves? How can she be assured that the
commodities she needs to run it will not skyrocket
beyond her means through the action of monopolists?
How can she be assured that the food she buys for her
guests will not poison them? And finally, how can she
be secure from those today who have sworn to "bury
her”?
The point is obvious. The individualist’s exaggerated
view of private endeavor is one of the greatest hoaxes
ever to slip into the stream of conventional wisdom. No
one owns a boardinghouse, or anything else for that
matter, without being in partnership with a tremen
dously complex, co-operating, interrelated organism
known as society. Like it or not, we are interdependent.
And if property cannot be gained independently or
maintained independently, then neither can it be used
in total independence.
To say that owners have the right to do whatever
they please with their property, irrespective of society,
is simply false. St. Thomas Aquinas, while defending
the right to acquire private property, makes it very
clear that this right does not carry with it the right
of indiscriminate use. The disposal of private goods
must be in accord with the primary destiny of all goods
—service of man. As Ambrose Farrell, O. P., puts it:
“Ownership of every kind is a stewardship carrying
with it social obligations.”
Traditionally, we have emphasized the fact that
man’s very nature demands a measure of independent
ownership. But what we must bear in mind, while in
sisting on this “natural” right, is that man’s nature is a
social nature and demands a concern for society even
in his ownership. It is not as though man has independ
ent rights to which are added a few social riders. The
fact is that the right itself is essentially colored by
man’s social nature.
The social character of private property, therefore,
is not a sort of afterthought of only relative impor
tance. It is of the very essence of private property. Re
view the traditional arguments for private property
and you will find that they all reduce to one: private
property is the best way to make our God-given fund
of material goods serve the common good of all man
kind. The truth is that the social character of property
is absolute; its private character is relative.
This is not to say, as Saint-Simon, Comte and their
camp followers said, that society is the real owner of
all property. Individuals are true owners, but society
has a vested interest in their ownership. Especially
those “private” businesses that draw constantly from
the public must, in turn, recognize the rights of the
public. If they do not, then public authority must
intervene.
Some might object that government intervention is
bad. In a sense it is; it’s too bad. In fact, in a sense,
it is tragic, because it is an indication that we as in
dividuals have not recognized and fulfilled our social
obligations. Because of our failure, government inter
vention becomes necessary and its desirability is no
longer the question. And if there is danger involved
(as there admittedly is) in such intervention, we have
no one to blame but ourselves for failing to act on the
individual or local level. We cannot hide behind an
irrational hostility to public authority when we our
selves have necessitated the expansion of that authority.
Exaggerated individualism has traditionally blasted
all social reforms with bromides about freedom from
interference, private rights, private initiative, and
creeping socialism. But the ironic truth is that no one
makes social reforms more necessary than does the
individualist. Numerous social problems, calling for
government regulation, are the direct result of his
IT
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MIKE & STEVE
SERTICH
ROME (NC) — Council Fat
hers who have their seats on
the Gospel side of the council
hall in St. Peter’s can watch
a mysterious amber light on a
camera posted just behind a big
statue of the Prince of theAos-
tles.
The light Is bright red when
flashed on, and when It Is, that
means Pope Paul VI Is watch
ing!
IN HIS PRIVATE study :
the Pontiff has a special tele
vision receiver which he uses
from time to time to follow
council proceedings. The amber
light Is his link.
"The Father's eye," the eng
ineers In charge have called it.
"When 'll Papa' is looking,"
they say, "the
behave. . .!"
boys' better
V
RYBERTW
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November 21-24
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SINCE HE IS probably the
best known among the coun
lay auditors, Ralmondo Manz-
ini, editor of the Vatican City
newspaper "L'Osservatore Ro
mano," has been given a spec
ial title by some of the bis
hops:
They like to call him endea
ringly and facetiously, "Father
Auditor."
THE ITALIAN for "Father"
being "Padre," and "Padre"
being the title used for priests
who are Religious, Manzlnl
feels -rather complimented oc
cupying the unique position of a
"lay padre"!
Archbishop Perlcle Fellcl,
the council's general secretary,
Is a pretty strict boss. He sees
to it that order is kept in the
hall.
HE HAS announced that he
does not want to see council
Fathers wandering about behind
their seats during debates.
No promenading! says his
oral ukase.
Of course, the bishop may go
to the much-used coffee lounge,
but there they find another
"Verboten": **No smoking."
IT IS TOUGH for some of
them, but the fire hazard In
St. Peter's is to serious to take
a chance on, even in cloak
rooms.
laissez-faire principles. Granted, for instance, that I can
do as I please with my property, then naturally enough
I can shift the location of my plant without regard to
employee dislocation; I can hire and fire without re
gard for collective bargaining; I can engage in rack-
renting, in real-estate speculation, and in a host of
other activities that result in social harm. Discrimina
tion against Negroes caps a long list of abuses resulting
from the liberalist view of “the sanctity of private
property.”
In fact, even the various forms of collectivism, which
‘he individualists so universally fear, frequently follow
from this same false premise of the absolute nature of
private property. Given the assumption that owner
ship carries with it the right to use things as the owner
pleases, then the only way to correct misuse is by a
change of ownership. And sp the various collectivist
systems conclude that the state must become sole
owner if society is to benefit properly from material
wealth. Even Catholic writers sometimes leave the im
pression that the only solution to the problem of in
justice is some impractical equalization of ownings,
and, in so doing, neglect to stress the social obligations
of those who are owners.
In correcting abuses, however, we must not make
the mistake of the collectivists. Government interven
tion must itself be controlled by strict limits. The day
will never come when the right of ownership will be
justly absorbed by the state. Private property will nevei
become obsolete. It will remain as long as man is man.
The forms that ownership takes may need constant
readjustment by social authority to bring them in-line
with their essential purpose; but that authority can
not swallow up the basic right.
O bviously, if individuals and lesser organizations
realize their responsibilities, the state need not
and ought not to step in; but when we on the lower
level fail, then it is the responsibility of the govern
ment to see to it that community rights are not tram
pled on by individuals. In Quadragesimo Anno Pius
XI insisted, while reiterating the warning to leave to
subordinate groups as broad a control as possible, that
public authority has not only the right but the duty
to make adjustments in the matter of ownership. His
words bear quoting at length:
It follows from what We have termed the individual
and at the same time social character of ownership
that men must consider in this matter not only their
own advantage but also the common good. To de
fine these duties in detail when necessity requires
and the natural law has not done so is the function
of those in charge of the state. Therefore public au
thority, under the guiding light always of the natural
and divine law, can determine more accurately, upon
consideration of the true requirements of the com
mon good, what is permitted and what is not per
mitted to owners in the use of their property. (§ 49)
A Catholic can hardly deny the right of the state to in
tervene in the use of property for the common good, as
indeed the state already does by a number of accepted
practices, such as lawsuits to redress injuries, zoning
laws and eminent domain.
The attitude we should take toward such interven
tion was well expressed by Mayor Ivan Allen Jr., of
Atlanta, Ga., testifying before the Senate Commerce
.FA2L i
Committee in favor of the civil rights bill. Asked about
Federal intrusion into businesses in his city, he replied
that such government actions as child-labor laws, cer
tain labor laws thpmselves, wage-and-hour acts and
the like can hardly be considered “intrusions” since,
for the most part, they have been “for the benefit of
most of the people of the country.”
Finally—and this question. brings us back to Mrs.
Murphy—when should the government act? Obviously,
too much government interference will create more
evils than it corrects; but too little is equally harmful.
When the state moves, it must keep all aspects of the
common good in mind. Property has a social aspect,
but it also has a private aspect. The state must preserve
both. When a business is small and relatively more
private, as we will presume is the case with the Mur
phy boardinghouse, the state should not interfere di
rectly, even though Mrs. Murphy may be unjustly
drawing profit from the public without realizing her
social obligations to that public. But in the case of
those businesses that substantially affect the common
good, the state can and should interfere whenever
there is serious abuse.
And how decide what is a “Mrs. Murphy" boarding-
louse and what is a substantial business? Reason and
prudence must decide. Although we hate to give these
factors a place in this world of scientific exactness,
there is simply no substitute for them in human affairs.
They guide us in interpreting what is substantial in the
Clayton Act and in other acts; they must likewise
guide us in the present matter. Perhaps, as has been
suggested, the Murphys can be separated from the
non-Murphys by the $10,000 gross-income level. Some
division point must be agreed upon to preserve both
privacy and public good. And while $10,000 is an arbi
trary figure, it does not seem an unreasonable one. If
someone thinks otherwise, he can advance reasons why
the division point should be moved up or down, but he
ought not to attack the very principle of the govern
ment’s right to regulate.
In conclusion, therefore, let me return to the prob
lem posed by Governor Bryant. He has shrewdly ap
praised the civil rights issue as a struggle “between
conflicting demands for freedom.” But are the demands
for freedom equally justified on both sides, or are
owners demanding freedoms that were never theirs?
Those who make private property an unassailable ab
solute stretch property rights beyond reason. And if
they have their way, they will not only destroy an im
portant civil rights bill; they will strip social authority
of the very possibility of effective reform. They will
hack away from free society its strongest bulwark—its
capacity for self-adjustment and reform.
There is no solution to “the conflicting demands for
freedom” if we accept the individualist assumptions
about the nature of ownership. The solution Governor
Bryant suggests-to allow the owners the freedom to
continue to make errors—is intolerable when so large
a portion of the public, indeed, when the whole nation,
is suffering from those errors. The Communist or So
cialist solution—to make the state the sole owner—is
likewise intolerable in view of man’s nature. This con
flict can be resolved only by admitting that our right
of ownership bears within it social responsibilities
which should be promoted by the reasonable, con
trolled and limited intervention of social authority.
Holy Father Warns
‘Peace’ Is Abused
BARREN GROUND FOR DEMOCRACY?—Recent military coups
in the Dominican Republic and Honduras marked the collapse
of two more democratic regimes in Latin America. Added
to nations already under military rule and dictatorships in
Cuba, Haiti and Paraguay, other sore spots are shown on
this map of Latin America: El Salvador, where military un
rest is high; Venezuela, top target of communists; Colom
bia, hard hit by Castro terrorists, and Brazil, scene of “guer
rilla” labor strikes and inflation.
St Paul Parish Assists Victims
ST. PAUL, Minn. The
pastor of the Birmingham Negro
church In which four girls died
In a September bombing has ex
pressed thanks to a Catholic
parish here for Its sympathy.
The Rev, John H, Cross, pas
tor of the 16th Street Bapto..
church In Birmingham, said
"we have been strengthened in
the way that persons of both
racial groups have pledged their
support and have offered pray
ers in our behalf."
VATICAN CITY (NC) —
Pope Paul VI has urged mem
bers of the Pax Chris ti move
ment not to stray from their
role of spreading the peace of
Christ and to be award of the
abuses of the word "peace."
The Pope received members
of the international Catholic
movement devoted to encourg-
ing peace which was founded af
ter World War II in an audie
nce led by Maurice Cardinal
Feltin of Paris, president of
the movement.
"YOUR FIRST concern," he
said, "should be not to devia
te from the ‘guideline that has
bean laid down for you. In the
world in which we are living—
you know it better than others—
there Is an abuse of the word
'peace'. . .which, has been the
cause of setting men against
each other instead of uniting
them.
"Let it be clear that the pe
ace for which you are working
is and will always be that which
has been so beautifully defined
by Our predecessor, John XXIII,
in his memorable encyclical
Pacem In Terris, the peace
whose name is borne by your
movement: . the peace of Ch
rist, Pax Christ!."
HE WARNED members of the
movement to avoid involving the
Church in areas not related to
the peace of Christ, and urged
the essentially European or
ganization to consider enlarging
its scope outside of Europe.
"Because the peace of Christ
has no limits," he said, "It is
a common good, given to every
one, which puts out roots and
strengthens itself as It grows.
Various circumstances have not
permitted the movement to en
large beyond European boun
daries up till now, Has not the
moment arrived to apply the
"Due in altum' (Lead upward),
of the Gospel? And what bat
ter occasion than the ecumenl-
wlth the episcopates of those
countries where establishment
of the movement might seem to
be needed and possible?"
Churches Robbed
LOUISVILLE, Ky. (NC)
Theft of three chalices and a ci-
borlum together valued at
$1,000 has been reported by St.
Brlgld church, eighth Louisville
parish to be robbed In the past
14 months. Eight Catholic chur
ches in the East End of Louis
ville have been robbed since
September, 1962, In most cases
chalices have been the chief ob
jects stolen.
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