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PAGE 4 GEORGIA BULLETIN THURSDAY, AUGUST 12, 1965
the
Archdiocese of Atlanta
SERVING GEORGIA'S 71 NORTHERN COUNTIES
Official Organ of the Archdiocese of Atlanta
Published Every Week at the Decatur DeKalb News
’*fss
PUBLISHER- Archbishop Paul J. Hallinan
MANAGING EDITOR Gerard E. Sherry CONSULTING EDITOR Rev. R. Donald Kiernan
ASSOCIATE EDITOR Rev. Leonard F. X. Mayhew
Member of the Catholic Press Association
and Subscriber to N. C. W. C. News Service
_ . U. S. A. $5.00
Telephone 231-1281 Canada $5.00
Second Class Permit at Atlanta, Ga. Foreign $6.50
2699 Peachtree N. E.
P. O. Box 11667
Northside Station
Atlanta, Georgia 30305
Planned Parenthood?
The Planned Parenthood As
sociation is presently sponsoring
ten-second commercials on tele
vision in the Atlanta area. The
text of these commercials is as
follows:
“All faiths agree that family
planning is acceptable in our ex
panded world. Bring this vital
service to Atlanta. Join Plan
ned Parenthood. . .’*
These commercials seem
harmless enough except for the
fact there can well be a difference
as to what is meant by “Plan
ned Parenthood** and “Family
Planning’*. We therefore would
like to make an observation con
tained in a recent statement by
Archbishop Paul J. Hallinan. In
reiterating the Catholic position
on birth control, the Archbishop
said:
“A married couple living in the
Catholic faith has a grave obli
gation of avoiding all means of
contraception. This is the pres
ent Catholic position, and Catho
lics accept this as a moral obli
gation. It is based upon the link
between means and end, the co
responsibility of the couple tow
ard Jfche^ marital ^act and preg-^
jnancy. Both theological and prac
tical discussion is- going on in
.Catholic circles, inciting the
Vatican Council. It may be that
the new medical and psychologi
cal insights may modify the pres
ent stand. However, at this time,
Catholics are bound to obey tbe
moral law as it is.
“The couple has the serious
duty of providing for their child
ren. In other words, parents must
approach family life lovingly, re
sponsibly, humanly, not as bio
logical entities nor as units of
the state. They are not animals
without human responsibilities,
nor creatures of the state without
personal rights and duties. They
must practise an inner discipline
whose dimensions are within
God’s law and whose fulfillment
is within human capability.
“At the present time the Pro
testant-Catholic moral consen
sus of fifty years ago on this
subject no longer exists. Ac
cordingly, there is no one man
ner acceptable to all faiths. I
distrust the militancy of the term
“mobilizing public opinion*’, and
the Church will surely protest
misrepresentations of her posi
tion, i.e. portraying approved
Catholic forms of family limita
tion as blanket approval of birth
control.’’
v We can only suggest that the
subject i shoyljd.»be ^djsejjssed,*in, 4
any community, “with iliSviliry, «
harmony and a regard for the
conscience of all concerned.With-
in that framework of good will,
there can be progress.
Hierarchy Anniversary
On August 15, 1790, Father John
Carroll of Maryland was conse
crated a bishop in LulworthCas
tle, Doruethshire, England, and
became the first member of what
was to become the American
Hierarchy. Today our Hierarchy
is celebrating the 175th anniver
sary of its establishment. And
from one, we have grown to the
present day total of over 250
bishops in the United States.
In the years following the
American Revolution, there were
between 20 and 25 priests in
the thirteen states, ministering to
about 25,000 Catholics in a total
population of 4,000,000. Most of
these were in Maryland (60%) and
in Pennsylvania (25%). Prior to
the Revolution, the Catholic
Church in the colonies was gov
erned from England by a Vicar-
apostolic (the name for a bishop
governing an area not yet estab
lished as a diocese).
I k / \
AN ALTAR BOY
NAMED "SPECK
4H$i& -
“Do you have any shrunken heads?”
After the Revolution, several
problems complicated the gov
erning of the American church.
Rome was not used to such a
small group of adherents among
a majority of Protestants, living
in a new country with a repub
lican form of government, over
3,000 miles away. Most of the
American priests had also been
Jesuits, and their Society had
been suppressed in 1773. Notun-
til the end of the 1780’s did it
become clear that these Catholics
would need a bishop, and that he
should be an Ordinary, a bishop
who resides and governs a dio
cese.
A native American was decid
ed upon even though several Vat
ican officials thought it should be
a European. Through a unique
privilege granted by the Holy See,
the American priests were allow
ed to present three names of
their fellow priests and suggest
their bishop as well as to decide
where he would reside.There upon
the Holy See selected John Car-
roll as the first American Bishop.
In saluting the American hier
archy, we are reminded of what
Pope Pius XII wrote in his ency
clical on the Mystical Body:
“Bishops, then, must be con
sidered as the nobler members of
the universal Church, for they
are linked in an altogether spec
ial way to the divine Head of the
whole body and so are rightly
called ‘most excellent among the
members of the members of the
Lord . . . So the honor which is
paid to bishops is no mere empty
ceremonial, but the response to
a sublime spiritual truth.
^#n/37/-
Gordian Knot
GEORGIA PINES
Never Bite The Hand
BY REV. R. DONALD KIERNAN
The other morning about eight o’clock I was at
the car - wash having niy automobile cleaned.
As I waited for the “chariot” to come through
the mass production line I noticed a little box
with a sign on top of itmarked "TIPS”. Now this
is one area of service that I don’t think too many
people give much thought. As soon as you drive
in someone lowers your atenna, another shakes
out the floor mats,: another runs the vacuum
and still another empties the ash trays. AH of
diisoperation is in split^timyi^w^ite^^motor-
i"* 4f £Ut gf th&icac and, nary a word is
>«i<&| l-ljllxj? Ill Tl
The noise of the blowers and the steam from
the tire cleaners provides a camaflage from
those attendants and nothing in
the line of service could be less
personal,
THE END of the line finds the
dryers climbing in, out, on top
of the car like ants at a picnic
and then someone blows the
horn and the motorist drives
off.
The thought of a tip for such impersonal ser
vice probably never occurs to the motorist, plus
the fact that he will probably get the same ser
vice whether he tips or not. So the big problem
is: how to make a service a personal thing at least
deserving of some extra remuneration.
Tipping has become a curse on the American
scene. Some employees are hired at low wages
predicatedon the fact that tips will more than com
pensate for their efforts. Even the government
has watchdogs out for those who neglect to de
clare their tips along with the wages.
I VENTURE to say that most people would be
anxious to tip provided that the one offering the
service went a little more than was expected.
However, it is hard to see the line of reasoning
from one who expects a tip and at the same time-
acts as if he is doing a real favor by even speak
ing.
Some private clubs have initiated rules for
bidding tipping. So strict are these rules that the
member can be suspended if he violates this law.
In addition a service charge of a stipulated amount
is attached to the bill for this purpose. Natural
ly, there are always a few who violate the rule
and consequently receive better service. Its only
natural that one never bites the hand that feeds
them. The only possible way to do away with this
1 (Sifiema on the American scen&-te-to pay decent
wages and-do away ®with tipjJ&ig altogether.-
We never tip the Doctor, the mailman, paper
boy or for that matter the clergyman. Suppose
that a clergyman expected a tip whenever he
gave; a nice service? The fact of the matter is
that there seems to be certain defined areas as
to who shouid be tipped, and undefined areas
as to what a reasonable but generous amount
should be given in a tip.
ON ONE BOAT TRIP I forgot to tip the wine
steward. As I was getting off the boat judging
from the look on his face I fully expected to
land in the water area between the boat and the
dock. When I realized my neglect and prepared
to rectify this tragedy his face changed colors
like a rainbow.
They tell the story of a priest who took a long
train ride. When he arrived at his destination
he gave the porter a five dollar tip. The poter
never changed his facial expression. Thinking
him to be ungrateful he called the porter’s at
tention to the size of the tip. With an air of satis
faction the porter replied that he had fully ex
pected a big tip from the good Father and added,
“you Fathers and the gangsters are the two big
gest tippers on the line”. Astonished, the priest
replied, "and why do you say that?” “Well,”
the porter retorted, "I guess that it is just a
case of easy come, easy go."
LATIN AMERICAN AID
Your World And Mine
BY GARY MacEOIN
Catholics of the United States are rapidly ex
panding their aid to the Catholic Church in Latin
America, Field workers are up by 48 per cent
to over 4,000 in the past three years, while train
ing facilities, orientation courses and grassroots
involvement have grown even faster.
Milestones in this movement were the estab
lishment of the Society of St, James the Apostle
by Cardinal Cushing in 1958;
the forming of a Latin American
bureau in the'central secretar
iat of the United States bishops
(NC WC) in Washington, D.C.,
in 1959; the creation of the Papal
Volunteers for Latin America
(PAVLA), a movement to re
cruit lay personnel, in 1963, a
year before President Kennedy
proposed the Peace Corps; and
the appeal by the Pope John XXIII in 1961 to the
religious orders of men and women in the United
States to send 10 per cent of their members to
work in Latin America within 10 years.
BEFORE 1958, U. S, Catholics generally consid
ered mission work as the specialized concern of
the religious orders, whose members undertook
a life-long commitment. Cardinal Cushing's ini
tiative tapped a new source. His Society con
sists of diocesan priests on loan from their bis
hop, and free to return to their diocese any time
they choose. The Papal Volunteers similarly in
volves a new group. They are lay people, married
or single, who contribute theirprofessional skills
for an agreed number of years.
Spurred on by NCWC’S Latin American bureau,
dioceses across the country have become involved
in these two programs. At latest count, 49 dio
ceses had 179 priests at work in Latin America,
74 of them as members of the Society of St.
James the Apostle. More than a hundred dio
ceses had named a director to recruit and ar
range for the training of Papal Volunteers, and 64
of them had workers in the field, to the total
number of 292, For independent but allied send
ing organizations had between them a further 67
lay Volunteers, The diocese or sending organiza
tion pays the volunteer’s transport and training
costs, and a subsistence allowance of about $40
a month.
Personnel from the United States are distribut
ed in 26 of the 35 independent nations or dependent
territories of the Latin American orbit. Heavy
concentrations are in Peru, Brazil and Puerto
Rico, with 589, 618 and 646 respectively. In all
cases they perform the work assigned them by
the local bishop. Their major distinctive con-
CONTINUED ON PAGE 5
BIRACIAL TALK
Americus Needs
BalmOfReason
BY GERARD E. SHERRY
As President Johnson was signing the voting
rights bill in Washington, I stood outside the Sum
ter County courthouse here and watched some 350
Americus Negroes arriving to register. Ledby
comedian Dick Gregory, they were repeating what
they had done for almottwo weeks—demonstrat-
ing their passionate desire to get the vote.
The, demonstrations in this small industrial
county seat in southwest Georgia are the latest
symbol of the con
tinuing travails of
the Negro in the
South. He has few
votes, hardly any
political repre
sentation, meager
jobs, little edu
cation and almost
no future.
REAPINGS
AT
RANDOM
The lot of the Negro in Americus is typical of
most small Deep South cities. He forms at least
50% of the population but has no representation
in local government. He is caged in one section
of the town and his only contact with the “white
folk” is as a servant or customer in a store.
WITHOUT THE right to vote and the political
power that accompanies it, his future is bleak.
With political power, he sees an end to the dirt
roads of "colored town”; he sees decent hous
ing, better educational facilities and greater job
opportunities. Most important of all, the Negro
wants to be accepted as an equal with the chance
to prove he is capable of running his own destiny
and in peace.
The "trouble” in Americus can be best de
scribed in the words of one of the Negroes lining
up to register: “I want the vote because I want
some say in my future and in the future of my
kids."
And the "trouble” can be best explained in
the words of a white bystander: "The nigr£ is
not ready for the vote. They are not educated
enough to use it right, and anyhow, the next
thing you know, they’ll take over the town. Can
you imagine what that would be like?”
THE AMERICUS Negroes are willing to stop
demonstrations if city officials will form a bi-
racial committee for the discussion of grievan
ces. But the white power structure wants an end
to demonstrations, a cooling-off period, and then
maybe they will talk.
The Negro sees this as a further stall in the
long struggle for progress. Americus city offi
cials also suggest that Negro grievances be taken
to the courts, not the streets. But the Negro can
rightly point .to. the facf that such litigation is not __
- only ifexpensivt?, it can takS years. /ntey-say-they 1 4k
have had enough experience with southern justice-
to know that local courts are seldom on their
side. Besides; “We want freedom, now!”
TTiere is a ray of hope for Americus. An unof
ficial biracial group has beenformed. Although it
is unacceptable to the city fathers, it is making
the first genuine contact between the races, and
in good faith. Its weakness lies in the fact that
unless it can get official backing for its dei«
cisions, it will be ineffective in securing the peace
ind harmony which almost all consider essential,
ANOTHER DIFFICULTY concerns the recent
murder of a 19-year-old white youth on July 28,
for which two Negro suspects have been indicted.
Many of the white population appear unforgiving
and blame the Negro leadership.
TTiere is also the charge of "outside agita
tors.” It is true that Dr. Martin Luther King’s
Southern Christian Leadership Conference
(SCLC), based in Atlanta, is assisting financially
and with staff workers. In addition, volunteer
demonstrators have arrived from other Georgia
cities and from outside the state. Other civil
rights groups, such as the Student Nonviolent Co
ordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Congress
on Racial Equality (CORE), are also active.
Civil rights groups have found that the so-call
ed importing of outside agitators is the only way
to make the white power structure sit up and take
notice of local Negroes. In almost every case,
taking complaints to the streets has been the only
way in which the southern Negro has been able
to publicize the white refusal to recognize him as
anything other than a second-class citizen. Once
such publicity has had its effect, white officials
have moved in some way to meet at least minimum
Negro demands.
SITUATIONS like that in Americus fester
for so long because city officials are often aided
in their resistance by inadequate or biased local
law enforcement officials. In Americus, civil
rights demonstrators have been attacked and as
saulted by whites while local police and some
state troopers looked on. Despite the fact that
television cameras and newspaper photographers
have proved this to be true, state and local offi
cials continue to deny that it ever happened.
The lack of police protection has led to some
Negroes arming themselves in retaliation for
white nightrider attacks. When one considers the
number of civil rights workers, Negro and white,
whose murders have gone unsolved, it is small
wonder that some Negroes are not sold on Dr.
King’s tactic of nonviolence.
These armed Negroes, however, are still small
in number and have no real organization. But
they are a symbol of the growing impatience at
what they call "white folk justice.”
NEGRO LEADERS in Americus and among the
national civil rights groups have denounced any
retaliation against white gun-toters. Some say it
is better to die than to strike back. But they are
also quick to point out the speed at which the law
enforcement agencies arrested the Negro suspects
CONTINUED ON PAGE 5