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Infant Formula Code:
U.S. Vote Criticized
WASHINGTON (NC) - The U.S. decision to cast
the lone vote against an international code for
marketing baby formula worldwide was criticized by
Auxiliary Bishop P. Francis Murphy of Baltimore and
American politicians.
At a meeting of the World Health Organization in
Geneva, Switzerland, the United States voted against
the standards, approved by 118 other nations,
including America’s Western European allies and
Third World states.
According to the Reagan administration, the code
would violate freedom of advertising.
The standards were adopted as a means of halting
what critics call the pushing of infant baby formulas,
used in lieu of natural mother’s milk, on people in the
Third World by international food companies.
Numerous church groups have called for a halt to the
practice by multinational corporations.
Opponents of the corporations say that 1 million
babies die yearly because of infant formula since the
formula is often mixed with contaminated water and
diluted too much or otherwise misused.
Between preliminary and final votes on the WHO
standards (May 20 and 21), Bishop Murphy called the
U.S. position “an act of subtle violence.” Other critics
included a number of U.S. congressmen.
Bishop Murphy said that “it is incomprehensible
to me that our American government could vote
against this code” and said that many Americans are
“disillusioned and stunned” by their government’s
action.
“I fail to see how our country can justify,
especially in light of our tradition of respect for the
individual rights of all people, the right of free
enterprise over the health and lives of millions of
infants in this world.”
He cited papal views that it is necessary to label as
such injustices and exploitation of people by others,
or by states, institutions or economic systems. Popes
for the last century have warned against “uninhibited
pursuits of economic gain,” he said.
Bishop Murphy addressed the issue as chairman of
the Baltimore Archdiocesan Justice and Peace
Commission. After careful review of Catholic
teaching of the sacredness of human life and
discussions with Nestle representatives, the
commission “has not been satisfied that the damaging
commercial marketing of infant formula has ceased.”
Nestle is one company criticized for its infant formula
marketing practices.
Abortion Ratio Is One
For Every Three Births
WASHINGTON (NC) - Reported abortions in the
United States continued to rise in 1978 and surpassed
the ratio of one abortion for every three live births, an
official of the Center for Disease Control (CDC) has
reported to Congress.
Dr. Carl W. Tyler, an assistant director for science
at the Atlanta-based federal health agency, told the
Senate separation of powers subcommittee during its
hearings on abortion May 20-21 that the 50 states and
the District of Columbia reported 1,157,776 legally
induced abortions in 1978, the latest year for which
CDC has obtained statistics.
That is an increase of 7 percent over the 1,079,4 30
abortions reported in 1977.
Tyler said the national abortion ratio also
increased by 7 percent, from 325 to 347 per 1,000
live births, pushing the ratio past the one-in-three
mark.
Tyler’s testimony before the subcommittee
included a number of abortion-related statistics,
including a report on the effect of “Hyde
amendment” restrictions on public funding of
abortion.
He said such restrictions had not increased the
number of illegal abortions, as some predicted would
be the effect of the restrictions. The restrictions also
had reduced the number of legal abortions obtained
by poor women, Tyler said.
Tyler reported that the typical woman obtaining
an abortion continues to be young, white and
unmarried.
He said 65 percent of women obtaining abortions
in 1978 were less than 25 years old, 67 percent were
white, and 74 percent were unmarried at the time of
the abortion.
Fifty-seven percent had had no live births, he said.
Among other statistics reported by Tyler were:
- Ninety-one percent of abortions were induced
within the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, 52 percent
within nine weeks;
- Nearly half of the abortions performed after 15
weeks were on women 19 years old or younger;
- Twenty-seven women died from abortion in
1978 - 11 after legally induced abortions, seven after
illegally induced abortions, and nine after
spontaneous abortions;
- The national abortion rate rose from 22 in 1977
per 1,000 females aged 15-44 to 23 per 1,000 in 1978;
- An estimated 30 million to 55 million abortions
are performed worldwide each year;
- The United States is sixth among the 18
countries of the world reporting abortion rates
(abortions per 1,000 females), and eighth among the
16 countries reporting abortion ratios (abortion per
1,000 live births).
BACK TALK
By Dr.Anas A. Khalaf
Doctor of Chiropractic
LOW BACK
AND LEG PAIN
As you slouch in the chair to ease the pain in
your low back, you are utilizing a certain
torque or traction to separate some of those
low back vertebra that are pressing on the
sciatic nerve.
So many of our patients have come to us
after using this relief for awhile, along with
patent medicines and sometimes even
prescribed medications.
They found that they did receive
“temporary relief from the debilitating pain,
but it kept coming back and eventually their
“solutions" could no longer take care of it.
What they had accomplished by waiting was
to let their disc problems become more firmly
entrenched and ultimately more difficult to
provide any correction.
In your low back, five nerve roots leave the
spinal cord and pass out of the protection of
the spine through small openings called
foramin. Outside the protection of the spine
they reunite to form the main sciatic trunk.
These roots must pass through the small
openings between the vertebrae and are
surrounded by the inter-vertebral disc,
ligaments, muscles and many other tissues.
Through an injury or stress, vertebrae may
be forced from their normal location and their
natural movements are restricted or totally
blocked. These misalignments may cause the
disc or other non-boney tissue around the
Dt. Anas A. Khalaf
nerves to “press on the nerve” and that “nerve
pressure” is the cause of the pain.
Again, you may have found that
“temporary solutions” will relieve the hurt for
awhile, but until the misaligned vertebra is put
back into its correct position it will continue to
cause “nerve pressure. ”
Your Doctor of Chiropractic is trained in
examination procedures and x-ray analysis to
determine if the low back and leg pain you may
be suffering can indeed be caused by a
misaligned vertebra.
Don’t let your problems deteriorate to the
point where correction is more difficult or
impossible.
Remember the five most dangerous words
are “MAYBE IT WILL GO AWAY.”
NOTE: Dr. Anas A. Khalaf maintains
Chiropractic office at: 3960 Peachtree Rd.,
N.E., Suite 400, Atlanta, Ga. (404) 231-3144.
In Brookhaven
One Mile North
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Across From Post Office
PAGE 7—The Georgia Bulletin, June 4, 1981
CARDINAL STEFAN WYSZYNSKI - 1901 - 1981
Indomitable Primate Of A Church At War
BY JOHN MAHER
NC News Service
Since World War II, he led the Catholic Church in a
country which had been declared an official atheistic state.
The dominant figure of the Catholic Church in Poland, a
country with an overwhelming Catholic population,
Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski had been primate and visible
head since 1948 when he was chosen to lead the Archdiocese
of Warsaw and Gniezno. His enormous personal strength
marked the Church’s relationship throughout the next 33
years with the Polish Communist government. In the 1950s
he was placed under house arrest for three years, and he was
a central figure and negotiator during 1980 and 1981 when
labor strikes threw Poland into turmoil.
When he died May 28 of cancer, an official church-state
commission announcement said the nation would observe
four days of mourning.
One measure of the stature of Cardinal Wyszynski is a
conversation that is said to have occurred in Milan, Italy,
where Cardinal Karol Wojtyla of Cracow, later to become
Pope John Paul II, the first Polish pope in history, was
attending a meeting.
“What percentage of Italian cardinals ski?” Cardinal
Wojtyla asked. Told that none of the Italian cardinals skied,
he said, “That’s a pity. Forty percent of the Polish cardinals
ski.”
“But how can that be?” his Italian confrere asked.
“There are only two cardinals in Poland. ”
“Wyszynski counts for 60 percent,” the future pope
replied with a smile.
The affection between the two men was evident at Pope
John Paul’s inauguration in St. Peter’s Square. In a break
with normal ceremonial precedence, Cardinal Wyszynski
was the second of the cardinals to pledge obedience to the
new pope. The pope arose as the cardinal approached and
when Cardinal Wyszynski knelt at his feet, the pope knelt
also and held the cardinal in a strong embrace.
At Czestochowa, during the pope’s triumphal return to
his homeland, he praised Cardinal Wyszynski as the driving
force behind the Polish church.
Cardinal Wyszynski had three lifelong loyalties: his
devotion to the Catholic Church, to the Polish nation and to
Our Lady of Czestochowa.
ANTITHESIS OF COMMUNISM
The primate, as he was always called, lived at a centrally
located Warsaw residence at 17 Miodowa (Honey) Street,
rebuilt after its total destruction during World War II. From
that residence the son of a village organist exercised a power
that some observers considered unrivaled in the universal
church.
He was head for life of the Polish Bishops’ Conference,
which meets six times annually, more often than any other
bishops’ conference. The Vatican policy was to name no
bishop in Poland without prior consent of the primate.
Cardinal Wyszynski’s personal strength and the “cult of
personality” built up around him were major factors that
kept the faith in Poland strong while the church in some
other Eastern European nations was dying.
“Think of the absolute antithesis of communism and
that’s Wyszynski,” a Polish-American priest who knew the
primate well once said.
The casual American visitor was sometimes put off by a
kind of pre-Vatican II awe which the figure of the primate
inspired. “I had to keep reminding myself that he’s on our
side,” said one American after a visit with the cardinal.
But the Poles said that, given the subtle but omnipresent
war against religion waged in Poland, a strong unifying
figure was essential for survival. “In a communist country,”
a Polish bishop said, “a church divided is a church dead.”
Polish church leaders admitted that there were strong
nationalist overtones in the image the primate projected.
“For centuries,” a Polish seminary professor said, “the
Polish primates ruled when there was no king. We often joke
that Wyszynski still believes in this concept of ‘inter-rex’
(interim king).”
For the tall, big-boned, handsome Cardinal Wyszynski,
the Polish nation and the Catholic faith were indivisible.
That mystical link was crystallized at the Jasna Gora
(Beautiful Mountain) Shrine to Our Lady of Czestochowa,
where he was consecrated bishop in 1946. His devotion to
the Black Madonna was all-inclusive.
In 1956, when Cardinal Wyszynski emerged from three
years of house arrest for not endorsing the government’s
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imprisonment of another bishop, he attributed his release to
the Black Madonna. Leaving the train in Rome on his way to
receiving the red hat promised while he was under arrest, he
said, “I bring you the blessing of Our Lady of
Czestochowa.”
OVERTURES TO GOVERNMENT
Despite vestiges of triumphalism, a strong Marian
devotion and ardent nationalist feelings, the cardinal was
not an immovable conservative.
On the political front, he tried early to reach a modus
vivendi with the Communists. In 1950, he signed an
agreement in which the church recognized the Communist
government in return for liberties that were never fully
granted. When Wladislaw Gomulka came to power in 1956,
the cardinal emerged from arrest and initialed a similar
agreement, with similar lack of results.
Even critics said that his hard-line stance against the
government, clearly voiced in his periodic hour-long
sermons, was the fault of the authorities. “The primate is
always provoked, he never provokes,” said a liberal Polish
priest.
Cardinal Stefan Wysznyski
“The cardinal does not believe that you should wage
campaigns in the streets and he is not going to,” said a
Western diplomat in Warsaw. “But he stands up for things
that are important in Polish life.”
There were critics of Cardinal Wyszynski’s approach to
dealing with the Polish Communist government. Reacting
to the 1950 agreement with the government, the aged
Cardinal Adam Sapieha of Cracow said: “This is not a
modus vivendi, but a modus moriendi (a way of dying).”
But despite the government’s failure to remove
restrictions on the church, more than 90 percent of Poland’s
32 million people are Catholics, Polish churches are open,
catechism is taught, young men enter seminaries and a
Polish Catholic press, though limited, exists.
Defending his approach, Cardinal Wyszynski said in
Rome in May, 1957: “We must not build castles in the air. It
isn’t always possible to come by 100 percent of what is
good. But if we have even a possibility of obtaining 70
percent, let us stretch out our hand with the hope that God
will add more.”
Cardinal Wyszynski, on innumerable occasions,
protested in the strongest possible terms against Communist
violations of the agreements he had negotiated so painfully
on behalf of the church’s freedom. But he was careful not to
put the church in a position where there was no alternative
to martyrdom.
The cardinal did not shirk martyrdom, nor did he urge
Polish Catholics to shirk it. But - and this is perhaps the key
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to his policy - neither did he seek martyrdom for
martyrdom’s sake.
TEACHER IN UNDERGROUND
Stefan Wyszynski was born in the village of Zuzela in
northeastern Poland on Aug. 3, 1901. He studied for the
priesthood at the seminary at Wloelawek, where he was
ordained on Aug. 3,1924. He then studied for four years at
the Catholic University of Lublin, where he received
doctorates in social science and canon law.
After a tour of Western Europe, he became a professor of
social sciences at the Wloelawek seminary. He edited a
scholarly journal for priests and wrote a number of books
and articles on social questions. He also held posts with the
marriage tribunal of the Wloelawek Diocese.
During World War II, Father Wyszynaki carried on his
apostolic activities clandestinely. He taught social ethics in
an “underground university” and organized secret spiritual
retreats for lay leaders in public life and nuns.
After the war, he helped reopen the Wloelawek
seminary, took over editorship of the diocesan weekly and
resumed editorship of the journal for priests he had edited
before the war. He also published a book, “The Holy See
and the Postwar World.”
On March 4,1946, he was named bishop of Lublin. On
Nov. 12, 1948, he was made archbishop of Gniezno and
Warsaw, a post which traditionally carries the title “primate
of Poland.”
He then devoted himself to postwar reconstruction. His
efforts were hampered by a clergy shortage, because many
priests had been killed during the war, and by the hostility
of the Communist regime imposed on Poland by the Soviet
army.
Pope Pius XII named him a cardinal in January 1953. But
he did not go to Rome to receive the red hat, because he was
afraid the Communist authorities would not allow him to
return to Poland.
HOUSE ARREST
In September 1953, Cardinal Wyszynski refused to
condemn Bishop Czeslaw Kaczmarek of Kielce, who had
been sentenced to 12 years in prison. The cardinal was then
arrested, charged with violating the 1950 church-state
agreement and imprisoned. For the next three years he was
held at various times in four different convents in widely
separted parts of Poland. His whereabouts were not made
public.
In June 1956, workers’ and students’ riots erupted in
Poznan, and the entire country was in ferment. In October,
a bloodless palace revolution overthrew the hardline
Stalinist regime and Wladyslaw Gomulka, who had spent
several years in prison for “Titoist deviation,” emerged as
the new Communist Party leader and ruler of Poland.
But revolution was in the air and Gomulka and other
Polish Communist leaders, fearing a loss of power and
Soviet intervention, turned to Cardinal Wyszynski and
offered him his freedom in an effort to pacify the country.
While exacting new guarantees of church freedom as the
price of his cooperation, Cardinal Wyszynski urged Polish
Catholics to be moderate. “We forgive, and the church
forgives, all the wrongs inflicted upon her in the recent
past,” he said in a sermon soon after his release.
But permanent improvement seemed impossible and
throughout the early 1960s Cardinal Wyszynski and
Gomulka engaged in sharp, public, mutual recriminations.
Even the Second Vatican Council, of whose central
preparatory commission the cardinal was a member, served
as an occasion for the regime to show hostility toward the
church. Only about 25 of Poland’s nearly 70 bishops were
allowed to attend the council’s first session and they were
permitted to take with them the equivalent of only about
$5 each. Pope John XXIII and the bishops of other
countries gave them financial assistance, but Cardinal
Wyszynski protested this state of affairs in December 1962.
Cardinal Wyszynski was one of three cardinals who
participated in the conclaves that elected Popes John XXIII,
Paul VI, John Paul I and John Paul II.
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