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store of Robinson & Windsor, je 20 |
’ MYERS & JOHNSON,
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. T made to the Honorable the Inferior Court of
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late of said county, deceased.
sept 5 A. 8. SMITH, Adm’r.
T?OOF lUonthS after date application will be
Jl made to the Honorable the Inferior Court of Cobb
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to sell the real estate of William W. Duncan, late of
r ' JAMES G. DUNCAN, Adm’r.
ap2s MARY DUNCAN, Adm’x.
FIOUR months after date, application will be
JE, made to the Honorable the Inferior Court of
Cobb county, when sitting as a court of ordinary,
'Orleaveto sell the Lands and Negroes, belonging
to the estate of Jeremiah Wofford, late of said
WM- P- MALONEY, Adm-r.
Ibljtt MONTHS after date application wifi
be made to the Honorable the Court of Ordi
nary for leave to sell the lands and negro belong
ing to the estate of John Lemon, late of Cobb
JAMES LEMON, Adm’r.
my 16 MARY A. LLMON, Adm’x.
N O wCC .
ILL persons indebted to James Summerhill, late
A of Cobb county, deceased, are requested to
«nake payment to the undersigned, and all persons
-having demands against said estate will present
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sept 5 JAMES W. SUMMERHILL, Adm.
TITST tteceived— T wo barrels Syrup, for
J sale, by (ap 25] L AYRES, Agt.
T) E ACHE S.—SOO bushels pealed dried Peaches
jL wanted the coming Fall and Winter, at $1 50
in trade, at my store. The Peaches
should be dried in the Sun, clean and neatly man
aged.’Ti LEVI AYRES, Agent.
Marietta, June 13, 1848.
' in trade, by LEVI AYRES
Agent, at No. 3, Howard Row, Mariett, Ga.
%USTHECmED-A quantity of DRY
<F GOODS, which, in addition to my former stock,
makes my stock of Goods mogp complete than any
either in the Cherokee country, ,
, ap 18 LEVI AYRES, Agt.
ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND Good Shingles
wanted immediately, by
ap 25 WILLIAM ROOT.
'W WILL give the customary price for good clean
rl Wheat, 1 in cash or barter.
jyll ts WM. ROOT.
-rff I, 1,.
A Valuable Articlo.r-Banpland’sVegeta
-71 ble Remedy for Fever and Ague, and other dis
eases of bilious character. It is recommended as an
■>; • immediate and effectual cure for Fever and Ague
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Terms of subscription—Two Dollars in advance—Two Dollars and Ffty Z”ents after Six Months—Three Dollars at the end of the Year.
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1848.
Speech of Senj. F. Hunt.
The view taken of Gen, Taylor’s position
on the Wilmot Proviso contained in the ex
tract which we give from Mr. Hunt’s speech 4
is undoubtedly correct. Assuming that Gen.
Taylor is honest, the conclusion is irresistible,
that Cass is infinitely preferable to the South.
Gen. Taylor is, at the North, considered as
pledged by the Allison letter not to veto the
Wilmot Proviso. We will suppose that this
is denied by his Southern friends, who at the
same time assert that he is honest. How then,
will they excuse or palliate the conduct of a
Southern man, who permits himself to be rep
resented by his friends at the North as pledged
to approve the Proviso, and who is announced
as so pledged by the whole Northern Whig
press ? Are Northern votes so precious as to
be purchased by the sacrifice of reputation ?
Is it no dishonor to a Southern mart to be
branded as a-frtend of the Wilmot Proviso ?
And in all the multitude of Gen. Taylor’s let
ters can he not write one sentence for the
South and for his own character as a Southern
man, and deny that he is bound to approve the
W’ilmot Proviso ? The conclusion is too
plain that Gen. Taylor being supported on di
rectly opposite grounds by Northern and
Southern Whigs, somebody is to be cheated.
Let Southern Taylorites look to it that they
are not the dupes.
Mr. Berrien’s Speech.
We give to day a portion of Mr. Berrien’s
able argument on the Compromise Bill. The
wonder is that any Georgian in Congress should
have shown so little respect for the strong po
sitions there taken as to have denied the friends
of the bill in the House of Representatives
even a hearing. We do not say that Mr.
Berrien’s reputation as a jurist and a statesman
should lead us to decide that he is right and
Mr. Stephens wrong. We do not deny that it is
possible that the whole body of Northern
abolition and anti-slavery men were mistaken
in their opinion of the Bill, and that their op
position to it was the result of sheer ignorance.
We do not deny that it is possible that the
great majority of Southern men were alike ig
norant that it
J® TfiUt the vevy r'nmmitjwho
framed the Bill did not understand its charac
ter and bearings, and that Mr. Stephens alone
had light on this difficult question. But it is
doing Mr. Stephens no injustice to say that
the probabilities are all against him. We do
not however insist upon this. But we do in
sist that Mr. Stephens’ position is a surrender
of the whole ground,—not a covert—but an
open, unreserved and unconditional surrender.
This is unanswerably shown in the following
single sentence of Mr. Berrien, which of itself
is a sufficient reply to Mr. Stephens’ whole at
tempted vindication of his course:
“ To say that we have no right which the high
est judicial authority would recognise, is to admit
that we have no right at all but such as Congress
may be pleased to confer upon us—is to concede
in its whole extent the argument which is urged
in support of the right of the North to the exclu
sive enjoyment of these Territories.”
Gen. Taylor.—The enthusiasm that was
anticipated for “Old Zach” seems not to have
extended to the city of New York, if we
credit the following from the Mirror, the first
paper which hoisted in that city his name for
the Presidency :
Whigs of New York.— If you don’t want
Lewis Cass for your President, you must go to
work. We mean to “tell the truth and shame
th? devil,” (and the Whigs too, if we can.)
and we do not hesitate to say that the Whig
party of this city deserve defeat for their apa
thy. A hard-fisted working man who thinks
he could circulate two thousand copies of the
Mirror containing General Taylor’s letters
where they would make almost that number
of converts to our cause, has been trying for
a week, to find a Finance Committee who will
raise S2O to pay for the documents, but with
out success. Are the Whigs disconsolate and
discouraged because Horace Greely and Joe
White have left the party ? What are the “Old
Men’s Committee” about ? We might as
i well have an “Old Woman’s Committee” for
aught we can discern in the way of active en
ergy in the cause. —N. Y. Mirror, Aug. 25.
THE NORTHERN FACE OF GENERAL
Mr. Tom Ewing, of Ohio, addressed the
Whigs of Cleveland last week. He complete
ly sunk the President into a cipher—a mere
nose of wax of Congress. We quote from
All the “platform”(he said) which the great
whig party now wanted was, “opposition to
this ONE MAN power.” On this they could all
stand, and on this alone could they triumph.
Then he came to his candidate, Gen. Taylon
How, said- he, does General Taylor stand in
reference to this “platform ?” If he does not
come frankly and freely tip to it, then, said he,
he is no ma tof mine. He read from Taylor’s
letters, and proved it clear as mud that Old Zack
was all right, that he was clearly pledged not
to disturb the legislation of Congress in any
He distinctly stated, that “General Taylor,
as a man of honor and truth,is bound to leave
the entire question of slavery to Congress.”
He wanted no exclusive free-soil party. He
would not call off the sentinels from the watch
towers of the party, to enter a crusade on this
MARIETTA, GA., TUESDAY , SEPTEMBER 12, 1848.
one idea, ft,is, true, he said, we want free soil
abroad, but we want whig policy at home.
The whig party, standing on the no-veto plat
form, with General Taylor at their head, was
ample to carry out the free-soil principle; but
the place to fight the south was in Congress.
Old Zack was just the man to carry out the
It appears, then, that northern whigs are to
depend entirely on the non-use of the veto power
by Gen. Taylor to carry these northern meas
ures— the Wilmot Proviso and such like. The
South are supporting him on precisely opposite
grounds. Somebody is to be taken in most
wofully. Which stands the best chance—the
North or the South?
The only question is, the dupes-\\\e
northern whigs or the southern whigs? What
are we to think of the frankness of a soldier
who will thus consent to humbug a free people?
Or, what should we think of an enlightened
people who would thus suffer themselves to be
deluded and humbugged?
Watch and Wait.—lt will be seen from
the following, which is taken from the Ohio
Organ, published at Cincinnati, that the “Great
Embodiment” himself is a believer in the “Watch
and Wail” policy. In reference to Mr. Clay’s
opinions as to the Presidential candidates, the
“We were admitted to the perusal of a pri
vate letter, the other day, from this disting
uished statesman to one of our leading citizens,
in which he declares his determination not to
take an active part in the present canvass; but
when the day of election comes he will go to
the polls and vote according to the best light
in his possession at the time.”
At Hard Hit. —The New Orleans Bulletin,
a Taylor paper, gets mournfully merry over
the defections from Taylorism, and hits off the
deserters in the following anecdote : v
The present position of the Taylor party)
reminds us of a story we once heard of a far-|
mer who, one morning, let his sheep out of
the pen. Having put down the bars, the old
man stood by to count them as they hopped
over, and began : “ There goes one”—“ there
goes two”—“ there goes three”—“ there goes
old Ewe”—“there goes a black one”—“there
goes a whole heap, and curse them, there they
all go! ”
So it is with the Taylor party. At first we
could count the deserters—one, two, three ;
but it was soon ascertained that the bounds
were broken—that the bars were down, and the
“old ewes” and the “black ones” began hop-,
ping over so very fast, and followed so rapidi#
by 44 whole heaps,” as to bid defiance to amp
attempts to keep count, and soon poor Tay
lor vjjll have to exclaim, 44 Curse them ! there
they ail go ” —WashtfiiTlon Union,
«... The Two Tariffs—Tacts Speak. —*Thc[
difference between the journals of the federal
and the democratic party at the present day is
this: that the former rest satisfied with ma
king mere abstract argument, unsound in point
of political philosophy, and unsupported by ex
isting facts; while the latter look to things
as they are, and judge of them from their prac
tical results. This is the test whw*i we desire
the community to put to the tariffsoflß42 and
1846. We ask our readers to look at the
Statement of domestic exports during the year
1846, under the tariff of 1842 ; and 1847,
under the tariff of 1846; and also of im
portation of specie under the two systems :
Domestic exports in value.
, 1846 —under law of ’42, $122,317,939
1847—under law of ’46, 166,496,120
Importation of Specie.
1846 under law of ’42, $3,468,438
1847 under law of ’46, 24,153.242
Showing an increase of domestic exports in
favor of the tariff of 1846 of upwards of for
ty-four millions of dollars, and an importation
of specie in favor of that law of upwards of
twenty-one millions of dollars. This is the
law which the federalists charged the admin
istration with passing, for the purpose of crip
pling the energies of the country, by depri
ving us of a market for the productions of our
soil and labor, and at the same time draining
us of the bullion which forms the basis of our
circulation. Let the _ facts speak!—Pennsyl
AN EXTRACT FROM THE SPEECH OF
BENJ. FANEUIL HUNT.
Delivered at a Meeting of the Democrats of
Charleston, on the 21sL of August, 1848,
called to act on the nomination of candi
dates for President and Vice President.
I think a mistaken view has been taken as
to whom pertains the sovereignty of these
new territories before they are formed into
States. The body politic called the United
States of America, has no territorial or posseso
ry capacity at all. The case of the Ten Miles
Square or District of Columbia illustrates my
idea. Congress possesses by grant 44 exclusive
legislation,” but not a word is said of sove
reignty, for it was never designed to confer on
the United States • seignorial jurisdiction or
right. The Territories, then, belong equally
among all the States as joint tenants, and neither
can deny to the other an equal right to possess
and settle them.
broad rule is laid down by Vattel, b. 1,
chap. 248, “all the members of a community
have an equal right to the Use of their common
property.” To attempt to exclude one or
more States becduse they Own slaves, is clear
wiring, and must be resisted. But above 36_
1-2 deg. slaves are not profitable, below it
they may be useful: and slaveholders, by the
Missouri line, were to be uninterrupted. Noth
ing short of that can be accepted by the South.
It is in vain to Say no part of California and
New Mexico is suited to slaves; if so, they
will not be carried there. If otherwise, they
have a right to go. I have shown that Con
gress has no power over the territories, cer
tainly not beyond keeping the peace; its set
tlers are free to go as they choose, and these
domains must be alllowed to grow naturally
—the citizen of each State taking with him
what is his at home. So that the whole con
troversy turns upon the authority of Congress
[ to interfere; and that President who denies
th® p.»wer of Congress on the broad ground
■ that i o such power is granted, is the safest man
t for the South. Gen. Taylor has individually
refused to trust the people with his notions—
he says 44 1 will not say what I will da or will
not do.” Gen. Cass, five years before the dis
cussion and before he was in the Senate, ex
pressly held the Democratic faith—that power
not granted cannot be assumed. Gen. Taylor
avows himself a Whig—which, under the
general welfare doctrine, knows no limit to the
powers of Congress. On the ground that he
is honest, he is against the South, for he per
mits himself to be held up as such. Proof:
The following resolution was adopted by
the Wb ;s at the ratification meeting in Boston:
44 R solved, That we believe in the assu-
tna* Gen. Taylor deplores the existence
of slavery, and is opposed to its extension.—
The question of the extension of slavery over
the territory of the United States, must first
receive the action of Congress, and Gen. Tay
lor has formally and explicitly declared his in
tention not to interfere with l the will of the
people as expressed through their representa
tives in Congress.' 1 Hence there is the strong
est and best reason for believing that the cause
of freedom would be altogether secure from
any interference on the part of the Executive.
It therefore becomes the interest and duty of
the free States to see that their opinions are
maintained in both Houses of Congress, and
especially, does it become their duty to de
feat the election of Gen. Cass ? who has avowed
his uncompromising hostility against thus re
stricting the extension of slavery by anv act
of Congress, and who would be held by his
party to veto any legislation having that for
rits object And in the opinion of this meeting,
‘the defeat of Gen. Cass can only be prevented
3iy the election of Gen. Taylor.”
Here is what Gen. Taylor’s friends pledge
Ivor him. Is he safe ? Again :
U Character of Gen. Taylor.—The fol
lowing letter was written by Rev. Mr. Lamb,
now pastor of an orthodox church in Worces
ter county. It was addressed to Dea. Joseph
White, of Winchenden, who gave it to the pub
lic through the columns of the Worcester JEgis.
yVhat better evidence can we have of the pure
atad lofty character of Gen. Taylor ? It is not
the of a politician, or a man eager
gospel, in behalf of an esteemed and loved
\ June, 1848.
“Sir: Yoiuare, no doubt, aware, that I
held the office 'of Chaplam in the United States
)Army about six year's, being stationed at Fort
and that extreme sotith
DrtgtHhcc Gen. Z. Taylor.
“ I presume it is on'th?#’ account that you
propose to me some questions touching the
views of that distinguished individual. lam
willing to reply, not because I am a politician
or have any personal interest in his nomination
for the Presidency—but because I am laid un
der lasting obligations to that honest, noble
hearted man, and I would gladly correct some
of the gross mistakes that are now afloat con
cerning his character.
44 In politics Gen. Taylor is a Whig.
44 With regard to slavery, and extension of
territory, I assure you that neither for a slave
market nor any other market nor any object
was Gen. Taylor in favor of conquest or an
nexation. He was not in favor of receiving
Texas into our Union, nor in favor of the re
cent war with Mexico. The only evidence of
his being in favor of slavery that I ever heard
or saw of, was the fact, that he did what every
other man at the South must do, if he must
have servants, viz: either own or hire slaves.
I never heard a word from the General in fa
vor of the slave system, but on the contrary his
decided preference for the institutions ' and
customs of the North.
“It is a pity that Gen. Taylor should be
made out a pro-slavery man, beeause his go
vernment keeps him at the South, or for the
wrong of allowing his plantation to be on the
Mississippi, instead of the banks of the Con
necticut. We are allowed to hang no man
upon an inference.
44 1 assure you, that if elected, he will do
more for peace and emancipation than any
northern man would be allowed to.”
These extracts are from his friend, who
knew him well, and speaks of him as a North
ern man in all his predilections. Here follows
still further proof of what is the opinion of the
Abolition or Free Soil Whigs.
That excellent, sound, first-rate Whig, the
Hon. Caleb B. Smith, a Representative in Con
gress from Indiana, has addressed to his con
stituents a letter of some length, in which he
ably sets forth his Why and wherefore they
should go for Taylor and Fillmore; He did
not favor Gen. Taylor’s nomination hut he
endorses his character and his principles. The
following, the conclusion of his letter, addres
ses itself to a certain class of minds, we hope
not without Us desired effect. —National In
“As a Whig, who believed the war with
Mexico unnecessary and unconstitutional, and
who has opposed it from its commencement,
I believe it entirely consistent with my princi
ples to support Gen. Taylor against Gen. Cass.
The former, acting under the orders of the
President, his superior officer, has but done
that in prosecuting the war which he could not
refuse to do without a surrender of his com
mission in the army. The latter, [Gen. Cass.]
acting under no such restraint, but as a mem
ber of the legislative departmagt of the Go
vernment, he has not only justil'.xl and sus
tained the war, but has continually and, clamo
rously urged its vigorous prosecution into the
heart of Mexico, without regard to the torrents
of blood which it caused to flow, or millions of
money which it profligately wasted. Besides,
it is well known that Gen. Taylor has opposed
the war from its commencement. It is also
a matter of history that shortly, after the com
mencement of the war, he drew upon himself
the severest censure of the Administration, as
well as the bitterest denunciations of Locofo-
5 cos throughout the country, for expressing in
1 a letter to a friend opinions hostile to the prose
i cution of the war into the heart of Mexico.
r 44 As a Northern Whig, desiring to prevent
- the extension of slavery into any territory
[ which we now possess, or which we may
• hereafter acquire, 1 greatly prefer the election
. of Gen. Taylor to that of Gen. Cass. This
r restriction if made at all, must be made by
r Congress. Gen. Cass has pledged himself to
i the South, in order to secure their support, to
i resist any attempt to restrict the extension of
■ slavery. He denies the power of Congress,
• under the Constitution, to make any such re
strictions ; and, consequently, if he should be
elected, he would veto any bill which Con-
: gress might pass to effect this important object.
44 Gen. Taylor has pledged himself to leave
. the decision of this question to the legislative
. department of Government, and he will not
. arrest the action of that department by the ty-
■ rannical exercise of the’veto power. If, then,
. Gen. Cass shall be elected, while the policy of
. the Government will be such as to lead to ac-
; quisitions of territory upon our Southern bor
, ders, no restriction upon the extension of sla
very into such territory can be made by Con
gress except by a two-thirds vote overriding a
Presidential veto. This cannot be hoped for.
The election of Gen. Taylor, with the pledges
• which he has given to the country, will leave
to Congress full power to prevent the exten
sion of the evil.
44 The election of Gen. Taylor will leave in
the hands of the representatives of the people
their just and constitutional power to exclude
the evil of slavery from the Territories which
belong to the United States.” ' _
Cassius M. Clay, the Editor of the negro
journal, and the expelled Abolitionist, thus
discourses of Gen. Taylor:
44 Whitehall P. 0., Ky. June 28,1848.
44 Dear Greeley : As you have had some
time to cool as well as myself, and seem yet
hesitating whether or not to go for the regular
Whig nomination, you will allow me to suggest
1 a few thoughts for your consideration. We
are both Whigs from youth up to the present
time. We certainly then, if we should think
proper at any time to change our party alliances,
’ cannot be reproached with deserting our first
love for any other motive than because the
’ Whigs cease to be worthy of further alliances.
That you should hesitate what to do in the
j present emergency, when the subject of slave
ry extension' comes up for immediate action,
is to me a source of pleasure and hope rather
than of pain or censure. Let us then see.
• “In the first place,/airrass requires North-!
5 ern Whigs to go for the nomination. The
L friends of Taylor wished 4o run him’ as an in ;
' ’'dependent'candidate, and I;
AUi-yT, - -iw* " Alt
1 arid stand or fall
with the Whigs. It can hardly be possible that
you wished to bring us into counsel to destroy
us ! Personal honor, then, requires you to
support Taylor, unless the Republic manifestly
would receive great detriment by your fidelity
to pledges. Let us see. Can we beat Tay
lor and Cass with a free soil candidate ? If
we can, I think the great question of the age
requires us to insure a certainty, and not trust
t “Whigs should elect the man who will
veto all slave extension. I think you will be
lieve, with me, 4 the time has not yet come?—-
Any defection, then, on our part, will enure to
the benefit of Lewis Cass and to the injury of
Z. Taylor. Now, however much denounced,
, lam for the 4 lesser evil? 1 know no morali
ty based upon any other principle, than to
look around you and make the best of all the
circumstances which occur. Any other prin
ciple puts the good in the power of the bad—
the scrupulous in the power of the unscrupulous
the just in the power of the unjust. First,
then, as to men. Taylor is a slaveholder by
birth and habit —4Jass a slaveholder
by calculation. Which is the better man ?
I say, Taylor. How do they stand committed ?
Taylor says nothing upon the subject of sla
very, but claims Washington as his model, and
declares in favor of the supremacy of Congress.
Cass holds that Congress cannot legislate
against the admission of slavery into new ter
ritories, and of course must veto any bill what
ever prohibiting its introduction.
u As men, then, Taylor is preferable to Cass.
Now, as to parties. Who will be most apt to
stand for the Whigs or their opponents ?
■ Let Texas speak I Let the Mexican war speakj!
Let the ultras of the South speak! Let those
who openly avow in Convention i all of Med
co and Cuba? speak ! Again, suppose Lewis
I Cass President, and a bill comes for the ad
mission of New Mexico into the Union—or
its constitution into a territorial Government
1 —and a majority of Congress put in the Wil
mot Proviso, will they stand out against the
Executive veto and claim ‘free soil or no soil P
' Let theffosLansicer also.
44 Frojn Gen. Taylor’s pledges, I believe that
• he could, not interfere by the veto; for unless the
1 law be unconstitutional he could not interfere.
• But with 1 all the acts of this Government in
favor of slavery restriction, as ably set forth
in the Uiica Address, with the lead of Wash-
I ington and Jefferson, 1 think there is a moral
( certainty that he could not veto such a bill.—
. But suppose he did --.would not the trump of
, the Whig party with its Free Soil Prestige
■ be more likely to summons true men enough
> to lock the wheels of pro-slavery action, than
, the same result would be likely to occur un
der the parly wlo claim Texas as an 4 Exten
sion of the area of Freedom'? ’ Such at least
. are my conclusions, honestly and maturely
. “On '•the question' 1 of slavery, which to me
. is the most vital of all, however much I may
be denounced for inconsistency, Taylor, the
i slaveholder, is infinitely preferable to Cass.
f “Respectfully, your obedient servant.
( ' “C. M. CLAY.”
I Will any one after this pretend that General
• Taylor is not the hope of Abolitionists. The
• Whig Convention was composed of men too
f shrewd to be deceived. It is not equally cer
i tain that Gen. Taylor knows he is supported
• at tfye IJforth becauss he is held pledged to
maintain the doctripe that Congress has the
power to exclude the South from the territo
ries, and that he is supported also by the
Democrats at the South, because he is a slave
holder and will go to the death for the rights
of the South ? Which party does he intend
to deceive ? and what chapter in the laws of
morals declares such conduct honest ? unless
we refer to that rather loose code which holds
44 that all is fair in politics.”
It is now certain that Mr. Polk will veto
' any effort of Congress to extend the Wilmot
proviso south of 36 deg. 30 min. This se
cures us to 4th March, 1849. If Cass suc
ceeds he will do the same, and thus five years
be given to the South to organize and prepare
to defend itself. If Taylor is put in by South
ern Democrats, the very first Whig Congress
will pass the Proviso. A Southern slaveholder
will stand by and let it pass, and then we shall
have the additional difficulty of rising up
against a Southern man. ’»>'
But if Gen. “Cass is elected, he will act up
on his avowed principles, not lately, but six
years before he spoke against any power in
Congress. It is true, Gen. Cass has lived at
the North, and has no more fancy for slavery
than Gen. Taylor has avowed. But he is a
Democrat, and feels bound to carry out the
letter and spirit of the Constitution. He says:
44 We are no slaveholder. We never have been.
We never shall be. We deprecate its exist- *
ence in principle and pray for its abolition eve
ry where, where this can be effected justly and
peaceably and easily for both parties. . But
we would not carry fire, and devastation, and
murder, and ruin into a peaceful community,
to push on the accomplishment of the object.
But after having visited the three quarters of
the old continent, we say before God and the
world, that we have seen far more frightful
misery since we landed in. Europe, and we
have not visited Ireland yet, than we have
ever seen among this class of people in the *
United States. Whatever may be said, there
is much of the patriarchal relation] between
the Southern planter and the slave. And as
to the physical distress, which is seen in Eu
rope, resulting from a want of food and from
exposure to a rigorous winter without adequate
clothing, ire believe it to be so rare, as not to
form a just element in the consideration of this
matter. But the subjecUof the emancipation
of two millions and a half of human behigygj|
race and color, and with diffljffit nabiis and
feeling, is one of the which
can be submitted to - sanity to solve. It can---?§
safely be left only who are to be so
seriously affected ; and there it is left
by of the UnltlA States. It
there a word here that territoSrf legisla- *
tores act on this subject ? Not Oi!e . Gen.
,Cass contended could not dele
gate such power. people of the terri-
all know, cadger act in any sove
reign capacity until they Mraepared to/om
a constitution to be admitted Union on
the same footing as the old
and. not before, the people—the then
reign people who are to be affected by it
must decide. This is the true State rights -
doctrine; the true Carolina doctrine; audit
is the doctrine too of Gen. Cass.” .
MR. BERRIEN’S SPEECH,
On the Compromise Bill.
“To my Southern friends I desire to submit
this simple question. The bill abstains from
legislating on the vexed question of slavery.
It ieaveslhat to be decided by the people of
the Territories,when they are in sufficient num
bers to be admitted as States, and are engaged
in forming their State constitutions. In the
meantime, if any question of freedom or sla
very should arise, the judiciary will take cog
nizance of it, not by virtue of any provision
in this bill, but in the exercise of their pre-ex
istingjurisdiction. All that it does in this re
gard is to speed the decision of the case by
the appellate tribunal. In what sense this can
be said to be a surrender of Southern rights, I
am totally at a loss to understand. In a gov
ernment like ours, that which is properly call
ed a right , is something substantial—capable
of being maintained in judicature,and thereout
—something which a court of justice would
be bound to recognise. To say that we have
no right which the highest tribunal would re
cognise, is to admit that we have no right at all,
but such as Congress may be pleased to con
fer upon us—is to concede in its whole extent
the argument which is urged in support of the
right of the North to the exclusive enjoyment
of these Territories. Now, sir, Ido not en
tertain this opinion. If I did, if I thought
that in strict law our right could not be main- ''
tained, with the conviction which 1 have of the
undoubted equity of the claim of the South
to participate in ail acquisitions made by the
expenditure of the common blood and treas
ure of all the States, I would have remained
silent, and would have left the argument to be
sustained by those who were to profit by its al
lowance. I have asserted the claim of the
South, and am not willing to return to my con?*
stituents and tell them that J have asserted that
claim, but had not sufficient confidence in its
validity to trust it to judicial decision. If we
have no right to carry our slaves into these
territories without the permission of Congress,
(and that is the position in which this argu
ment places us,) we may abandon, at ones
abandon the idea of having any share m them,
for the Missouri Compromise was rejected by
the select committee, and will tie by the Hoose
whenever it is offered.
But let us examine the argtifflelft which de
nies this right. It runs thus :
Slavery exists only by force of local sta
tutes, and is uot protected beyond the limits
within which they operate. The laws of a
conquered country continue in force until they
are repealed by the cooquerer. Slavery has
been abolished in New Mexico and California
and cannot be le-established there without ths
sanction of Congress—by the repeal of ths
existing law, and the enactment of a l?w o(