Southern school news. (Nashville, Tenn.) 1954-1965, November 04, 1954, Image 10
PAGE 10 —Nov. 4, 1954 —SOUTHERN SCHOOL NEWS
Georgia
MACON, Ga.
JTOR the past six weeks Georgians
have witnessed increasingly hot
campaigns for and against a proposed
constitutional amendment which
would allow the General Assembly
to substitute a private school system
for a public school system to avoid
mixing the races in the classrooms.
The issue was voted on in the gen
eral election of Nov. 2.
Proposed Constitutional Amend
ment No. 4 is the key to the dispute.
It says:
Notwithstanding any other provisions
of this constitution, the General Assem
bly may by law provide for grants of
state, county or municipal funds to citi
zens of the state for educational pur
poses, in discharge of all obligations of
the state to provide an adequate educa
tion for its citizens.
Opponents of the plan insist on
calling it “the private school plan.”
Proponents insist it should be called
“the segregation amendment.”
It was sponsored in the 1953 legis
lature by Gov. Herman Talmadge
and received the required constitu
tional majority. The governor said it
was formulated in anticipation of just
such a decision outlawing segrega
tion as the Supreme Court handed
down. He has spoken in favor of it
on numerous occasions, holding it to
be a “last resort” measure to be used
in maintaining separation of white
and Negro students in Georgia
schools despite the desegregation
decree.
GRIFFIN BACKS PROPOSAL
Gov.-nominate Marvin Griffin,
who will be inaugurated in January,
has also thrown his full support be
hind the campaign to secure approval
of the amendment. He promised to
work in favor of the proposal in his
successful campaign for the guber
natorial nomination.
Since the Democratic primary
election of Sept. 8, the drives in
favor of and against the amendment
have increased' in tempo with many
important organizations or officials
publicly taking sides.
On Sept. 14, Gov. Talmadge re
quested an official opinion from At
torney General Eugene Cook on the
following three questions:
1. Under the Constitution of this
State, can taxes be levied by either
the State or any local unit of govern
ment, for the support of mixed
schools of white and colored stu
dents?
2. Under the Constitution of this
State, can public funds of the State
or any local unit of government be
expended for such purpose?
3. If by action of the judicial de
partment of the Federal Government,
the races are ordered mixed in the
public schools, could funds of the
State or any local unit of government
be expended for the purpose of sup
porting the schools in which the races
were mixed pursuant to such Fed
eral action?
COOK’S REPLY NEGATIVE
Cook’s opinion, limited to the
common schools as distinguished
from the university system, was in
the negative in answer to all three
questions.
His conclusion stated:
In my opinion there is no authority
under the Georgia Constitution of 1945
to establish mixed schools, tax for mixed
schools, or expend funds for mixed
schools. If the Supreme Court of the
United States should strike down the re
quirement in Article VIII, Section I, that
separate schools be maintained for the
white and colored races in Georgia, the
provision for an adequate education in
free common schools falls with it. By so
doing, the Supreme Court of the United
States would have abolished free public
education in Georgia under the present
Constitution of 1945.
Some opponents of the amendment
have disputed Cook’s interpretation
of the state constitution.
The Georgia Commission on Edu
cation, created by the legislature to
make plans to provide adequate edu
cation consistent with both the state
and federal constitutions at the re
quest of the governor, met on Sept.
28 to discuss recommendations for
the General Assembly.
By a 14 to 4 vote, with four mem
bers absent, the commission urged
ratification of proposed Constitution
al Amendment No. 4 and, pending
ratification, made the following
recommendations:
1. The existing public school sys
tem should be continued in every
county and independent local system
in the state as long as it is possible
to do so.
2. The following should be con
tinued: (a) The provisions of the
present appropriations act by which
state funds are appropriated only to
separate public schools, the unex
pended appropriation to lapse upon
the mixing of the races, (b) The pro
visions of the present budget cutting
off funds from mixed public schools
and cutting off salaries of teachers
instructing mixed classes, (c) The
present statute providing that no
teacher instructing mixed classes
shall be paid anything out of the
common school fund. (These laws,
it was explained, give statutory aid
to the provisions of the Georgia Con
stitution forbidding expenditure of
public funds for mixed public
schools).
3. Similar statutory laws should
be enacted with respect to local
funds, so that by no means can local
funds be spent for mixed public
schools or for the payment of public
school teachers instructing mixed
classes. (It was explained that this
would give statutory aid to consti
tutional provisions forbidding the
expenditure of public funds for
mixed public schools.)
4. Existing laws should be retained
and strengthened with reference to
(a) assignment of pupils in public
schools; (b) laying out of public
school district lines; (c) the power
of local school boards to contract for
the education of children in adjoin
ing school districts in which the pub
lic schools have been closed.
5. The General Assembly should
enact laws so that, if and when the
existing schools in any county or in
dependent school district are closed
by federal court decree, the educa
tion of the children of school age in
that locality may go on at state and
local expense, and in properly super
vised segregated schools.
6. Enacting laws to insure the con
tinuation of segregated schools, the
General Assembly should provide for
and protect the Teachers’ Retirement
System and the equalization and
other salutary principles embodied in
the Minimum Foundation Program,
and provide for the fullest utilization
of existing educational facilities. All
of this, the commission was assured,
could lawfully and constitutionally
be done if the proposed amendment
were adopted.
The commission report concluded
by stating that necessary legislation
to effectuate the foregoing would be
prepared by the attorney general, the
general counsel and executive secre
tary of the commission after ratifi
cation of the amendment and sub
mitted to members for approval
prior to submission to the General
Assembly.
DISCUSSION PROVOKED
Discussion was lively preceding
adoption of the recommendations.
Voting for the report were Gov.
Talmadge, Gov.-nominate Griffin,
Atty. Gen. Cook, State Auditor B. E.
Thrasher, Board of Regents Chair
man Robert Arnold, former Georgia
Education Association President
Harvey Cutts, Rep. Frank Twitty,
State Democratic Committee Chair
man John Sammons Bell, State
Board of Education Chairman
George Whitman Jr., W. S. Mann,
University System Chancellor Har
mon Caldwell, Bibb County School
Superintendent Mark Smith and
Rep. Battle Hall.
Voting against the report were
State School Superintendent M. D.
Collins, House Speaker Fred Hand
and Roy Harris, former House
speaker.
Thrasher voted for adoption of the
report but refused to sign it. He and
Dr. Collins secured approval of an
amendment allowing for review by
the commission before submission to
the legislature.
Chancellor Caldwell warned that
schools in the university system
would lose their accreditation and
approximately $2Vz million in fed
eral funds but said he would vote in
favor of the amendment in order to
preserve segregation.
COLLINS DISSENTS
Dr. Collins, voicing the most vig
orous dissent to adoption of the re
port, stated that he was not elected
state superintendent of schools in
order to liquidate the Georgia public
school system.
Hand, in voting against the report,
expressed apprehension that the
phrase in the proposed amendment
“... in discharge of all obligation
...” could prove fatal to the State
School Authority financing of bonds
to build schools.
Harris based his opposition to the
report on a belief that it nullified the
weapon the state has to tell pupils
there will be no schools unless they
are segregated. He held that closing
of the schools because of integration
would so arouse white people that
Negroes would not dare defy the
solid front of whites.
Discussing the part of the report
which emphasized that the existing
separate public school system should
be continued as long as it is possible
to do so, Dr. Cutts asked who would
say when it was no longer possible.
Gov. Talmadge replied that the ques
tion would be determined by the
General Assembly.
Two days after the commission
session, the State Democratic Party
convention adopted a resolution
calling for “overwhelming” ratifica
tion of the proposed amendment and
incorporated this position into the
state party platform.
The state convention, by resolu
tion, also denounced the Supreme
Court decision outlawing segrega
tion, condemned President Eisen
hower for his appointment of Chief
Justice Earl Warren to head the
court, deplored the conduct of Geor
gia Education Association leaders in
opposing the amendment, urged re
sistance to compliance with the de
segregation decision and called upon
Georgia’s representatives and sena
tors to introduce legislation in the
Congress stripping the federal courts
of power and authority to decide
cases against the public schools of
Georgia and other states.
In a speech accepting the party’s
gubernatorial nomination, tanta
mount to election in one-party
Georgia, Gov.-nominate Griffin
called Amendment No. 4 “a second
Bill of Rights” for the people of the
state.
He said, “There must be no vio
lence of any kind in our state,” but
renewed his campaign promise that
schools and colleges in Georgia
would not be mixed while he was
governor and added: “... no true
Southerner feels morally bound to
recognize the legality of this act of
tyranny, support its provisions or
obey its unthinkable terms.”
Following the convention, the pro
ponents and opponents of the amend
ment got their vote appeals in high
gear.
Gov. Talmadge, Gov.-nominate
Griffin, Atty. Gen. Cook and several
members of the General Assembly
spoke in favor of it. Copies of Cook’s
opinions, given in answer to the
governor’s questions of Sept. 14, and
literature publicizing pro-amend
ment views were mailed to many
citizens at state expense. The amend
ment was endorsed by the County
Commissioners Association, the
Georgia Municipal Association, the
State Board of Education and various
other organizations and individuals.
Anti-amendment forces, led by
Dr. Collins and Harold Saxon, execu
tive secretary of the Georgia Edu
cation Association, a white teachers’
organization, scheduled speeches and
distributed literature opposing the
proposal.
Among others publicly fighting the
amendment were listed the Georgia
Education Association and numerous
county and district affiliates, the
League of Women Voters, a special
ly-formed Committee to Save Our
Schools, defeated gubernatorial can
didates Tom Linder (who is still in
office as Georgia commissioner of
agriculture) and Charles Gowen, the
Active Voters organization, the State
Council of the CIO, Georgia Federa
tion of Labor and State PTA Con
gress.
Opponents of the amendment have
asked many questions concerning the
details of the proposed segregated
private school system and have used
the lack of information available as
one of their strongest arguments
against ratification.
Amendment supporters have re
plied that the details will be worked
out by the General Assembly, which
the people must trust, and they say
the issue is how far people want to
go in maintaining segregation.
FINANCIAL PROBLEM
Loss of federal money in the tran
sition from public to private status
for the schools has also been dis
cussed. The Committee to Save Our
Schools says the amendment would
cost 20 million dollars in federally-
financed school buildings and would
end federal appropriations of several
million dollars annually for school
maintenance. In addition, it is urged,
implementation of the amendment
would mean state subsidies to stu
dents in privately-owned colleges,
including ones owned by churches,
and would thus destroy the univer
sity system, already hard-pressed
for finances.
Dr. Collins takes the position that
a private school system would not
guarantee continued segregation. A
Supreme Court decision striking
down South Carolina’s proposed
“white primary” is cited with the
opinion that the court would take
the same view of segregated private
schools.
Even if the schools became private,
they could not operate because then
they would be subject to sales, in
come, property and all other taxes,
Collins claims. He also fears such a
plan would wreck the Teacher Re
tirement System, abolish local school
control and destroy the accreditation
ratings of state schools.
Atty. Gen. Cook believes the pro
visions of the proposed act are broad
enough to permit the legislature to
appropriate funds for teacher retire
ment.
As for possible loss of federal
funds, Cook is of the opinion that it
would amount to only about $5 mil
lion. This, he says, is the price Geor
gians must pay to maintain segrega
tion.
Otherwise, the attorney general
claims, only the well-to-do will be
able to send their children to pri
vately-operated segregated schools
and the poor will have to send their
children to public unsegregated
schools.
MANY LEGAL PROBLEMS
It is conceded that a vast amount
of legal work will have to be done
and numerous laws enacted to pre
pare for use the segregated private
school plan, depending on ratifica
tion of the amendment, in the event
test integration suits are filed and
schools closed because of failure to
comply with the law.
From the many statements of pub
lic officials and from interviews with
various leading pro-amendment fig
ures, a surmise of the skeleton form
which the private segregated school
plan would take can be sketched.
Grants of state, county and, mu
nicipal funds would be made to par
ents who could assign such grants to
whatever schools their children wish
to attend.
School buildings would be made
available for educational purposes,
leased to individuals under the re
quirement that tuition in excess of
the aggregate of state and local
grants not be charged, and regulat
ed by the state board of education
and state education department as
the public service commission reg
ulates utilities.
Legislative authority to levy taxes
for teacher retirement would be ex
tended to private school teachers by
amendment of the present act.
Private schools accepting students
would be required to post perform
ance bonds. In actual practice, grants
due students through their parents
would be sent to schools upon pre
sentation of bills for individual pu
pils. If a parent refused or failed to
expend grants for educational pur
poses, the state would recover the
money, since the amendment only
authorized grants for educational
purposes and a contract or obligation
to use it for no other purpose would
be implied.
The state is without authority to
require segregation in any school
system but presumably schools
would be leased only to those opera
tors requiring segregation.
Religious schools would have no
claim to public funds since the grants
would be to students, not schools, and
the General Assembly could deny
grants to students attending religious
schools.