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PAGE 12—MARCH 1958—SOUTHERN SCHOOL NEWS
Segregation Is Top Issue
In Alabama Campaigns
MONTGOMERY, Ala.
iTH the list of gubernatorial
candidates for the May 6
Democratic primary swollen to 14,
the segregation issue continues to
dominate much of the political
oratory in Alabama.
However, during February there
did appear to be a moderating
trend as candidates warned
against racial ill will and pledged
efforts to strengthen Negro educa
tion in the state. (See “Political
Activity.”)
Integration of the schools is an ulti
mate objective of the Tuskegee Civic
Association, Association President C. G.
Gomillion told the Macon County
“abolition commission” Feb. 14. (See
“Under Survey.”)
C. G. Gomillion, president of the Tus
kegee Civic Association, the Negro
group which has been accused of or
ganizing a boycott of Tuskegee white
merchants, told the Macon County
“abolition commission” Feb. 14 that
school integration is a goal of his or
ganization.
Gomillion appeared at his own re
quest before the group, which is study
ing whether to abolish or otherwise re
arrange Macon County as voters
authorized the legislature to do in a
Dec. 17 amendment election. In a pre
pared statement he expressed the
“shock and disappointment” of Macon
Negroes following the exclusion of
nearly all Tuskegee Negro voters from
the city limits last summer.
Since the arrival of Booker T. Wash
ington in 1881, Gomillion said, Negroes
of the county had worked and studied,
improving themselves and their en
vironment. Their contribution to Tus
kegee improved the economy and this
brought prosperity to whites. After all
this progress, he said, “imagine the
shock and disappointment of many
when the boundary lines were re
drawn, the city was reduced in size,
and many industrious, law-abiding and
sacrificing Negroes gerrymandered out
of the city . . . deprived of their equity
in municipal property, and deprived of
the right to vote in municipal elec
tions.”
FEEL ‘ANXIETY’
Today, he said, Negroes feel an “even
greater anxiety over the abolition of
the county,” prompted by fear of Ne
gro political domination. Gomillion
continued:
. . In spite of the fact that they
[Macon Negroes] have been accused of
trying to take over the government,
and of destroying the economy, the
record will show that there is no evi
dence to substantiate such charges.
Today there is not a single Negro hold
ing an elective governmental office in
Macon County, and there are more
than 100 such offices in the county.
Only once in 30 years has a Negro run
for office. Does this suggest that Ne
groes are trying to take over the gov
ernment . . .?
“We urge you not to recommend the
reduction or destruction of the county
... In spite of what has happened to
Negro citizens during the past 12
months, the Tuskegee Civic Association
is still willing to work with public offi
cials and other citizens interested in
the development of the county....”
ANSWERS QUESTIONS
Following the reading of his pre
pared statement, Gomillion submitted
to questions from the committee mem
bers. Some of these questions and his
answers follow:
Q. Why are you opposed to abolition?
A. We feel very strongly that we in
Macon County and elsewhere in the
state ought to be concerned about
building and developing rather than
reducing or destroying.
Q. Aren’t you afraid that the TCA-
sponsored boycott might jeopardize the
$350,000 appropriation made by the
state to the institute (Tuskegee Insti
tute, where Gomillion serves as chair
man of the department of political
science)?
DENIES SPONSORSHIP
A. I do not concede that the boycott,
as you call it, is sponsored by TCA. It
has just been a case of citizens acting
as citizens in an individual movement.
As to the state appropriations, I don’t
know anything about that.
Q. Do you feel the TCA boycott has
in any way helped the situation in
Tuskegee?
A. The TCA didn’t instigate what
you call the boycott. The record won’t
show that the TCA promoted it ... It
was an individual action but it has
helped Negro businesses. They are de
veloping a lot more rapidly than they
would have otherwise....
Q. What are the aims of TCA?
A. Civic education, voting and the
improvement of relations between the
races.
Q. Is not integration one of your
goals?
“LAW OF LAND’
A. We recognize the Supreme Court
decision as the law of the land, but no
such effort is being carried on by us at
the present time.
Q. You did not mention race-mixing
in schools as one of TCA’s objectives.
Is it not one of them?
A. Our goal is to strive for demo
cratic living.
Q. And democratic living includes
race-mixing in the schools?
A. Yes, that is one of our ultimate
objectives.
NO UNIVERSITY PLANS
To another question, Gomillion de
nied that TCA had any present plans
to seek desegregation at the University
Wilmington,
WILMINGTON, Del.
STATE OF ACCEPTANCE and
readiness” prevailing in Wil
mington at the time of the U. S.
Supreme Court decisions in 1954
was credited by the city school
superintendent with making the
transition from segregated to de
segregated schools one of “little
friction and difficulty.”
Dr. Ward I. Miller recounted
the Wilmington experience in an
article prepared for publication in
the year book of the Middle States
Council for Social Studies. (See
“What They Say.”)
The U. S. Third Circuit Court, sitting
in Philadelphia, has under considera
tion cases argued Feb. 20 involving the
question of whose responsibility it is to
draft and initiate desegregation plans—
the state board of education or the
local school boards. (See “Legal Ac
tion.”)
Elsewhere in the state, during the
month of February, a Delaware “Little
Rock” bill was twice defeated in the
General Assembly—but the sponsor still
thinks he has a chance of getting it
passed.
Also in the state Senate, a bill was
introduced to curb Ku Klux Klan activ
ities in Delaware. (See “Legislative Ac
tion.”)
In his report, entitled “The Wilming
ton Story,” Dr. Ward I. Miller, city
school superintendent, described some
of the experiences and results encoun
tered in the transition from a segre
gated school system. The article was
prepared for the year book of the Mid
dle States Council of Social Studies, and
was made available to Southern School
News by Dr. Miller. Here are some ex
cerpts:
“Numerous significant steps toward
integration had been taken in Wilming
ton prior to the decision of the Supreme
Court handed down on May 17, 1957.
“Over several years before this date,
Negro and white students were enrolled
in classes for the blind and the deaf; in
evening school courses; and in adult ed
ucation activities. Teachers of both
races worked together on committee as
signments; they were accepted on an
equal status in city and state profes
sional organizations.
JOINT ACTIVITIES
“Pupils of unusual ability sang and
played together in citywide choruses,
orchestras and bands, without regard to
color. Teams representing Negro and
white schools engaged in athletic con
tests in all sports. The annual confer
ence on international relations and the
United Nations was organized and con
ducted by delegates from student bodies
of both races. . . .
“All of these measures were approved
by the people of Wilmington and New
Castle County. As a result, a state of
of Alabama. Also, when asked the con
nection, if any, between the NAACP
and TCA, Gomillion replied that his
organization was formed in 1910 where
as NAACP in Alabama dates from 1940
and the latter organization is now
banned in Alabama. He did confirm,
when asked, that NAACP’s former ad
dress in Tuskegee was the same as the
present address of TCA.
The abolition committee is conducting
a series of meetings in the five coun
ties surrounding Macon. If abolition is
recommended, these would inherit parts
of Macon.
At a Feb. 20 meeting in Reeltown,
residents from Macon and Tallapoosa
counties agreed that such action must
be taken if proved necessary to prevent
Negroes from taking political control of
Macon. But they urged an alternate
solution short of that if possible.
SEES HANDICAP’
The mayor of Alexander City in
Tallapoosa County, which would be
one of the counties receiving part of
Macon, warned that abolition could
“handicap” Macon citizens. And, speak
ing for his own community, he said:
“We don’t want to get in the position
where we are faced with the same sit
uation that Macon County is.” Al
though Tallapoosa County is only about
27 per cent Negro, compared to Ma
con’s 85 per cent, the county schools
outside Alexander City are almost
evenly divided, with 2,700 white stu
dents and 2,200 Negroes.
The Tallapoosa County superintend-
dent of education, Woodrow Weldon,
told the committee: “We are more than
willing to share your problems... We
stand ready to help any way we can.
But for goodness’ sake don’t give us the
kids without the buildings.” Weldon
said Tallapoosa couldn’t take care of
additional pupils without other facili
ties.
Other hearings scheduled in the im
mediate future will be held at Mont
gomery (Montgomery County), Union
Springs (Bullock County), Wetumpka
(Elmore County) and Opelika (Lee
County).
In a speech in Chicago Feb. 24,
Grover C. Hall Jr., editor-in-chief of
The Montgomery Advertiser, accused
northern newspapers and politicians of
“pietistical experting” on southern race
troubles while ignoring or playing
down their own.
Speaking before the Inland Daily
Press Association, Hall said it is easy
to deplore southern race disharmony
“but if you want to talk about blood
spilled, skulls cracked, deceit practiced,
evasion and defiance of the law on a
grand scale—your dateline will be, not
Little Rock or Montgomery, but Chi
cago, Detroit, Philadelphia, New York.”
Hall continued: “School desegrega
tion in the South has hit the horse
latitudes. Those visionaries in and out
of the South who thought that once
the Supreme Court had decreed deseg
regation it would follow like a point
after touchodwn are now getting their
answer . . .
“Don’t be misled by a few maso
chistic southern prophets who revel in
the Little Rock bayonet and go loping
around in circles whipping their own
behinds like the self-flagellants of the
Middle Ages. The reality seems to be
this. If northern politicians... impel the
federal government to grind down
upon the South one of two things may
happen. Much of the South will close
its schools or there will be violence ...
“The colored man is misused in both
the North and South, though he is far
more deceived in the northern para
dise. On this, however, there is one
basic concession that the honest south
erner must make to the North. In the
North there is no resistance to the en
franchisement of qualified Negro voters.
In some parts of the South, there is...”
RELATIONS WORST’
A group of Negroes meeting in Mont
gomery in early February agreed that
America’s race relations are today the
worst in the nation’s history.
J. J. Israel, vice president of the
Montgomery Restoration and Amelio
ration Association, explained the pur
pose of the meeting: “to investigate the
feasibility of creating an organization
to operate throughout the South for
the purpose of reestablishing lines of
communication between the races.”
Clennon King of Mississippi was ap
pointed to handle public relations of
the organization which claims repre
sentation in Alabama, Georgia, Missis
sippi, Arkansas, Louisiana and Tennes
see. Main goal of the organization,
Israel said, “is to encourage leaders of
both races in the South, regardless of
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Del., Superintendent Cites Experience
acceptance and readiness had been
established by the time of the court’s
decision. . . .
“Following . . . public hearings and
a careful review of all questions that
had been raised, on Aug. 2, 1954 the
Wilmington board approved the first
steps in a plan to integrate the city
schools. For the school year 1954-55, all
elementary schools were desegregated.
One Negro school was closed, pupils
and teachers being transferred to a
previously all-white building. Pupils in
the Negro high school in grades 11 and
12 could transfer to other high schools
if particular courses were desired.
Transfers and reassignment of the
teaching staff were made as necessary.
LIBERAL TRANSFER POLICY
“For many years the Wilmington
schools have had in operation a policy
whereby pupils living in one attend
ance area can request transfer to an
other school in the city, provided only
that room is available. This policy was
used effectively in putting into practice
the new program of integration.
“It was thought that many parents,
both white and Negro, would request
transfer. Such proved not to be the case.
Of the many thousands of requests that
could have been filed, fewer than one
hundred were actually received. These
were cared for without difficulty.
“There are some indications now ap
pearing that certain residence restric
tions may become necessary, but this
problem will be met as it arises.
ADDITIONAL STEPS
“In September, 1955, additional steps
were taken. Integration of all seventh
grade pupils was authorized as well as
free transfer among senior high schools.
Beginning September 1956, the entire
plan was put into effect under the same
plan of free transfer provided space
was available. Thus, over a three-year
period, the Wilmington schools achieved
desegregation. As of October, 1957, all
Negro elementary pupils, some 41 per
cent of the total number, are attending
schools enrolling both Negro and white
pupils. In some units only a few boys
and girls of one race or the other are
found; in others, the figures run to 50
per cent of each.
“The junior and senior high schools
are all fairly well integrated with the
exception of the former Negro senior
high school. To date only one white
student is enrolled in this unit. Of the
junior high school pupils, 39 per cent
are Negro; in the senior high schools,
20 per cent. These figures suggest a loss
of Negro pupils from the upper grades.
FACULTY INTEGRATION
“Integration of staff has proceeded
gradually. At present one out of six of
our Negro teachers is assigned to so-
called white schools. Two white teach
ers work in all-Negro schools. Selec
tion and assignment of teachers are now
made without regard to color, except in
special situations. . . .
“Several factors account for the fact
that the program outlined in 1954 has
been accomplished with so little fric
tion and difficulty.
“Most significant of these is public
understanding. From the first, the pub
lic was taken into the confidence of the
board. While individuals as such were
not excluded from meetings and hear
ings, special effort was made to insure
that several important organizations
would send representatives qualified to
speak for them and to discuss in a ma
ture manner the issues involved. The
Wilmington Home and School Council,
unit chapters of the Congress of Par
ents and Teachers, the National Asso
ciation for the Advancement of Colored
People, labor unions, church groups—
particularly the Friends — and the
American Association of University
Women, were among the groups invited
to meet with the board. Over a period
of three months, continuous study was
given the problems that would be met.
This is a short period, but as indicated
above, it was felt that a state of readi
ness had been reached by the majority
of the people of Wilmington.
PRESS, RADIO SUPPORT
“The support of the press and radio
was all that could be desired. . . .
“The support of the city government
at critical times was most significant.
During the period when disturbances
were breaking out in other places, city
officials made it clear to all that a firm
stand would be taken against those who
wished to embroil the Wilmington
schools in conflict and racial antagon
isms. There is no doubt that this atti
tude on the part of city government and
police officials prevented occurrences
which appeared elsewhere.
“Careful planning went into each step
taken. At meetings of staff members,
parents, organization representatives
and the board, each point was fully
examined . . . Any incident of unusual
character is investigated immediately to
determine its causes and the means of
preventing a recurrence. As a result, no
problem of unusual or unexpected na
ture has arisen. Alertness of the staff
to the dangers inherent in any situation
has paid off richly. . . .
‘MANY PROBLEMS YET’
“Of course, many problems are yet
to be solved. The programs of urban
renewal, low-cost housing and neigh
borhood change will present difficulties
which will demand most careful study
and patience. When the time comes that
we must tighten lines of attendance
areas, it is likely that objections will
be made. Differences in scholastic
achievement will require special test
ing and grouping. Extension of the in
structional programs for retarded, su
perior and physically handicapped chil
dren will be influenced by the attain
ment of full integration.
These matters are but the growing
pains of a program that has proved to
be so significant for Wilmington. We are
confident they can be dealt with effec
tively.”
* Jlas unaer consh
the appeal of the Delaware B
Education that desegregation
should be drafted by local school dis
tricts in Delaware—and submitted to
the state board for action.
The appeal was taken from an order
of Chief Judge Paul Leahy of the Dis
trict Court of Delaware, handed down
late last summer, directing the state
board to draft a general desegregation
order for all school districts in Dela
ware that do not have any desegrega
tion plan in operation.
The position of the local districts in
volved in this particular case is that it’s
up to the state board, as “the para
mount authority” in matters pertaining
to public education, to draft the deseg
regation plans and hand them over to
the local districts.
AFFIRMATION ASKED
In the same case, Louis L. Redding,
attorney for Negro children seeking ad
mission to these particular schools, has
asked that the order of the district
court be affirmed.
The school districts specifically in
volved are: Milford, Laurel, Seaford,
Greenwood, the John M. Clayton Con
solidated School, Milton—all in Sussex
County—and Clayton in Kent County.
ADMINISTRATION IS ISSUE
The main issue concerns school ad
ministration in Delaware, and both
sides agree that Delaware’s school or
ganization is somewhat peculiar with
its sprawling district boundaries and
its arrangement of what are known as
“state school units” and “special school
districts.”
It also was pointed out that there are
instances in Delaware where a Negro
school and a white school are close to
each other and yet are in two separate
school districts, each administered by
its respective school board of trustees.
Deputy Atty. Gen. F. Alton Tybout,
appearing for the state board of educa
tion, argued that Judge Leahy’s order
is the only one of its kind ever handed
down in a segregated state school sys
tem.
ARGUES FOR LOCAL HANDLING
He told the circuit court that through
out the South, all desegregation orders
were directed to local school boards and
not any state board. He also said that
it would be “a tragedy and danger” #
the district court’s order were to ^
affirmed, that the local districts would
cry that the state was trying “to ram
something down our throats.” Tybo u
concluded his argument with the q ue5 '
tion: “If it is true that the state board
has all the power and authority the
local districts say we have, then why
didn’t the local districts obey the state
board in the summer of 1954 when they
were instructed to submit their pi 40 ?
or ideas for desegregation? None 0
these school districts complied.”
Former State Supreme Court Justm e
James M. Tunnell Jr. of Georgetown,
who was the principal spokesman f° r
the seven school districts in this case,
argued that if there is to be a uniform
and equal plan of desegregation in D e
aware, it must be drawn by the sta e
board.
He further argued that the sta
board, by law, is ordered to maintam
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