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page 14—APRIL I960—SOUTHERN SCHOOL NEWS NAACP Meeting Urges Faster Desegregation KENTUCKY Race Relations and School Measures Are Approved by General Assembly LOUISVILLE, Ky. wo race relations measures, extra millions to insure “a new day for Kentucky’s schools,” and the state’s first billion-dollar biennial budget were among the acts approved by the Kentucky General Assembly before it ad journed March 18. (See “Legisla tive Action.”) In general, the Legislature gave Democratic Gov. Bert Combs ev erything he sought, including a sales tax, a veterans bonus and the first step toward a “limited” con stitutional revision convention from which school integration would be specifically excluded. And it gave him one thing he had not sought—a brief committee investigation of public education that aired contro versial charges, and funds for a com mission to extend the investigation dur ing the next two years. (See “Under Survey.”) Atty. Gen. John Breckinridge ruled, in a Louisville case, that cities do have legal and constitutional power to enact anti-discrimination ordinances. (See “Legal Action.”) The Louisville Board of Aldermen then voted 11-1 to oppose “any ordinance which takes away the right of an owner of a private business to select his or its customers or clien tele.” (See “Community Action.”) The lunch counter sit-in demonstra tions spread to Lexington, where small bi-racial groups picketed segregated va riety stores four successive Saturdays without incident. U.S. Sen. Thruston Morton and former President Harry S. Truman, in Louisville, had a word for them. (See “What They Say.”) A Negro sports columnist sharply criticized the behavior of a Negro bas ketball team in an interracial game, now being investigated by the state’s school athletic authorities. (See “Miscellane ous”) Two laws enacted by the General As sembly in March, both supported by Gov. Combs, involved race relations. One provided for a new civil service system that will greatly reduce political patronage in the state. The law specifi cally states that “state employment can not be denied to any individual because of race, creed, or color.” This specifica tion was praised by the Louisville De fender as opening up many opportuni ties for Negroes able to pass the civil service examinations and meet other job qualifications. The other measure creates an 11- member State Commission on Human Rights, to be appointed by the governor. Its task is “to encourage fair treatment for, to foster mutual understanding and respect among, and to discharge dis crimination against any racial or ethnic group or its members.” The commission has a two-year $25,- 000 grant to make studies of and issue reports on discrimination, receive and investigate complaints, hold public hearings and invite (not subpoena) wit nesses, recommend ways to eliminate injustices, and cooperate with other groups to discourage discrimination. NEGRO INTRODUCES The rights commission bill was intro duced by Rep. William H. Childress, only Negro in the General Assembly, and co-sponsored by Rep. R. P. Ma loney, after Louisville aldermen ex pressed belief they had no power to en act an anti-discrimination ordinance. Initially opposed by some western Kentuckians, the bill was bottled up in committee for some time and then de feated on the floor. But a motion to re consider (made by House Majority Leader Thomas Ray of Jefferson Coun ty) carried, and the House subsequent ly approved the measure 66-1. Easy passage in the Senate followed, though the appropriation for the commission, as finally approved, was half that originally proposed. The governor is expected to appoint commission members in April. The Louisville Times commented that “establishment of the commission does not, of course, imply the promise of an immediately bright tomorrow,” but that “it does suggest an orderly, sincere and hopeful approach to very difficult prob lems.” Combs won approval of his record billion-dollar budget easily, with un precedented increases for public educa tion (as promised in his campaign last year)—a 62 per cent increase of 102.7 million dollars for all levels, with the first 12 grades getting 73.5 million, high er education 18 million. Teacher-pay increases range from $300 at the lowest level of certification to $1,100 at the top, bringing these in 1960 to $1,800 and $4,400, respectively, with further increases of $100 to $200 scheduled for 1961. State per-pupil sup port will rise from $80 to $120 in 1960, to $125 in 1961. These huge new sums, as some legis lators called them, led to creation of a House committee to investigate public education (see Southern School News, March 1960). Created in February, the seven-member group in March issued a report charging that Kentucky schools had swapped “hard” education for “soft,” that public education in some areas was riddled with wasteful politics, fiscal mismanagement, ignorance of the law, etc. NOT CONVINCED “The committee,” summed up Chair man Harry M. Caudill, Whitesburg Democrat, “is not convinced that mas sive new injections of money into the school system at this time will neces sarily result in a significant improve ment in the over-all educational system and quality of instruction. It is apparent that much is wrong . . . that money alone cannot cure. It is obvious that if we are to have a first-rate school sys tem, we must greatly improve our school administration ...” The storm this blew up is still raging, with some educators bitterly critical of the committee, others finding “some good” in its report, with many agreeing that the result of “increased public in terest in education was worth it.” The storm involved religious contro versy when several reporters on March 11 quoted Dr. Harry Sparks, president of the Kentucky Education Assn, and dean at Murray State College, as saying this of the committee membership: “Some of these men are Catholics and this tremendous expenditure is going to cost them ... they are going to have to improve their own schools, too . . . put more money into buildings and into bet ter teaching salaries ... I am not chal lenging their beliefs, but they will feel the sting.” (The committee consisted of three Catholics, two Methodists, and two Baptists). CENSURE VOTED This quotation earned Dr. Sparks a vote censure from the House, a demand by Sen. C. W. McCann, a Louisville Catholic, that Sparks be stripped of both his KEA and Murray posts. On March 18 Dr. Sparks said it had not been his intention to cast aspersions on any religious group. “I didn’t call any names,” he said to the 32d annual meeting of the First Dis trict Parent-Teacher Assn, at Prince ton. “The newspapers called the names.” He added that the committee’s report as a whole deserves consideration and that school people “should be careful to maintain a reasonable and open attitude toward criticism.” The assemblage ap plauded him and unanimously adopted a resolution commending him for his work in education and pledging the group’s loyalty. While some legislators called the committee report as “valuable” and others as “too general, hastily drawn, inconclusive, and vicious,” the General Assembly evidently shared some of Caudill’s apprehensions. It did not en dorse the committee’s proposal of a special session on education, but it passed a bill creating a permanent in vestigating committee and appropriated $160,000 to finance the study for two years, with not more than four of the committee members to be professional educators. Charged with “probing public educa tion at all levels,” the committee, yet to be named, will have on its agenda the March 24 proposal of the State Board of Education that the superintendent of public instruction (now Wendell P. But ler, elected last fall) be removed as chairman and that the post be filled from the board’s rank. Several mem bers said they had been used as “rubber stamps” by former superintendents to confirm policies already adopted, and that the office of the superintendent “had wrested control of the schools.” With Butler’s approval, the board sent its recommendations by letter to Gov. Combs, noting, among other things, that some parts of the initial House commit tee criticism of the educational system were “unjust.” Butler said he felt the suggestion about removing his office as board chairman was “not far out of line.” It cannot be acted on, however, until the 1962 Legislature convenes. CLASSROOM SURVEY “A very substantial gain for the Ne gro pupils and a very probable gain for the whites” is the three-year verdict on Louisville’s integrated schooling by Dr. Frank H. Stallings, associate professor of education at the University of Louis ville. The conclusion was based on the scores of tests administered in all sec ond, sixth, and eighth grades in the Louisville schools. In 1956, when the desegregation pro gram had just begun, the median scores of white pupils were considerably below national norms—eight months in Eng lish, 10 months in reading, 12 months in arithmetic reasoning, three months in arithmetic computation. Negro median scores were eight to 14 months below those of the whites. In 1959, with Negro and white pupils tested together, median scores were much closer to national norms—behind only one month in arithmetic, two months in English and reading, four months in arithmetic computation. Based on the work of some 8,000 to 10,000 pupils, the survey can be regarded as “statistically reliable,” Stallings said. It was an updating of a project he com pleted last year as part of his work on his doctorate. That study, which com pared the last year before integration with the first year of integration, showed a gain for both the Negro pupils and all pupils together in the first year after in tegration. Stallings said it would be impossible to say what part of the improvement is due to integration, but that “it is reas suring that we have not regressed.” The Courier-Journal called the Stall ings findings “solid evidence that inte gration has not ‘hurt’ our schools.” In February the city law department advised the Louisville Board of Aider- men had no authority to enact an anti- discrimination ordinance, whereupon the aldermen by voice vote rejected an ordinance aimed at hotels, theaters, and restaurants refusing to serve Negroes. In March Atty. Gen. John Breckin ridge, in a lengthy ruling, held that “there is no conflict between the pro posed ordinance and the Constitutions and laws of the United States and the Commonwealth, and the subject matter being within the police power of the state and the City of Louisville, it is our opinion that, if adopted, it would con stitute a valid exercise of police power.” The Louisville Board of Aldermen on March 22 by a vote of 11 to 1 approved the following resolution: “We, the Board of Aldermen of the City of Louisville, are opposed to any ordinance which takes away the right of an owner of a private business to select his or its customers or clientele.” The single negative vote came from William W. Beckett, the first Negro (in 1955) to serve as Acting Mayor of Louis ville, now the only Negro on the board. He had announced earlier that he was withdrawing his original ordinance, but the resolution was generally interpreted as being designed to head off any fur ther attempts to force theaters, restau rants and hotels to serve Negroes. Alderman Gamer M. Petrie, author of the resolution, said its purpose was “to clear the air so there could be no doubt as to how the board felt.” The action followed a pre-meeting caucus at which telegrams and letters from busi nessmen, urging that no law be adopted to force desegregation, were read. DALLAS, Texas ational Assn, for Advance ment of Colored People’s re gional meeting here called for more militant action toward racial equality in the South. Negro teachers were criticized particularly for failing to support sufficiently what the southwest region NAACP leaders consid ered desirable objectives. The organization called for faster de segregation in schools, public eating places and other areas. Gloster B. Current of New York City, national director of NAACP branches, predicted that recent court decisions against furnishing of membership lists of NAACP to public officials would boost its membership in the South. Current also declared that while NAACP supports and endorses the Negro sit-downs in eating establish ments, that it has not directed them. The spokesman also objected to grade-a-year desegregation of schools in Nashville and some other cities. “Twelve years is too long to be ef- Most of these were from theater own ers and managers. One held that de segregation in nearby Indiana had in flicted “a great loss” on theater owners,” another that it would be “detrimental to business,” and therefore “confiscatory.” A chain-theater official held that “ad mittance of Negroes would most certain ly be the kiss of death to some of our marginal theaters.” Three privately owned theaters in Louisville have no color bar. This is true of all public auditoriums (frequ ently used for commercial entertain ment), several hotels, a few restaurants, and a large number of drugstore and variety-store lunch counters. The aldermen also approved sale of part of a playground to the city school board to be used as the site of a new elementary school, to be named, by earlier action of the board, in honor of the late Supt. Omer Carmichael, archi tect of the local school desegregation program. Lamont Jones, University of Ken tucky Negro student, said about the lunch counter sit-down demonstrations in Lexington: “In view of the fact that Lexington is a cultural center and people here in the vast majority are fair-minded, and also in view of the fact that integration in the schools has gone off remarkably well, without any adverse incidents, I feel the managers of the dime stores and all other public places in general should open their doors to all people regardless of race.” Harry S. Truman, in Louisville for a Democratic rally, said: “If anyone came into my store and tried to stop business, I’d throw him out. The Negro should behave himself and show he’s a good citizen. Common sense and good will can solve this thing. We’ve done it in Missouri.” GOP Sen. Thruston B. Morton of Louisville stated: “It was certainly unfortunate that the sit-down strikes came when they did. They served to stall action on civil rights legislation by Congress.” Flaget (Catholic) High School of Louisville, with an integrated team, won the state basketball championship in March. One of its district-tournament victims was Louisville Central, an all- Negro school which had beaten Flaget three times during the regular season, but which lost 58-49 in a game marked by several incidents and what Louis ville Defender Sports Editor Clarence L. Matthews called “a near riot be tween players, officials and fans before police and merchant policemen restored order.” The affair is being investigated by state school athletic authorities. Com mented Matthews in his column: “The equal display of bad tempers and sports manship on the part of (Central) team members and fans cannot be condoned. Central simply beat themselves . . .” # # # fective. It is a token, dragging meth od,” said Current. The Texas Observer, a liberal week ly, said in its report of the convention: “A bitter feeling that Negro school teachers as a group are letting down the Negroes’ cause cropped up several times in the conference.” Roy Wilkins, national executive sec retary of NAACP, spoke at one session of “the spineless attitude of some Ne groes who are afraid to stand up and be counted on the side of freedom.” “I am particularly disappointed that the choir of St. James (African Meth odist) Temple—my own church—did not appear as scheduled. “I understand that some school teach ers were in the choir. They were afraid of criticism, or that they might lose their jobs if they came to sing for the NAACP. “They ought to know that they can’t be free until they think they are free.” While many communities have a shortage of white teachers, there is a great surplus of Negro teachers in Texas, estimated by their state asso ciation last fall at more than 1,000. Texas and each of several other states with segregated schools employ more Negro teachers than do all the unseg regated states combined. Numerous northern Negro teachers obtain em ployment in southern Negro schools, according to the state association of Negro teachers. U. Simpson Tate, former NAACP at torney at Dallas and now living in Oklahoma, called “our teachers . . . our greatest enemies to social rights.” Dr. S. W. Williamson, president of Oklahoma NAACP, added that Negro teachers there had been “fired” when schools integrated. The Texas Observer reported also: “A division of opinion appeared (at the convention) over whether white (See NAACP, Page 16) North Carolina (Continued From Page 13) tests illegal. In response to a query from Ray mond Maxwell, secretary of the State Board of Elections, Bruton said spell ing tests are “not a requirement or prerequisite for the registration of vot ers.” Maxwell said he asked for the ruling after receiving a letter from the Rev. N. K. Dunn of Weldon, who said he had complaints that Negroes had “to endure a spelling test in order to reg ister.” The chairmen of the Northampton and Halifax elections boards said they knew of no spelling tests given in then- counties. The state’s literacy test for registra tion was upheld last year by the U. S. Supreme Court in the case of Lassiter vs. Northampton Board of Elections. C. B. Deane, president of North Carolina Baptists, began a speech to a group of ministers studying at Fruit- land Baptist Institute, with these words: “We live in a new age. We cannot sweep the social problems of the day and hour under the rug. We cannot tiptoe around the racial issue. We can not run away. There is nowhere to run. We have been overtaken, and we cannot evade our social and spiritual responsibilities . . . “It is to be regretted that the Chris tian church had to be prodded into action by the U. S. Supreme Court. The church and the Christian school can no longer evade responsibility. “I realize dormitory and classroom space in every North Carolina Baptist college is exhausted. It is true that some Baptist students may not get into a Baptist college this fall for lack of space. Yet I think we must face this new and changing age. “I ask you Baptist ministers here at Fruitland, can you think of any Chris tian reason why a qualified, respon sible Baptist Negro minister who wants to learn how to become a more faith ful steward should not be allowed to study with you? “I think the hour is here when North Carolina Baptists and the trustees of our Baptist colleges, which by Convention action have the author ity, cannot wait longer on taking fa vorable action looking toward the ad mission of qualified Negro students in to our institutions.” # # #