Newspaper Page Text
PAGE 6—MAY, 1962—SOUTHERN SCHOOL NEWS
Wallace and DeGraffenried Vie
For Governor in Alabama Runoff
New College President Installed
Dr. L. H. Pitts (left) is invested as president of Miles College by Bishop E. f,
Murchison.
(Continued From Page 1)
Jefferson. Five Negro committee candi
dates lost in Mobile (where seven had
been elected four years ago), three lost
in Jefferson and all 14 Negro candidates
lost in Madison County.
In Montgomery, the Rev. Uriah J.
Fields was swamped in his bid for elec
tion to the city-county school board.
The only Negro candidate in the county,
he received only 550 votes in the five-
candidate race, indicating he had been
rejected by Negroes as well as whites.
During the famous bus boycott, Fields
broke with the Rev. Martin Luther
King, Jr., but has championed Negro
rights with what he calls a more prac
tical approach.
All Pro-Segregation
Right down to the wire, all of the
candidates for the gubernatorial nom
ination promised the voters they would
preserve segregation.
But there was a considerable range
in content, tone and declaration of in
tentions among the candidates—varying
from Wallace’s promises to put himself
in “the schoolhouse door, if necessary”
and defy any court order to desegregate
to Folsom’s softer line, calling for true
equalization of Negro facilities with
those of whites, though still segregated.
Somewhere in between were deGraf-
fenried who warned of “loudmouth”
defiance, and Boutwell (he withdrew
April 25 by his doctor’s orders), who
said “I will have no part in challenging
to ugly, childish combat the nation to
whose flag I have sworn undying alle
giance.”
Attorney General Gallion’s campaign
statements were closer to Wallace’s in
temper but he did not go so far in his
announced plans to prevent desegrega
tion.
Debate in Summary
Following is a summary of the school
segregation debate in the final weeks
of campaigning for the May 1 Demo
cratic primary:
Folsom promised, as he had earlier,
to maintain racial segregation by work
ing with representative white and Ne
gro leaders. He told his audiences that
there would be no desegregation while
he was in office, just as there had been
none in his two previous terms (1947-
51 and 1955-59).
Folsom started out early in the cam
paign “running scared” on the race
issue. During his last term he vetoed
several segregation measures, scoffed at
the state’s nullification resolution as
“like a hound dog baying at the moon,”
entertained Harlem Congressman Adam
Clayton Powell at the governor’s man
sion and otherwise irritated segrega
tionists. Advertisements and anony
mously distributed literature reminded
the voters of this record, but observers
were surprised that the other candi
dates did not bear down more heavily
on this apparent chink in Folsom’s ar
mor. Best guess seemed to be that all
of the contenders were trying to get
in a runoff with Folsom and were hold
ing the big guns in reserve until then.
Folsom repeated in April his earlier
denunciations of mob violence (SSN,
February, et seq.), again promised he
would throw freedom riders and all
other “agitators,” black or white, in
jail, and said he intended to kick the
Ku Klux Klan out of power in state
government. The last was an obvious
reference to charges that Gov. John
Patterson was supported by the Klan
in 1959.
Toned Down Comments
Whereas in earlier stump speeches
this year Folsom had used the word
“nigger” (uncharacteristic of him) and
devoted much of his speeches to the
segregation issue, he toned down his
comments as the campaign progressed,
reverted to “Negro,” promised two new
Negro trade schools and general im
provement of the state’s school system,
which must, he said, remain segregated.
(For earlier comments hy Folsom and
the other candidates, see particularly
SSN for February, March and April.)
In his April campaigning, former
Judge Wallace of Barbour County con
tinued to denounce the federal courts
in language which, as earlier, prompted
criticism from other candidates.
“I am not,” Wallace said time and
again, “going to obey any order or any
federal court that orders integration of
the schools.”
He repeated his earlier promises to
ask the legislature for personal place
ment powers. With these, he said, any
court order would be directed at him.
He would stand in the schoolhouse
door, if necessary, to prevent desegre
Alabama Highlights
Former Gov. James E. Folsom, the
odds-on favorite to lead the ticket in
Alabama’s gubernatorial primary
May 1, apparently failed even to
make the runoff.
If he has been consigned to polit
ical oblivion, as many observers be
lieve, the segregation issue was a
major factor in his defeat. He was
attacked for his “softness” on the
issue. His campaign was generally
regarded as “liberal” on this point.
By contrast, former Circuit Judge
George C. Wallace of Barbour
County offered to stand “in the
school house door” if necessary to
thwart federal court orders should
they come during his administration.
He said he would ask the legislature
for personal placement powers so
that if anyone had to face jail for
defiance, he would be the man. He
denounced the federal judiciary in
virtually every speech and claimed
that as a circuit judge he had called
the bluff of Civil Rights Commission
agents investigating voting in his
circuit.
A runoff was indicated between
Wallace and State Senator Ryan de-
Graffenried of Tuscaloosa, who de
cried Wallace’s “loudmouth” de
fiance and the risk the “little judge”
had assumed in thus daring the fed
eral government to attempt desegre
gation in Alabama.
Only the results of an official
canvass May 8 would confirm de-
Graffenried’s second position, which
Folsom challenged as an inaccurate
count. The vote compiled by the As
sociated Press gave Wallace a strong
lead with 207,124 votes; deGraffen-
ried. 160,758; and Folsom, 159,546.
Folsom apparently won an over
whelming percentage of the Negro
vote, which was expected to total
70,000 or more, but he lost much of
his traditional white support.
gation. If sent to federal prison for de
fiance, Wallace repeatedly said, the
spectacle of the governor of a sovereign
state being so treated would arouse the
nation.
He said he would defy the federal
government to put its “filthy hands”
on him. He described the federal judi
ciary as “sorry, lousy and irresponsible”
and said that if he were a federal judge
he would “resign and eat acorns and
run rabbits rather than serve.”
Shelton Followed Campaign
Following Wallace’s campaign was
Robert M. Shelton, grand dragon of
one of Alabama’s six Klan groups and
the man whose work in behalf of John
Patterson became a hot campaign issue
four years ago. In that runoff, Wallace
accused Patterson of Klan backing and
produced letters by Patterson referring
to “our mutual friend” Shelton. Wal
lace accused Patterson of using Klan
mailing lists.
Shelton refused to say he was actively
supporting Wallace, commenting cryp
tically: “Whoever wins, you will know
we were for him.” He expressed an
earlier interest in Gallion, as well, but
described deGraffenried as being “as
liberal as Folsom on the segregation
question.” DeGraffenried is from Shel
ton’s hometown, Tuscaloosa.
Wallace was attacked in ads over the
state as a man who talked big but
could not stand up to federal court
o ders when they came. The ads con
tained a facsimile of U.S. District Judge
Frank M. Johnson’s finding of Jan. 26,
1959, finding Wallace innocent of con
tempt charges. Wallace, then circuit
judge, had been ordered to present the
voting records of Barbour and Bullock
counties for inspection by agents of
the Civil Rights Commission. The agents
finally got the records, but not before
Wallace had given them the run-around
for a while. The court found, in the
order reproduced by Wallace opponents,
that on Jan. 12 and 13, 1959, Wallace
“attempted to give the impression that
he was defying this court’s order by
turning said records over to hastily
summoned grand juries in Barbour and
Bullock counties . . .”
However, the court continued, Wal
lace had in fact, “through devious
methods,” assisted the agents in obtain
ing the records. “Even though it was
accomplished through means of sub
terfuge,” the court said, “George C.
Wallace did comply with the order of
this court concerning the production of
the records . . .”
“If these devious means were for po
litical purposes,” Judge Johnson con
tinued, “then this court refuses to al
low its authority and dignity to be bent
or swayed by such politically-generated
whirlwinds.” Johnson accordingly found
Wallace not guilty of contempt.
In answer to the ads, Wallace said
he called the court’s bluff and “they
backed down,” adding: “If they say
they didn’t back down, they are inte
grating, scallawagging, carpetbagging,
baldfaced liars.”
This statement, repeated in all parts
of the state, brought loud applause,
even though newspaper editors and
other observers said Wallace’s extrem
ism had hurt him. (SSN, April.) Wal
lace obviously concluded otherwise
from his audience response.
DeGraffenried Proposes
‘Selling Job’ to Nation
DeGraffenried wound up his cam
paign in April with repeated statements
on the need for leadership to sell Ala
bama to the nation. He reiterated his
plan to set up an “Alabama Division of
Rights” to advise and work with local
officials in desegregation cases. And he
said again and again that schools must
and would remain segregated if he were
elected.
However, in an obvious jab at Wal
lace’s campaign, he said one of the can
didates is “running around, daring the
federal government to throw him in
jail.”
“I learned when I was seven years
old,” deGraffenried said, “not to dare
anyone to do anything. I almost got my
head knocked off.”
This is not the time for “hotheads
and loud mouths” to be making “empty
threats and dares,” he said. “That
would be the quickest way to bring the
Capitol dome down on the heads of the
people of Alabama.”
Gallion Pointed to Record
Gallion continued to point to his rec
ord, as attorney general, in keeping the
NAACP and CORE out of Alabama.
Both are under Montgomery Circuit
Court injunctions banning their opera
tions in Alabama—injunctions sought
by Gallion. The previous attorney gen
eral, John Patterson, was swept into the
governor’s chair on the strength of his
original actions against the NAACP.
(See Legal Action.)
Gallion also denounced the Kennedy
Administration’s illiteracy bill, berated
Attorney General Robert Kennedy and
criticized President Kennedy for not
granting him an interview on a recent
trip to Washington:
“Martin Luther King seems to have
on his key ring the key to the White
House door. But the attorney general of
the sovereign state of Alabama is not
shown the courtesy of a personal inter
view.”
Gallion criticized Folsom as a big
man who talks big, deGraffenried as an
orator who says nothing and Wallace
as a little man with loud words.
Lt. Gov. Boutwell of Birmingham
In the Colleges
Students from Talladega College, a
Congregational Christian institution,
figured in a series of sit-in and march
ing demonstrations in downtown Tal
ladega during April.
Their numbers varied from a half-
dozen to as many as 200. They said
they were protesting segregated eating
facilities, drinking fountains and em
ployment practices in Talladega.
About 50 were arrested. Among them
were Dr. E. W. McNair, 63, white chap
lain of the college and professor of
religion; and John Robert Zellner, 23,
who said he is employed by the stu
dent Non-Violent Coordinating Com
mittee and was a visitor on campus.
Restraining Order
Circuit Judge William C. Sullivan
issued a temporary restraining order
against further demonstrations April
28, at the request of Attorney General
quit the race April 25 after his doctor
told him it would be extremely dan
gerous for him to continue because of
his general health and exhaustion. Be
fore getting out, Boutwell got in some
licks at Wallace and court-baiting in
general:
“Alabama cannot march to greatness
with a chip on her shoulder ... I will
have no part in challenging to an ugly,
childish combat the nation to whose
flag I have sworn undying allegiance.
When there are differences, as differ
ences there are, let them be settled
between Americans and Americans.”
In another speech, again referring to
Wallace, he said:
“Why, ‘The Little One’ (Wallace likes
to be called “the fighting little judge”)
couldn’t even protect the people as cir
cuit judge. He sneaked in at night and
gave the records to the Federals.”
Boutwell noted his authorship of the
1955 School Placement Law and other
school segregation legislation.
Most of his campaign workers ap
parently switched their support to de
Graffenried after Boutwell announced
he had to quit.
Legal Action
U. S. Judge Refuses
To Lift Injunction
Order Against CORE
U.S. District Judge Frank M. Johnson
Jr. of Montgomery refused April 6 to
lift a state court injunction against the
Congress of Racial Equality (CORE).
He sent the case back to state court.
On the petition of Attorney General
MacDonald Gallion, Montgomery Cir
cuit Judge Walter B. Jones enjoined
CORE Feb. 3 from carrying on any
business in Alabama. (SSN, March.)
Johnson said he would “not presume
that any of the judicial officials of the
State of Alabama” would intentionally
deprive CORE of its constitutional
rights.
Earlier Case
Johnson referred to a similar obser
vation he made when he declined to
take jurisdiction of a case in which
NAACP sought to have him throw out
Judge Jones’ temporary injunction
MacDonald Gallion.
At least two fights were reported dur
ing the demonstrations, but there was
no serious violence.
Talladega College is desegregated by
a policy dating back to the 19th Cen
tury. But the student body is, and has
been, overwhelmingly Negro. The fac
ulty has a higher degree of desegre
gation.
Many of the bonds of those arrested
were signed by President Arthur D.
Gray, who was also named in the court
order which said that the demonstra
tions threaten the “safety, peace and
tranquility of Talladega and Alabama.”
Zellner, a former student at Hunt
ingdon College in Montgomery, now
lists his home as Atlanta, Ga. He was
charged with criminal anarchy in con
nection with a racial incident at Baton
Rouge, La., recently and freed on $6,000
bond.
against it. That decision was upheld by
the U.S. Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals,
but the U.S. Supreme Court ordered
state courts to take immediate action
on the merits of the case or forfeit
jurisdiction to the federal courts.
Judge Jones heard the case and made
the injunction permanent last Dec. 29
(SSN, January). The original temporary
injunction was handed down June 1,
1956. The NAACP appealed the perma
nent ban to the Alabama Supreme
Court, where the case (Alabama ex rel
Gallion v. NAACP) still is pending.
After the violence which followed
“freedom rides” into Alabama last
spring, Johnson enjoined CORE along
with Klan groups and Montgomery po
lice from creating or allowing further
violence. The restraining order against
CORE was subsequently allowed to
lapse.
Community Action
Food Aid Cut Off;
Officials Score
Negro Boycotts
In retaliation to a Negro boycott of
stores which began in late March in
downtown Birmingham, city officials
announced withdrawal from the county
surplus food program for the needy.
Miles College students were reported
to be active in the boycott.
An estimated 90-95% of the recipi
ents of the food are Negroes. The city’s
share of the $100,000 county program
is $45,000.
Mayor Arthur J. Hanes said: “If the
Negroes are going to heed the irre
sponsible and militant advice of the
NAACP and CORE leaders, then I say
let these leaders feed them . . .”
Some 20,000 families in Jefferson
County are receiving food under the
federal surplus program.
NAACP Protests
The NAACP wired U.S. Agriculture
Secretary Orville L. Freeman protest
ing the city’s action, which NAACP Ex
ecutive Secretary Roy Wilkins called
“vicious and cowardly.”
Freeman commented later that the
distribution of food in the Birmingham
area was proceeding normally, despite
the announced withdrawal of the eity s
share in the countywide program.
Program officials in Birmingham said
the dispensation of food would continue
through September, but after that the
future was uncertain. The program
fund has about $30,000 on hand and
another $30,000 is committed. Admin
istration costs run about $10,000 3
month.
★ ★ ★
Miles College Is Denied
Permit for Solicitations
In another reprisal, city officials d«-
nied Miles College, Birmingham Neg 10
institution, a permit to solicit fund 5
from Negroes. Again the boycott "' 3 '
given as the reason for the refusal-
Dr. L. H. Pitts, college president, said
Miles is seeking $15,000,000—with a g° 3
for this school year of $150,000. 0° e
purpose of the drive is to regain aC
creditation, lost in 1958.
Pitts said the solicitation had tak e3
the form of “our knocking on the do ofS
of black people asking for dimes.”
The city’s refusal of a permit ‘hf
got us in real straits, he said,
had hoped this drive would stimula* 3
more gifts because we are in a",
shape.” # &
Talledega Students Involved
In Series of Demonstrations