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PAGE 8—FEBRUARY, 1963—SOUTHERN SCHOOL NEWS
SOUTH CAROLINA
Clemson College Admits Negro
On Order of Appellate Court
(Continued from Page 1)
and television representatives from
over the nation. He issued press kits
containing information on Clemson,
Gantt’s suit against it and a biography
of Gantt. A press room was set up in
a hotel near the campus with tele
graphic facilities and other necessities.
After the first day, newsmen and
photographers were virtually sealed off
from the campus to prevent, Sherman
said, undue interference with Gantt
as he went about his rounds. Reports
to the press were made by a Clemson
PIO man who was assigned to trail
Gantt.
In the main the vast news corps,
which had been dubbed “Sherman’s
Army,” had dispersed.
Drove 250 Miles
On the morning of the 28th, Gantt,
20-year-old son of a skilled worker
at the Charleston Naval Yard, traveled
the 250-odd miles from his coastal
home to the Clemson campus in the
foothills of the Blue Ridge Mountains.
With him were his father, Christopher,
and the minister of the Baptist church
he attends.
They stopped in Columbia at the
office of his lawyer, Matthew Perry.
There, several Negro leaders, including
state NAACP president J. Arthur
Brown, had gathered to wish him well.
While Gantt was taking time off to
get a haircut, a reporter asked him
how he felt.
“I don’t really feel any special fears,
just the normal feeling of anxiety—
maybe a little more now—than the
average college student going to his
school for the first time.” He com
pared his feeling to that which he had
when he entered Iowa State, the school
from which he transferred to Clem
son.
‘Very Much Encouraged’
He added that he was “very much
encouraged” by the way the situation
had been handled and that he had
always thought South Carolina could
and would handle itself.”
The trip from Columbia to Clemson
was made in Perry’s car.
Newsmen waiting before the ad
ministration building at Clemson did
not expect any trouble. Minutes before
Gantt’s arrival, they were amused to
see two undergraduates walk past the
waiting crowd—heading for the golf
course.
When Gantt arrived, the 160 news
representatives out-numbered students
an estimated 100. There was a stirring
and a few wisecracks that evoked
laughter from the students, but no
catcalls.
Press Conference
The Negro was met at the registration
desk by a student assistant. After regis
tration, he held a brief press con
ference on the steps of the building.
“It is a jovial crowd,” he said, “but
I don’t know if they are kidding or
not.”
Next he walked, surrounded by
newsmen, to the dormitory where he
had been assigned a room. He will
have no roommate. The college’s Cath
olic chaplain, the Rev. George Le-
Blanc, met him at the dormitory and
said, “I hope your stay at Clemson
will be a good one. I welcome you
among us.”
Following this, Gantt and his convoy
moved three blocks to the school of
Architecture and a conference with
Dean Harlan E. McClure. They dis
cussed his transfer credits and McClure
exajnined a portfolio of Gantt’s draw
ings required to establish his standing
in design. The Negro’s failure to sub
mit these last summer was a major
point in Clemson’s federal court de
fense against Gantt’s suit.
In Sophomore Class
The next day the dean examined a
model of a nursery school Gantt had
designed. It was determined that 64
hours of credit could be transferred
from Iowa State. This made Gantt a
sophomore, four hours short of junior
class standing. He had completed the
first quarter of his junior year at Iowa
State.
Policemen did not escort Gantt on
his appointed rounds but uniformed
officers and plainclothesmen were
everywhere. A police airplane checked
traffic flow on highways leading to the
campus. The circuit solicitor (prose
cutor), John K. Grisso, was on hand to
assist in the lodging of proper charges
in the event of a demonstration. Magis
trates in the area were alerted in case
warrants were needed. None were.
S. C. Highlights
Harvey B. Gantt became the first
Negro to attend a desegregated public
educational institution in South Caro
lina. He enrolled without any major
incidents at Clemson College on Jan.
28.
State leadership called for mainte
nance of order, and thorough prep
aration was made for policing the
Clemson campus and surrounding
area. The college issued identification
cards to students and restricted ac
tivities of newsmen.
Legal action proceeded rapidly as
the date for registration at Clemson
neared. The Fourth Circuit Court of
Appeals reversed District Judge C. C.
Wyche’s decision against Gantt’s ad
mission, and Chief Justice Earl War
ren denied a stay of the Circuit Court
order pending further appeal.
Criticisms of the Clemson admis
sion decision were voiced, and State
Rep. A. W. (Red) Bethea scored
“defeatism” on the part of state offi
cials. Late legislative moves involving
Clemson failed to materialize.
An NAACP lawyer said Charleston
has been selected for the first attempt
to desegregate public schools in
South Carolina.
There was one hostile incident, but
it was directed against the police.
Someone, apparently using an ice pick,
punctured the tires of three Highway
Patrol cars parked on the campus.
Most Clemson students apparently
adopted a policy of ignoring Gantt
during the first week. But like all
collegians they were able to find humor
—some a bit barbed—in the situation.
Students Humorous
Before Gantt arrived they had started
to call their newly issued ID cards
“Harvey Cards.”
Shrugged one student: “The first coed
at Clemson several years ago also re
ceived a reception, but with fewer
newsmen and more whistles.”
Added another: “I couldn’t care less
about Harvey Gantt. I’ve got enough
worries of my own with math and
physics.”
As the first day neared its end,
Clemson authorities were obviously re
lieved. President Edwards called a
press conference to thank the press for
its help and said the school would
return to routine business as soon as
possible. He reiterated that Gantt
would be treated as any other student
Legislative Action
and would be expected to behave as
all others.
Publicist Sherman emphasized the
point. “Clemson is an educational insti
tution and Harvey Gantt is coming here
to get an education. We have no inten
tion of short-changing him.”
Edwards drew a laugh from newsmen
when he said he had talked briefly
with Gantt during the day “to have
him know I am aware that he is on
the campus.”
That evening Gantt ate dinner alone
in the college cafeteria.
The next day was devoted to orien
tation. Newsmen were limited to one
visit on the campus. The third day—
Wednesday — news media representa
tives were barred entirely from the
campus. Reports were relayed again
by the college PIO office.
On Tuesday, one student was quoted
as saying that “Harvey started off in
good old Clemson style. He missed
breakfast.”
And Gantt, discussing the reception
he received, said, “I don’t see how it
could have been any better.”
‘Bull Session’
There was a report of a “bull session”
lasting into the wee hours between
Gantt and several other Dormitory B
students Tuesday night.
Wednesday, hundreds of other stu
dents, away during the semester break,
flocked back to the campus. Long lines
of autos formed as security officers
checked ID cards.
That evening the first “incident” of
any moment occurred. When Gantt
entered the dining hall, several stu
dents shuffled their chairs loudly and
made obvious attempts to leave. One
made what appeared to be an attempt
to “stare down” Gantt. He walked
away laughing and was joined by
others.
Some time later, a group of students
gathered near Gantt’s table in such a
way as to block the view of Dean of
Students Walter Cox and security of
ficers assigned to Gantt. Dean Cox,
an all-star guard on Clemson’s Cotton
Bowl team of 1940, hurried over and
told the group to disperse. It did.
Then two students walked over, shook
hands with Gantt and sat down with
him.
Newsmen Urged To Leave
Clemson officials, insisting the “story”
was over, urged newsmen to leave. Most
did.
By the opening of classes on Friday,
Feb. 1, all of the school’s 4,300 under
classmen were back on campus. Gantt
attended his first class—basic English—
with some 20 other students. A labora
tory and library period followed. No
incidents were reported.
Judge Wyche, Gov. Russell, Trustee Byrnes
Former law partners at inauguration.
A tight security check remained. All
cars entering the campus were stopped
and checked.
What They Say
Courts Criticized;
Compliance Plan
Has Opposition
Among the public pleas for peace,
order and restraint in South Carolina
during the days and weeks that pre
ceded Negro Harvey B. Gantt’s en
trance into Clemson College, there
were criticisms of the federal court
order and the state’s ready compliance
with it.
The most outspoken critic was State
Rep. A. W. (Red) Bethea of Dillon
County, a defeated 1962 gubernatorial
candidate. U. S.
Sen. J. Strom
Thurmond also
sharply denounced
the federal court
action.
State Sen. L.
Marion Gressette,
leader of South
Carolina’s nine-
year fight to keep
its segregated
schools is chair
man of the state’s
special School (Segregation) Committee
attacked the U.S. government and
promised continued legal resistance,
while calling for a peaceful desegre
gation.
Leaders of the White Citizens Coun
cils remained silent.
State Sen. Edgar A. Brown of Barn
well, president pro tempore and chair
man of the Finance Committee in the
State Senate, also a life trustee of
Clemson, declared emphatically that no
violence would be tolerated if the courts
ordered Gantt admitted.
Outgoing Gov. E. F. Hollings, in a
farewell address to the General As-
BETHEA
Bill for Tuition Grants Introduced
A bill which would provide tuition
grants to public school pupils was in
troduced in the South Carolina House
of Representatives Jan. 30 by the Edu
cation Committee.
Although school desegregation was
not mentioned or in any way alluded
to in the bill, South Carolina leaders
hope it will soften the impact of man
datory public school desegregation.
Pending in federal court are three
desegregation suits against public
schools in Charleston, Darlington and
Clarendon counties. Action on htem
is expected in the spring.
The bill first received public mention
the day before when new Gov. Donald
S. Russell made his “State of the State”
address to the legislature and the state’s
special school committee made its an
nual report.
It had been reported for several
months that the committee—known as
the Gressette Committee after its
chairman, Sen. L. Marion Gressette of
Calhoun County—was drafting such a
proposal.
Committee’s Stand
Neither Russell nor Chairman Harold
D. Breazeale of the House Education
Committee mentioned the desegregation
issue in discussing the measure. But
the issue was raised by the Gressette
Committee, a special joint committee
which has been charged with maintain
ing segregation in the state since the
Supreme Court decision of 1954.
The Gressette report said “we can
dare to hope to offer to all our citizens
the broadest possible freedom of choice
of the kind of schools to which they
wish to send their children.”
It added that “South Carolina at all
costs must prevent the development of
its grammar and high schools into the
lawless ‘blackboard jungles’ that inte
gration has made” in Washington, D.C.
In another section, the report com
mended the governors under which it
has served “for their refusal to be
stampeded into imprudent acts and
words on the one hand or premature
surrender to federal threats on the
other.”
The report concluded that it intends
to keep control of education in the
hands of South Carolinians.
School Standards
Gov. Russell, in his address, saw the
grants plan as a method of raising
public school standards. “Public educa
tion would not be hurt by such com
petition,” he declared. “It could well be
that this competition would stimulate
progress in public education.”
Rep. Breazeale said, after introducing
the bill, that its purpose was to “up
grade” public school education through
competition from public schools. Deseg- |
regation, he said after leaving an ex- |
ecutive session on the bill, was “beside j
the point.”
Gov. Russell recommended that a
contingent reserve of $1,000,000 out of
anticipated surplus revenue be set up
to start the program.
The bill provides that state funds,
possibly supplemented by local money,
be made available to any student—
white or Negro—on the elementary or
high school level who wants to attend
a private nonsectarian school. Specifi
cally excluded are schools operated by
any religious group.
The amount must not exceed the per-
pupil expenditure for public schooling.
Under the present situation, this means
$225 per year for elementary students
and $250 for high school pupils.
Local Supplements
This could be supplemented by the
local school district, which would ad
minister the program. Such a plan is
in harmony with the existing method
of school financing in South Carolina
where the state provides the base
amount of school costs and local dis
tricts, when able and so inclined, add
to it.
To be eligible for a grant, a pupil
must attend a school that meets the
standards of the State Department of
Education. Penalties are spelled out for
misuse of the funds by individuals.
Under the proposal, students now
attending private schools—but not pa
rochial schools—would be eligible for
grants.
One influential member of the
House, who asked not to be identified,
suggested that any act, no matter how
worded, which is designed to circum
vent desegregation would fail to pass
the test in the federal courts.
A skeptical senator said that a simi
lar plan in Georgia had only provided
“rich people” with state money to send
their children to private schools.
But Rep. Breazeale said he saw no
major opposition to the bill.
sembly on Jan. 9, amplified Brown’s
remark. He said:
“As we meet, South Carolina is run
ning out of courts. If and when every
legal remedy has been exhausted, this
General Assembly must make clear
South Carolina’s choice, a government
of laws rather than a government of
men.
“As determined as we are, we of to
day must realize the lesson of 100
years ago and move on for the good of
South Carolina and our United States,
This should be done with dignity. It
must be done with law and order.”
New Gov. Russell made only a slight
and oblique reference to the Clemson
affair in his inaugural address in which
he stressed the improvement and ex
pansion of education. But he showed
that he stood with Brown and Hollings,
Gov. and Mrs. Russell invited every
citizen to a post-inaugural luncheon at
the Governor’s Mansion. Members of
both races—some 7,000 in all—attended.
Refused To Comment
As the Gantt case moved through the
courts, Sen. Gressette and members of
his committee refused to comment on
the Gantt issue.
Rumors that a bill to force the clos
ing of Clemson in the event of desegre
gation were heard in the legislative
corridors. Then on Jan. 22, the day
after S.C.’s last appeal failed, Sen. John
Long of Union County arose to urge
the closing and demand the state not
surrender in its fight to preserve seg
regation.
Gressette jumped to his feet, his face
flushed. “There will be no surrender,’
he declared. “. . . We may lose a battle
but we are engaged in a war. . . . This
war will not be won by violence or in
flammatory speeches. ... I have
preached peace and good order too long
to change my thinking. If I thought it
was the best thing for Clemson—the
best thing for South Carolina—I would
advance a different course.”
He closed with a denouncement
the Supreme Court and the NAACP
and sat down to heavy applause. Sen
Long thereupon arose and asked the
Senate to give the Gressette Committee
a standing vote of confidence. The Sen
ate stood unanimously in an act the-
was interpreted as precluding any
bills
closing Clemson or otherwise altering
the law at the last minute.
Three Statements
Almost simultaneously with Gres
sette’s extemporaneous speech cair .
three formal public statements fr°j.
former Gov. James F. Byrnes, from ^
church leaders representing all tom
faiths and denominations in the s
and from the S.C. Republican
In a statement critical of the
Supreme Court on which he 0
served, James F. Byrnes, a Clems"
trustee, commented:
“. . . I am confident there will b® ^
acts of violence against him (G .
by the splendid students of Clem
But like any other man who f®
himself where not wanted, he wi ,
be embraced by all . . . Thank £ ^
ness, not even the Supreme Gour
ordered that be done—as yet!’ ^
The GOP urged all South Caroim ( .
to “maintain law and order but a
remain steadfast in their deterrrun ^
to resist by all legal and moral ^
any and all attempts to subjec ^
state further to the dictatorship
federal government . .
Golden Rule
The clergyman’s plea was
the Golden Rule: . . May G ° a * e d«
to us peace and order and tha ^ ^
unto every man as we would ha
do unto us.” te r l ’ :
On the 24th, the Clemson ®“ a ^ er5 i"
the American Association of UW
Professors went on record
“impartially for all Clemson s . jtf
The faculty group also pP e . ^jif"
support of officials charged wi j e f.
taining “the legal, peaceful an £ f-
-i -.. i . -l /.rtccarV *
conditions which are necessary
(See HARVEY GANTT, P»g e
9)