Newspaper Page Text
Southern Voice/July 5,1990
5
FEATURE
LEGAL Moves in Fulton
Atlanta's lesbian/gay Democratic Club wants a voice
in the party that it supports
by Ian Ginsburg
Mary Vogel
LEGAL's electoral hopefuls: Rich Jones, Craig Allen, Marty Worsham,
Jeff Corrigan and Steve Wimberley
Why don't more of us vote? Is it the
powerless feeling that our vote is only one
out of ten thousand (or a million) and really
doesn't count? Maybe. But hidden out there
on the bottom of your ballot are elections
that matter. Elections where 50 votes can
and do make a significant difference.
Take the Fulton County Democratic
Committee (FCDC). It's certainly not a
high profile position—no big campaigns, no
TV ads, not even many posters or yard
signs. But the stand taken by its members on
a particular issue—especially a sensitive or
controversial one—can provide the wary
elected official with a way to explain a
potentially unpopular vote to annoyed con
stituents.
For instance, State Senator Willy Nilly
could claim that he, personally, is anti
choice, but—because the county commit
tee's policy is to be pro-choice—that he is
compelled to vote for pro-choice legislation.
Add sodomy reform, hate crimes legislation
and AIDS funding to the list and the poten
tial power of these positions to the gay and
lesbian community comes into focus.
But how could gay and lesbian candi
dates win election to such an important
position? Ask LEGAL-Legislate Equality
for Lesbians and Gays, Atlanta's gay
Democratic club-which has managed to
make a difference in the DeKalb County
Democratic party, and is trying to elect open
gays to the FCDC.
LEGAL was able to turn out its members
and supporters for Democratic party caucus
es in 1988 in numbers that thoroughly
v - Evett Bennett
Larry Lucas
surprised Demo regulars. The eventual
result, after a lot of work, was (according to
LEGAL's press releases) the election of "ten
openly gay and lesbian people to the
[DeKalb] County's Democratic Party
Executive Committee" (DCDEC).
For lesbians and gays, the first rung on
the ladder of influence in Democratic estab
lishment politics frequently comes with
their election or appointment to posts on
county Democratic Party (Executive)
Committees. Around the country, organiza
tions like LEGAL have targeted these com
mittee posts as a way for lesbians and gays
to influence party policy at the local level.
If the image of a hot, smoke-filled
room where cigar-wielding politicians clan
destinely play political chess comes to
mind, you're on the wrong track, claims
Casey Cravens, Director of Public
Information for the Democratic Party of
Georgia. "The meetings are open," he
claims, "though there is nothing written
down anywhere that says the meetings are
officially open to the public."
These are often referred to as steering
committees because they guide the policy of
the Democratic Party at its most basic level.
They are not party platforms or state cau
cuses. What these committees do or say is
non-binding on elected Democrats.
Marty Worsham—running for office in
Fulton and LEGAL's VP—says the track
record of the organization in DeKalb
County is clear. "DeKalb County's
Democratic Party machinery had to take
notice of the influence [gays and lesbians]
had on the committee. No longer could they
refuse to take a stand on topical issues such
as sodomy [repeal] and pro-choice. It's not
an insidious plot."
Gay activist Dick Rhodes, who is very
involved in DeKalb Democratic politics,
says the Party's acceptance of issues impor
tant to lesbian and gays is because of "an
ongoing process of hard work. Lesbians and
gays are an accepted part of the Party in
DeKalb," he says. "It's just been a matter of
digging in and doing the hard work.. .like
voter registration and precinct organization.
It's not only the Committee where lesbian
and gay participation is felt, but throughout
the entire workings of the party."
Another DCDEC member who is a
member of LEGAL says, "LEGAL helped
to create a favorable atmosphere. We were
the catalyst for openly gay involvement
within party politics."
"Some of the committee members [gay]
are my best friends," exclaims Edie
Norbury, spokesperson for the Democratic
Party of DeKalb County. She was quick to
give credit to the party's all-inclusive poli
cies: "The questions and issues that the [gay
and lesbian] members of the Committee
have brought up have been discussed and
dealt with, and have added greatly to the
overall strength of the party. Gay participa
tion in DeKalb County is not an issue. If
you have the vote and the people on your
side—well that's all it takes."
Of course, it is always difficult to build
on your successes. Only two LEGAL mem
bers remain on the DCDEC, and several
gay/lesbian members are unwilling to have
their sexual orientation printed in this news
paper. Homophobia is obviously not dead
in DeKalb.
Looking to repeat their gains, LEGAL is
running five "openly gay candidates" in two
districts in Fulton County. The group’s deci
sion to run candidates on their own slate is
based on their frustration with party politics
in Fulton.
LEGAL contends that the problems they
see in the Fulton County Democratic
Party—from "sweeping gay issues under the
table [and] pretending that we [gays] don't
exist" to "passing over the importance of
and taking no stand on issues important to
the gay community during the past legisla
tive session [sodomy and hate
crimes]"—stem from the lack of "openly
gay" participation on the committee.
The root of LEGAL's problems with the
FCDC originates in what it claims is a dou
ble standard over the complex issue of
meeting attendance. FCDC bylaws require
that members who have missed three meet
ings be replaced with new, appointed, mem
bers. LEGAL claims that despite its repeat
ed attempts to have this bylaw enforced and
have its members appointed to fill some of
the empty seats, no action was taken.
Eerily enough, one of the people who
would have been removed from his FCDC
post had by-laws been enforced is John
Franklin, an openly gay aid to Congressman
John Lewis. Franklin has been unable to
attend meetings because he spends so much
time in D.C.
If asked, would Franklin have relin
quished his post to someone who could
attend meetings? "Absolutely, but I was
never asked to," he answered. "You're elect
ed to serve and you can't serve if you don't
attend meetings." Franklin is not seeking
reelection to his post.
Asked about LEGAL's problems with
bylaw enforcement, Lithangia Robinson—
chairperson of the Fulton County
Democratic Party and a seasoned veteran of
the Civil Rights movement replied: "In all
of my thirty years I have never heard of
anyone challenging the bylaws. We run this
county's Democratic party in a fully consti
tutional manner....We are an open organiza
tion, we advertise our positions at the Fulton
County Courthouse and we will take anyone
regardless of race, creed, color or sexual ori
entation."
Robinson went on to say that she was
unaware of LEGAL’s claims concerning the
attendance problem and their requests for
appointments. Angrily she concluded, "no
one from LEGAL has talked to me. All of
this is making a mountain out of a molehill
so that some people [LEGAL] can take
advantage of other folks. I simply won't get
involved in this."
LEGAL’s Rich Jones understands
Robinson’s anger but puts it in another per
spective. "Here we are, white, male, homo
sexuals and frankly, a bit intimidating, try
ing to work into the dynamics of Fulton
County Democratic Politics, which is domi
nated by blacks. I believe that there are
racial issues at work here, and the people in
Continued on page 13
for What
Who’s Running
Unscrambling the Fulton County
Democratic Committee's bylaws requires a
law degree, a calculator and a road-map.
But once the map is unfolded, making
choices about how to vote is pretty easy.
Six Committee members are allotted to
each of Fulton County's 19 House
District—thus making for a potential total
of 75 Committee posts. Three posts in each
district are elected every two years, thus
approximately 38 posts could be filled in
the upcoming primary.
In fact, many districts have either no
one running or only one person seeking a
position on the FCDC. Many who are run
ning for these posts are unopposed.
LEGAL has targeted two House
Districts which arguably have the largest
gay/lesbian populations in the city: the 25th
(Buckhead and environs); and the 26th
(Virginia Highlands, Ansley, Lenox,
Midtown, Ga. Tech).
District 25. Post 5. Craig Allen, chal
lenged by the Democratic Party’s candidate
Murray Saylor, is husband of the politically
popular Jackie Saylor who tried to unseat
State Rep. John Lupton in the '88 election.
Allen, who is almost vehement about the
need for openly gay representation: "I don’t
want to be confrontational but it is time for
the Democratic Party in Fulton County to
stop treating us like we don't exist while
giving us lip-service. Open representation is
the only way to combat this attitude."
Post 6. Steve Wimberly of LEGAL is
unopposed.
District 26, Post 4. Rich Jones of
LEGAL is challenging incumbent John
Kraus. One of LEGAL's basic intentions is
to have openly gay people elected or
involved in party politics. Jones, who
blames his opponent for FCDC's lack of
focus on gay/lesbian/AIDS issues states: "it
is incredible that we have had people on the
Committee who did nothing while issues of
such importance to gays and lesbians were
being voted on in the legislature."
Kraus takes a dim view of LEGAL's
contentions. "I work quietly and behind the
scenes. I have personal working relation
ships with the Democratic candidates.
Everyone there (the Committee) knows
who I am and that I work for the good of
the Party....1 don't think that LEGAL
should impose their point of view on any
one, it is as deceitful as the tactics of Jesse
Helms."
"The party in DeKalb is just way out of
the mainstream," Kraus said in reference to
LEGAL's claims of progress in DeKalb
"and in my dealings with many of the
important people in the party I can tell you
that they have isolated Dekalb because it is
being run by an irresponsible fringe ele
ment."
Post 5. Jeff Corrigan, also a LEGAL
candidate from District 26, is unopposed.
Post 6. In the race between Marty
Worsham (LEGAL) and Larry Lucas, vot
ers are presented with a confusing paradox.
A communications snafu lead to the two
openly gay men running for the same seat.
Neither claims to have known about the
other, and both Lucas and Worsham are
complimentary about the other's stand on
issues of importance.
Lucas feels "that it is really a waste of
energy to run gay candidates against each
other. Both Marty and I will be fine," he
continues, "so it really doesn't matter who
wins—what is important is that we get the
people in Fulton County working together
on our agenda, repealing the sodomy law,
for example."