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TH1 IODTHI1N IIBAILITI
As We Were Saying
By ROBERT E. SEGAL
It is quite logical that when the
National Conference Of Jewish
Communal Service meets in
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Washington in May, the prime
theme will be the impact of the
Great Society on the work at
hand. It is quite logical also that
the Leadership Conference On
Civil Rights, in which several
Jewish commit n 11 y relations
bodies participate, is currently
emphasizing the need to get a
federal minimum wage bill pass
ed.
For at long last, the more imag
inative leaders in America’s
ethnic, religious, racial, business,
labor and economic groups are
beginning to realize that one
spectre now hanging over all of
us in the escalation of Poverty.
The ever-widening gap between
those benefiting from America’s
new affluence and those suffer
ing from the in-roads of auto
mation and other forms of tech
nological displacement is tiecom
ing evident to even the most pol
itically calloused Americans.
Who ventured to believe two
or three years ago that politicians
as far separated as Sargent Shri-
ver and Barry Goldwater would
both now be recognizing the in
evitability of the creation of a
Negative Income Tax to aid the
poor. Under that radical plan,
our income tax machinery would
be used to pay the poor, rather
than to collect taxes from the
poor. The chief advocate of the
Negative Income Tax proposal—
Professor Milton Friedman of the
University of Chicago— suggests
that his plan would be like having
ration tickets permitting the
purchase of $2 worth of food
when one has only $1 in his pock-
etbook. Under the plan, families
r,
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with Incomes below the tax-pay
ing level would claim payments
based on the unused portion of
their current exemptions.
There are bugs in this proposal,
of course. And the objections
have to do not only with the bon
anza that might well shower
down on the wealthy under such
a plan. Rather the deeper dissat
isfaction stems from a nagging
realization that our huge and
powerful nation hasn’t begun to
understand either the economic
or the moral and ethical hurts of
the new poverty.
Those blemishes are well set
down in “The Politics of Pover
ty,’’ a thoughtful and provocative
appeal by the rising young econ
omist, Michael Harrington. Here
a bright crusader who is gaining
a growing audience throws a
sharp light on the booby traps of
our economic landscape. He
warns that unless we bring about
profound changes in the Amer
ican economy and society, unless
we devise new ways of allocating
resources and distributing wealth,
.“the economic underworld of the
poor will not only persist but
probably grow.”
That depressed stratum of our
American commonwealth is both
inheritor and progenitor of pov
erty. Trapped in the slums that a
careless society doesn’t know how
to eradicate, the new poor—the
35,000,000 American impoverish
ed—are desperately in need of
economic and political help. A
giant Federal Community Chest
will not cure this ailment, Har
rington warns. Even a spreading
realization of the ravages of the
new technocracy will not suffice.
The New Poor, the Automation
Poor, must be assisted to develop
that kind of militant activism
that will wipe out the indignities
of their daily life and bring new
economic muscle to the under
paid now hopelessly competing
with men and women surviving
automation in the cities.
Harrington and other critics of
the current U. S. Anti-Poverty
program are unhappy not only
because so large a portion of the
$2,000,000,000 fund is making
local politicians even more secure
but because there is no strong
evidence that the millions of new
jobs soon to be needed are being
developed fast enough. Our poor
must be transformed into a
wholesome social investment; and
they must have allies in their
fight to gain for themselves the
economic justice and social dig
nity gained by immigrant groups
and trades unionists before them.
Our planners will have to lift
their sights soon, very soon, des
igning much more imaginative
ideas in educating, in job train
ing, in providing guidance. And
while these processes are going
on. we shall have to realize that
Jewish, Catholic, and Protestant
social work, welfare, community
relations, and family assistance
agencies must be given a freer
hand to work for such gains as a
$2-an-hour minimum wage for
millions of laborers not now cov
ered and for a sharper use of the
tools provided by the new ec
onomic opportunity acts.
We dare not stop because many
civil rights goals have been won.
Our destinies now are interlaced
with the gigantic struggle to free
the poor from the ghettos, to re
place slums with decent, cheerful
Friday, April 15. 1966
homes, and to give a new sense
of worth and purpose to millions
whose low family incomes are an
American disgrace.
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