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THE SOUTHERN ISRAELITE
Friday, Aug. 4, 1972
Tel Aviv Trial of Lydda Bomber
Exposes Many International Vistas
Cantonese and
American Cuisine
By YITZHAK SHARGIL
JTA Tel Aviv Correspondent
TEL AVIV (JTA) —• On the victims were mainly
30th of May three young Jap
anese pretending to be innocent
tourists arrived by an Air
France flight via Rome to
Lydda Airport and within min
utes spread havoc at the air
port terminal. Twenty-six peo
ple were killed and 78 were
injured.
Two of the Japanese, who la
ter turned out to be members
of the Japanese anarchist move
ment “The Red Army of Ja
pan,” were killed in this attack
—■ one of them apparently by
his colleague who mistook him
for just another passenger, the
other by his own grenade yhich
exploded in his hands.
The third Japanese, at first
giving his name as Namba Dai
Saka, but later identified as
Kozo Okamoto, emptied his two
magazines, threw away his auto
matic submachine gun and
tried to destroy a jetliner with
hand grenades. He was spotted
by an El A1 technician, Hannan
Zeitoun, who had the presence
of mind and the courage to
jump on Okamoto and hold him
until police arrived and arrest
ed him.
Okamoto was caught red-
handed, his guilt beyond dis
pute. Yet Israel went out of its
way to conduct a trial. The de
cision to hold a trial was cor
rect, but there was hesitation
as to what form the trial should
take since the episode had inter
national ramifications. It in
volved Japanese nationals in
the service of Arab terrorists
based in Lebanon who landed
from an Air France plane from
the Italian capital. They com
mitted a crime in Israel and the
were mainly Puerto
Rican tourists who were na
tionals of the US. The involve
ment of so many foreign na
tions could not be ignored. But
there were psychological con
siderations as well. Immediately
prisonment.) The understanding
was that Okamoto could receive
capital punishment. Once the
trial was set in motion, the
attorney for the defense was
given all possible assistance. He
was faced with a client who re
fused to help himself or be
helped.
Tried under emergency regu-
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after the airport massacre it ap
peared the trial would start
within days.
There was not much to inves
tigate and the facts were clear.
“It’s an open and shut case,”
prosecutors like to say. Israel
wanted an early trial to expose
the true nature of the Arab
underground and its terrorist
organizations.
The trial would have been an
excellent forum to air the
atrocities of the so-called “Free
dom Fighters” who have mur
dered children in a school bus,
women in a market place and
tourists at an airport terminal.
It transpired, however, that the
horror was sufficient in itself
to create a strong reaction of
world opinion against the Arab
terrorists. The Lydda massacre
was so revolting that most na
tions, including some Arab
States, could not help but de
nounce it.
In that light there was no
urgency for the trial per se.
The State Attorney and the
legal advisers to the Army
General H.Q. had time to con
sider what form the trial should
take, what court should hear it,
what regulations should apply,
and what charges should be
brought against Okamoto. Hav
ing committed a crime in Israel
proper, he could have been tried
by a civil court, which cannot
impose capital punishment.
But capital punishment was
not sought in Okamoto’s case.
Israel did not want to create a
martyr in the person of Oka
moto. The uncertainty about the
composition of the court, the
question of the requirement of
one or two jurists on the bench
if it is to impose capital punish
ment, indicated the hesitation
the Israeli legal machinery dealt
with in this case. When the
military court was appointed, it
turned out it could impose cap
ital punishment. A week before
Okamoto’s verdict was given
a death sentence was issued
against an Arab terrorist des
pite the fact that the prosecu
tion had not asked for it. (It
was later commuted to life inf
lations which Israel has inheri
ted from the British mandate
days, Okamoto knew he was
subject to capital punishment
and seemed to want it. He did
everything he could to compel
the court to pronounce the su
preme penalty. Contrary to de
fense counsel’s advise he ad
mitted the charges and when
his lawyer tried to have him
examined by psychiatrists, Oka
moto claimed he was sane and
needed no medical observation.
When defense counsel told the
court the death penalty could
not be imposed because there
was no proof that Okamoto was
over 18, the prisoner sprang up
to say he was 24, born on Dec.
7, 1947.
The surprise revelation of the
“pistol agreement” between
Okamoto and Gen. Rehavam
Zeevi on the night of the mass
acre brought about the court’s
refusal to accept the oral con
fession made by Okamoto to a
police inspector. However, the
court accepted Okamoto’s writ
ten confession. It examined the
question of Okamoto’s sanity
but after hearing Okamoto’s
political philosophy, decided
against sending him for mental
observation. Surprise was ex
pressed when a prosecutor, Lt.
Col. David Israeli, failed to ask
for a death sentence.
We are strong enough not to
impose such a penalty, he said.
Okamoto still seemed to hope
for death. He was found guilty
on all counts of murder, dis
charging firearms and doing
service for an illegal organiza
tion. When the court accepted
the prosecution’s position that
the death penalty could serve
no end, Okamoto was bitterly
disappointed. The case had the
desired effect on world opinion.
Everyone was revolted by the
killings and those who sent
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Okamoto on his mission of
death.
Reactions to the sentence
differed. Some Israelis said
capital punishment was obliga
tory; others accepted the sent
ence. The Puerto Rican victims
still in the hospital did not
want Okamoto’s life. “Would
his death bring back my legs?”
one asked. Okamoto had 15 days
to appeal. Apparently he will
not. He still says he wants to
die.
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