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Page 2 - Spelman Spotlight
THE VOICE OF BLACK WOMANHOOD
Editor-In-Chief — Avy D. Long
Associate Editor — Malrey Head
Reporters
Sheron Covington
Pamela Johnson
Daisy Minter
Adele S. Newson
Shelia Poole
Valita Sellers
Nancy K. West
Donna Williams
Dorothy Williams
Contributing Writers
Lauri M. Sanders
Roionda G. Watts
Artist
Roionda G. Watts
Advisor
Christopher Reynolds
Lack of Leadership
Threatens Black Survival
Bv Avy D. Long
This is the time of year that has
been set aside to commemorate
and celebrate the heroic deeds of
various black leaders in our past. If
this special recognition were
geared toward contemporary
black leaders, there would be no
need for celebration.
There seems to be a general
mood of disappointment today
toward black leaders. The reason is
- generally explained as the absence
of the type of leadership that is
conducive to developing the black
race. Many , of our black leaders
have been criticized for perpetuat
ing the slave mentality that has
divided this race for centuries. This
mentality is manifested through
the act of no longer identifying
with the members of one’s own
race but identifying with the
oppressor.
The historical significance of
identifying with the oppressor has
been survival. The more we looked
like and acted like the oppressor
the more likely he would be to
accept us. Acceptance meant peace
of mind from the raft of the KKK,
food, clothes and shelter — in
other words, security. This type of
behavior as well as its motives can
be more clearly discerned by
observing blacks during slavery.
Today it still exists but in a camou
flaged and more sophisticated
form.
At some point we all have to
answer that classic question:
Should 1 risk food, clothes, and
shelter in order to fight for dignity
and truth; or, do 1 compromise dig
nity and truth in order to feel
secure in my physical environment.
The pages of our history are
filled with examples of heroic
blacks who have dared to risk their
lives in order to prove that there
are factors more crucial to the well
being of a people than food,
clothes, and shelter. These other
factors fall into the category of
freedom, truth and dignity. Unfor
tunately, this decade has not
impressed us with any leaders who
possess the courage or chrisma to
uphold these principles.
Today it appears as if our leaders
have lost touch with these higher
realities. They seem to have forgot
ten that black people’s loyalty to
these values in the past has been
responsible for any progress we
might witness today.
It is no longer the white man
who is a threat to our survival; we
are our own threat. Ten or twenty
years from now (if that long) when
there are no more black elected
officials, no more black Supreme
( ourt justices, and no more black
students in predominantly white
universities, we will have only our
selves and our leaders to blame.
Media Reactions To Jonestown
By Manning Marable
The first decomposed bodies
had barely arrived at the U.S. Air
Force Base in Dover, Delaware,
when journalists began to analyze
the reasons for the Jonestown,
Guyana massacre. Over 900 men,
women and children, the majority
of whom were black, either com
mitted suicide or were killed on the
order of the Reverend Jim Jones,
formerly of San Francisco. The
most newsworthy event of this, or
any year, has unfortunately failed
to generate any critique which beg
ins to explain the reasons for the
Peoples’ Temple murders.
These sad and tragic events have
generated a rash of popular jour
nalistic accounts which scavenge
the remains of the battlefield. Less
than two weeks after the murder of
Representative Leo Ryan and the
mass suicides, two paperback
accounts are already in mass circu
lation. “Guyana Massacre-The
Eyewitness Account,” was written
by Washinton Post reporter Cha
rles A. Krause, with the assistance
of two Post editors San Francisco
Chronical reporter Ron Jarvers
dictated “The Suicide Cult” from
his hospital bed, recovering from
gunshot wounds. CBS plans to air
a documentary, and the other net
works are investigating the possi
bilities of a made-for-television
movie on Jonestown. Publishing
company G. P. Putnam’s Sons has
plans lor a hardback volume on
Jones.
One of the standard interpreta
tions seized by most journalists has
been isolated on the theme of
“cults.” News items about all the
other publicized religious cults
found their way again into the
newspapers. In Oregon, for exam
ple, a dress-alike couple calling
themselves “Him and Her" per
suaded dozens of people to sur
render their worldly possessions
and to pray for a rendevous with a
space ship, which would transport
the group beyond our galaxy. In
Maine, reporters pointed out, two
pastors of the Body of Christ
Church were arrested for severely
beating a cocktail waitress—they
claimed that they were attempting
to drive devils out of her body. We
were reminded repeatedly, of
course, of the ubiquitous “Hare
Krishna” youth, who seemingly
outnumber the passengers at most
airports. By emphasizing the “cul-
tish” aspects of the Peoples’ Tem
ple, journalists could skirt pivotal
questions generated by the
incident—namely, what did the
Peoples’ Temple represent within
the context of Black culture and
Black urban politics? What was the
ideological persuasion of Jim
Jones’ theology that would force so
many Black men and women to
slaughter their children and then
commit suicide?
A second popular explanation
used by the cold warriors of the
American media was the fact that
Jones claimed to be a “socialist.”
“The church was just a front for the
socialist movement,” stated
Michael Prokes, a former televi
sion journalist and Peoples’ Tem
ple member. True, Jones was
fascinated with the ideal of
socialism—the promise for eco
nomic equality for all individuals.
In Guyana, Jones’ assistants met
Feodor Timofeyev, the press att
ache at the Soviet Embassy, to the
Soviet Union. The camp main
tained a small library with a
number of books on Communism.
Yet hidden from most of the
front pages were the real political
connections of Jones. Contrary to
his so-called “Marxist” image,
Jones was just another element of
the Bay Area’s liberal political
establishment. A decade ago,
Jones was active in progressive
political activities, such as organiz
ing on behalf of Angela Davis. But
interestingly, as Jones himself
became more paranoid and terro
rized his followers sexually, he
became an avid member of the pol
itical establishment. In 1975, he
delivered several thousand votes
which allowed liberal Democrat
George Moscone to win the San
Francisco mayoralty race. Gover
nor Jerry Brown visited the Peo
ples’ Temple and courted Jones for
his support. In 1976, Walter Mon
dale asked the good Reverend to
visit with him on his private air
plane. Even Rosalynn Carter dined
with Jones at the Stanford Court
Hotel, and wrote to him later that
“(she) enjoyed being with you dur
ing the campaign.” In the end,
Jones’ socialism was only similar
to the “National Socialism” of
Hitler of the socialist demagoguery
of a Mussolini: both were pro
foundly irrational, antihumanist
and politically opportunistic.
There were as many theories for
the massacre in the Black com
munity as there were estimates for
the number of people who were
slaughtered. George Robinson, the
black author of Metanoia Conver
sion, insisted that “the tragedy in
Guyana is an example of how
ignorant blacks worship and the
slave mentality of blacks where as
they’ll do anything the white man
says....” Robinson argued in a
speech at the Guiding Light Bible
Center in Atlanta last month that
the suicides "can happen again to
blacks in America because religion
is the haven for theft, rape, corrup
tion, exploitation and murde-
r...and (because) whites copy
doctrines and methods used by
blacks like Father Divine to mis
use blacks.”
In a similar vein, some Black
intellectuals point out that the
peculiar, transient cultural terrain
of California’s black community
was the pivotal contributing fac
tor. Columbia University anthro
pologist Elliott Skinner states that
California blacks “don’t have
roots to church structures...so
(they) get carried away as whites."
black followers of Jones were
“Looking for a messiah (and) a
New Jerusalem.”
In the San Francisco Bay Area,
many black community leaders
and elected officials were forced to
account for their longstanding sup
port of the Peoples’ Temple and its
leader. The Reverend Ceil Willi
ams, pastor of San Francisco’s
Glide Memorial Church, justified
many of the previous activities of
the biracial congregation. “Any
evangelist who comes to San Fran
cisco and tells people he’s going to
take care of their ills is bound to
draw a full house,” he stated to the
Sacremento Observer. Jones and
his congregation ran a nursery
school, provided medical care for
the sick and had lodgings for the
continued on page 3
Too Little Emphasis
On Black History
by Malrey Head
As bebruary approaches, people
begin to think about black history
and put a little emphasis on black
achievements. In the early part of
the decade there was a cry for black
history courses in the schools. As a
result of this cry, numerous Afro-
American Studies programs were
instituted; but with the dying cry,
so died these programs.
At black institutions, such as
those in the Atlanta University
Center, it seems odd that this
would happen. It could have been
the fault of the administrators, the
dying interest of students or both.
But whatever the reason, it should
not have happened.
There are, within the Center, a
few courses under history or Eng
lish that are black courses. How
ever these courses are not taught
every semester and few students,
other than those declaring that
particular major, take or have the
opportunity to participate in these
courses. A better solution would be
for teachers to put some emphasis
on black contributions along the
specific courses.
Few teachers, in disciplines
where it’s possible, teach with
emphasis on the black side. Classes
do not have to be greatly altered to
put emphasis on blackness. Major
concepts or theories in courses
such as sociology or political
science can be taught and specifics
or examples could be used to show
the black element, black contribu
tions, etc.
Students should also take more
of an interest. If students had
remained interested in the past,
most black studies programs
would not have been removed.
As Black History Month
approaches and leaves, try not to
forget that black history does not
have to be learned one month or in
just one course. Everyone must do
ner part, in and out ol the class
room, to promote black history.