The Georgia weekly. (Greenville, Ga.) 1861-186?, April 03, 1861, Image 2

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,’H OF HON A. H. STEPHENS 0 SAVANNAH, .MARCH 21ST. '"\ffei have been requested by many of our friends to publish the ablest speech ever delivered by Vice-Presi dent Stephens, and in doing so are forced to crowd out a portion of our editorial matter. Let every man in the county read and ponder: Jl [r. Mayor and Gentlemen of the Committee, and fellotv citizens : We are passing through one of the greatest revolutions in the annals of the world; seven States have, within the last three months, thrown off an old Government, and formed a new.— This revolution has been signally marked, up to this time, by the fact of its having been accomplished without a single drop of blood. This new Constitution is now the subject to which your attention will be partly invited. It amply secures all our an cient rights, franchises and privileges. All the great principles of the Magna Charta are retained in it. No citizen, is deprived of life, liberty or property, but by the judgment of ins peers, un der the laws of the land. The great principle "of religious liberty, which was the honor and pride of the old Constitution, is still maintained and securedi All the essentials of the old Constitution which have endeared it to the hearts of the hearts of the American people, have been preserved and perpetuated. Taking the whole new Constitution, I have no hesitancy in giving it as my judgment, as decided ly better than the old. The question of building up class interests, or foster ing one branch of industry to the prej udice of another, under the exercise of the revenue power, which gave us so much trouble under the old Consti tution, is put at rest forever under the new. We allow the imposition of no duty, with a view of giving advan tage to one class of persons, in any trade or business, over those of an other. Honest labor and enterprise are left free and unrestricted. This old thorn of the tariff, which occasioned the cause of so much irri tation in the old body politic, is re moved forever from the new. The subject of internal improvements, un der the power of Congress to regulate commerce, is put at rest. The power claimed by construction under the old Constitution, was at least a doubtful one—it rested solely upon construc tion. We of the South, generally, apart from considerations of constitu tional principles, opposed its exercise upon the ground of expediency and justice. Notwithstanding this oppo sition, millions of money in the com mon treasury had been drawn for such purposes. With us it was sim ply a question, upon whom the bur den should fall. In (Georgia we had done as much for the cause of internal immjov'* as any portion of the couw wording to population and mditrsr.'*’ We had stretched out lines of railroads from the seaboard to the mountains; dug down the hills and filled up the valleys, at a cost of not less than §25,000,000. All this was done to open up an outlet for our pro ducts of the interior, and those to the west of us, to reach the marts of the world. No State was in greater need of such facilities than Georgia, but we had not asked that these works should be made by appropriations out of the common treasury. The cost of the grading, the superstructure and equipments of our roads, was borne by those who entered upon the enterprise. Not only the cost of T iron was borne in the same way, but we were com pelled to pay into the common treasury several millions of dollars for the priv ilege of importing the iron after the price was paid for it abroad. What justice was there in taking this money which our people paid into the common treasury on the importation of our iron, and applying it to the improve ment of rivers and harbors else where ? The true principle is to subject' the commerce of every'locality, to what ever burdens may be necessary to fa cilitate it. If the Charleston .harbor needs improvement, let the commerce of Charleston bear the burden. If the mouth of the Savannah river has to be cleared out, let the sea-going navi gation which is benefitted by it, bear the burden. So with the mouths of the Alabama and Mississippi rivers— just as the products of the interior, our cotton, wheat, corn and other articles, have to bear the necessary rates of freight over our railroads to reach the seas. This is again, the broad prin ciple of perfect equality and jsutice. And it is specially held forth had es tablished in our new Constitution. The new Constitution provides that Cabinet Ministers and heads of De partments shall have the privilege of seats upon the floor of the Senate and House of Representatives —shall have the right to participate in the debates and discussions upon the various sub jects of administration. Our heads of departments can speak for themselves and the administration, in behalf of its entire policy, without resorting to the indirect and highly objectionable medium of a newspaper. It is to be greatly hoped that under our system we shall never have what is known as a Government organ. Another change in the Constitution relates to the length of the tenure of the Presidential office. In the new Constitution it is six years instead of four, and the President rendered inel ligible for a re-election. This is cer tainly a decidedly conservative change, j It will remove from the incumbent all j temptation to Qse his office or exert, -it . _r%. * - the powers confided to him for any objects of personal ambition. The only incentive to that higher ambition which should move and actuate one holding such high trusts in his hands will be the good of the people, the advancement, prosperity, happiness, safety, honor and true glory of the Confederacy. The new Constitution has put at rest, forever, all the agitating ques tions relating to African Slavery, as it exists amongst us. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this, as the “ rock upon which the old Union would split.” He was right. Our new government foundations are laid, its corner stone rests, upon the great truth, that the negro is not equal to the white man. That slavery, subordination to the superior, is his natural and moral condition. This, our government,'’is the first, in the history of the world, based up on this great physical, philosophical and moral truth. In the conflict thus far, success has been on our side, com plete throughout the length and breadth of the Confederate States. — It is upon this, our social fabric is firmly planted ; and I jpannot. permit Imyself to doubt the ultimate success of a full recognition of this principle throughout the civilized and enlight ened world. It is the first govern ment ever instituted upon principles in strict conformity to nature, and the .ordination of Providence, in furnish ing the materials of human society. "The negro by nature, or by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for that con dition which he occupies in our sys tem. The substratum of our society .is made of the material fitted by na ture for it, and by experience we know that it is best, not only for the supe rior but for the inferior race, that it should be so. It is, indeed, conform ity, with the ordinance of the Creator. The great objects of humanity are best attained, when conformed to his laws anfi decrees, in the formation of governments as well as im all things else: Our Confederacy is founded upon principles in strict conformity w'ith the laws. This stone which was rejected by the first bnilderts “is be come the chief stone of the corner” in our newedifice. I have been asked, what of the future ? It has been ap prehended by some, that we would have arrayed against us the civilized world. I care not who or how many they may be, when we stand upon the eternal principles of truth we are obliged to and must triumph. On this point I w r ould barely say, that as anxiously as we all have been and are, for the border States with in stitutions similar with ours, to join us, still we are abundantly able to main tain our position, even if they inhfffiately make up their mnfds7 hot to cast their destiny with ours. That they ultimately will join us, be com pelled to do it, is my confident belief, but we can get on very well without them, even if they should not. We have all the essential elements of a high national career... The idea has been given out at the North', &nd even in the border States, thrft we are too small and too weak to .maintain 'a separate nationality. This is a great mistake. In extent of territory, we embrace 564,000 square miles and up wards. This is upwards of 200,000 square miles more than was included within the ' limits of the original thir teen States. It is an area of country more. than, double the territory of France' gr the Austrian empire.— France in_rpund numbers, has about 248.000 sqhare miles. Ours is great er than both combined. It is greater than ay France, Spain, Portugal and GreraT-Rritain, including England, Ire land and Scotland together. In pop ulation, we haVe upwards of five mil lions, According to the census of 1860: this intitules’ white and black. The enticd white and black, of the original thirteen States, was less than 4,000,000 in 1790, and still less in ’76, when the independence of our fathers was achieved. If they, with a less population, dared maintain their i«dependence against the great est power,on earth, shall we have any apprehension of maintaining our own ? •- In point of material wealth and re sources, we are greatly in advance of them. The taxable property of the £ppfederate States cannot be less ‘than §2,200,000,000. This may be considered as five times more than the colonies possessed at the time they achieved # their independence. Georgia alone possessed last year, according to the report of our Comptroller General, §672,000,000 of taxable property. — The debts of the seven Confederate States sum up in the aggregate less than §18,000,009 ; while the existing debts of the other of .the late United State sum up in the aggregate the enormous amount of §174,000,000. — This is without taking into the account the heavy city debts, corporation debts and railroad debts, which press, and will continue to press, a heavy incubus upon the resources of those States.— These debts, added to others, make a sum total not much under §500,- 000,000. With such an area of territory— with such an amount of population— with a climate and soil unsurpassed by any on the face of the earth—with such resources already at our com mand—with productions whichTbontrol the commerce of the world—who can entertain any apprehensions as to our i successs, whether others v join us or not? , THE GEORGIA WEEKLY. I believe, I state but the common sentiment, when I declare my earnest desire that the Border States should join us. The differences of opinion that existed amongst us anterior to se cession, related more to the policy in securing that result by co-operation than from any difference upon the ul timate security wo all,, looked to in common. Whatever *4iffiSfepCes of opinion existed as to the best policy in having a co operation with our border sister slave States, we are now independence, whether they, come or not. Thus far we have seen -done of those incidents which usually attend revolutions. Wisdom, prudence and patriotism, have marked every step of our progress thus far. This augurs well for the future, and it is a matter of sincere gratification to me, that I am enabled to make the declaration, of the men I met in the Congress at Montgomery, an abler, wiser, a more conservative, deliberate, determined, resolute and patriotic body of men, I never met in my life. Their works speak"for them; the Provisional Government speaks for them ; the Constitution of the perma nent Government, will be a lasting monument of their worth,'’fhdrft and statesmanship. Will everything, commenced so well, continue as it has begun ? It all depends upon ouselves. We are a young Republic just entering upon the arena of nations; we will be the arch itect of our own fortunes.. With wis dom, prudence and statesmanship on the part of our public men, and intel ligence, virtue and patriotism on the part of the people, success, to the full measure of our most sanguine hopes, may be looked for. 'But if we become divided—if schisms are—if dissen sions spring up —if factions are en gendered —if party spirit, nourished by unholy personal ambition, shall rear its hydra head, I have no good to prophesy for you. Without intelli gence, virtue, integrity and patriotism on the part of the people, itofCpublic or representative government can be durable or stable. We have intelligence, and virtue, and patriotism. All that is required is to cultivate and perpetuate these. — Organized upon principles of perfect justice and right—seeking amity and friendship with all other powers—l see no obstacle in the way of our upward and onward progress. Our growth, by accessions from other Stated, will depend greatly upon whether we pre sent to the world, as I trust we shall, a better government than that to which they belong. If we do this North Carolina, Tennessee and Ai’- kansas cannot hesitate long; neither canr Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri.' They will necessarily gravitate to us to m iTinr~~ J —***** 11 pie provision m our Constitution for the admission of other State; it is more guarded, and wisely so, I think, than the old Constitution on the same subject, but not too guarded to receive them as fast as it may be proper. — Looking to the distant future, and, perhaps, not very distant either, it is not beyond the range of possibility, •and even probability, that all the great States of the North-west shall gravi tate this way as well as Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Arkansas, &c.— Should they do so. our doors are wide enough to receive them, but not until they are ready to assimilate with us in principle. The process of disintegration in the old Union may be expected to go on with almost absolute certainty We are now the nucleus of a growing power which, if we are true to our selves, our destiny, and high mission, will become the controlling power on this continent. To what extent ac cessions will go on in the process of time, or where it will end, the future will determine. So far as it concerns the {"states of the old Union, they will be upon no such principle, of recon struction as now spoken of, but upon reorganization and new assimilation. But at first we must necessarily meet with the inconveniences and dif ficulties and embarrassments, incident to all changes of government. These will be felt in our postal affairs and changes in the channel of trade.— These inconveniences, it is to be hoped, will be but temporary, and must be borne with patience and forbearance. As to whether we shall have war with our late confederates, or whether all matters of differences between us shall be amicably settled, I can only, say, that the prospect for a peaceful adjustment is better so far as I am informed, than it has been. The prospect of war, is at least not so threatening as it has been. Fort Sumter, it is believed, will soon be evacuated. What course will be pur sued towards Fort Pickens, and the other forts on the Gulf, is not so well understood. Our object is Peace , not only with North, but with the world. All matters relating to the public property, public liabilities of the Union when we were members of it, we are ready and willing to adjust and settle, upon the principles of right, equality and good faith. The idea of coercing us, or subjugating us, is utterly pre posterous.' Whether the intention of evacuating Fort Sumter is to be re ceived as .an evidence of a desire for a peaceful solution of our difficulties with the United States, or the result of necessity, I will not undertake to say. Rumors are afloat, however, that it is the result of necessity. All I can say to you, therefore, on that point is, keep your armor bright and your powder dry. The surest way to secure peace, is to show your ability to maintain your rights. The principles and position of the present Administration of the United States—the Republican party —present some puzzling questions.—■ While it is a fixed principle with them, never to allow the increase of a foot of slave territory, they seem to be equally determined, not to part with an inch “of the accursed soil.” Not withstanding their clamor against the institution, they seem to be equally opposed to getting more, or letting go what they have got. They were ready to fight on the accession of Texas, and are equally ready to fight on her secession. Notwithstanding their professions of humanity, they are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor. Their philanthropy yields to their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws, has but one object and that is a collection of the taxes, raised by slave labor to swell the fund, necessary to meet their heavy appropriations. The spoils are what they are after—though they come from the labor of the slave. Mr. Stephens reviewed at some length, the extravagance and profliga cy of appropriations by the Congress of the United States for several years past, and in this connection* took oc casion to allude to another of the great" improvements in our new Constitution, which is a clause, prohibiting Con gress from appropriating any money from the Treasury, except by a two thirds vote, unless it be for some ob ject, which the executive may say is necessary to carry on the Govern ment. Our fathers had guarded the assessment of taxes by insisting that representation and taxation should go together. Our fathers also provided in the old Constitution, that all appro priation bills should originate in the Representative branch of Congress, but our new Constitution went a step further, and guarded not only the pockets of the people, but also the public money, after it was-taken from their pockets. He alluded to the diffi culties and embarrassments, which seemed to surround the question of a peaceful solution of the controversy with the old government. How can it be done ? is perplexing many minds. The President seems to think that he cannot recognize our independence, nor can-he, with, and by the advice of the Senate, do so. The Constitution makes no such provision. A general Convention of all the States had been suggested by the same. Without pro posing to solve the difficulty, he Jjarely made the following suggestion : .That as the admission of States by Congress under the Constitution was an ttSfc of legislation, and in the nature ftl and the others admit ting, why* should Sot this contract or compact be regarded as of like charac ter with all other civil contracts—lia ble to be rescinded by mutual agree ment of both parties ? The seceding States have rescinded it on their part. Why cannot the whole question be settled, if the North desire peace, sim ply by the Congress, in both bran ches, with jthe concurrence of the giving their consent to the separation, and a recognition of our independence ? This he merely offer ed as a suggestion, as one of the ways in which it might be done with much less violence to constructions of the Constitution than many other acts of that government. Free trade, as far as practicable, would be the policy of this govern ment. No higher duties would be im posed on foreign importations than would be necessary to support the gov ernment upon the strictest economy. — In olden times the olive branch was considered the emblem of peace, we will send to the nations of the earth another and far more potential em blem of the same, the Cotton Plant.— The present duties were levied with a view of meeting the present necessities and exigencies, in preparation for war, if need be ; if we have peace, and he hoped we might, and trade should re sume its proper course, a duty of ten per cent, upon foreign importations, it was thought, might be sufficient to meet the expenditures of the govei’n meut. If some articles should be left on the free list, as they now are, such as breadstuff's, &c., then, of course, duties upon others would have to be higher—but in no event to an extent to embarrass trade and commerce.— 'He concluded in an earnest appeal for union and harmony, on the part of all the people, in support of the common cause, in which we were all enlisted, and upon the issues of which such great consequences depend. If, said he, we are true to ourselves, true to our cause, true to our destiny, true to our mission, in presenting to the world the highest type of civiliza tion ever exhibited by man—there will be found in our lexicon no such a word as Fail. The Fort Wayne (Ind.) Times says that a most terrible and fatal accident with consequences still more terrible, occurred in Adams county recently.— The stofy is at once the briefest and most awful we have read in many a year. A woman about to churn but ter, threw some boiling water in the churn, into which one of the children had, unnoticed by the mother, placed an infant, and it was instantly scalded to death. In her frenzy the mother seized a chair and inflicted a death blow upon the little girl. After real izing what she had done she threw herself into the well and was drowned. <s>{n ffibatgia fprklg. ‘ WEDNESDAY, APRIL 3. CROAKERS. Now in the beginning, at tile very time when our new Government needs the unanimous countenance of the people, croakers, political owls, edito rial ravens are lifting up their voices against it. Their whines, howls, growls and snarls begin to fill the air. We look upon every man who seeks to find flaws in the new Constitution, and blinds himself to its perfections, either as an ignoramus or a would-be traitor. To our mind the late Union is irrevocably dissolved, and with it should disappear all old party lines. The motto of every man in the Se ceded States should-now be “Life, strength and perpetuity to the Con federate States.” If these snarling fellows must bite at something, simply from habit become second nature, let them exhaust themselves in snapping at the common enemy. Away with all old party animosities—new ones Will too soon spring up: Party spirit iS’to-a Republic as health to the pulse ; but let .that man who can find nothing better to do than assailing the new Constitution, -or the Cabinet or the Congress, be banned as a traitor — powerless now, ’tie true, but yearning for a chance lay violent hands upon his fellow citizens. Such fellows will become, in the public eye, as the Tories were in the war of the Revolution—and most de servedly so. We have no patieence with these croakers who are, in imag ination, already shattering to atoms the Confederate States. They are in fact friends of the enemy, friends of old Abe Lincoln, friends of Aboli tionism, and therefore traitors and spies in the Southern camp. In the language of the Augusta Dispatch : “It makes the blood of a patriot boil to see the eagerness with which every expression of dissent from the policy of the Provisional Government is caught up by thefreesoil press, and heralded as evidence of the weakness of the new Government, and the growing sentiment in favor of re-con struction.” Knowing these things it is the duty of every Southern patriot to frown down such sentiments, or if necessary Ifrusn "Tfiern with their utterers to the ignomy they merit. Let all read the speech of Vice- President Stephens, and be convinced. WE AREWAITING. Fort Sumter still remains in the hands of our enemy. We hear that “it will be evacuated to-morrow,” but that “ to-morrow ” is still in the dim distance. Fort Pickens, it is repor ted, is to be evacuated within less than thirty days, but if we are to judge of the length of those days by the stupendous continuancy of the “ to-morrow ” aforesaid, we think Fort Pickens will be evacuated sometime next year. The Abolition Congress, with Old Abe and bis Cabinet are “sittin’ on the fence,” and are, metaphorically speak ing, riding the sharpest, hardest, and narrowest rail ever split by the Rail Splitter ! European pressure, doubtless, will shove them over, heels over head, into concession by necessity, though old Massa Horace Greely howleth for war and free soil day and night. Old Abe refuses to make public the latest dispatches from Fort Sumter — alleging that it would be inexpedient. Perhaps Anderson has asked leave to try his guns, preferring sudden anni hilation to slow starvation. Let us twirl our thumbs and—wait! ggy As we have already announced we shall be pleased to give notice of all religious meetings when desired. — In addition we respectfully ask the in formed to furnish us with the names of all Ministers of the Gospel as they are to officiate. There will be divine service in the Baptist Church, of Greenville, on the 4th Saturday and Sunday of every month. Dr. Ledbetter, we are told, will preach at the Methodist Church next Sunday, the 7th instant. Friends will confer a favor upon us by keeping us posted in all religious appointments. We have received the March number of the Southern Cvltivator, and recommend it as the most valua ble publication of the day. We have quoted largely from it in this issue.— Each number contains 32 pages of most valuable agricultural reading.— Price §1 per annum. Published in Augusta, Ga. D. Redmond, Pub lisher. Two weeks from to-day, we shall begin the publication of a South ern Romance, from the pen of the ed itor of this paper, the author of “ The Brother s Vengeance “ Virginia Glencaire,” &c., &c., titled: Rosetta, the Wine Seller’s Daughter ; or, The Night before the Battle of Few Orleans. The story will run for three months in our columns, but all of its scenes and events are represented as having transpired between the hours of 7 and 12 o’clock of the night of the 7th of January, 1815. This story will immediately be fol lowed by another from the same au thor, titled : The Fanatic ; or, The Home of the Abolitionist. Subscribe early! Mountain Rangers. A company of volunteers has been organized in the Ist District of this county, and numbers over 50 men— as we are informed. Below we give the names and rank of the officers : A. B. Howard, Captain. N. T. Campbell, Ist Lieut. J. C. Franklin, 2d Lieut. W. C. Campbell, 3d Lieut. Wm. Andrews, 4th Ligut. Wm. Piielps, Ist Sergeant. Thos. Maddox, Jr., 2d Sergeant. Seaborn. McGuirt, 3d Sergeant. Jas. Bridges, 4th Sergeant. The following volunteer com panies have been notified, by Gov. Brown, to hold themselves in readiness to march at the command of President Davis: The Gate City Guards* .Atlanta* gone. The Quitman Guards, Forsyth, Ga., gone. Newnan Guards, Newnan, gone. Two companies in Augusta, gone. Two companies in Macon, gone. Two companies in Columbus. The Etowah Infantry, Cartersville, Georgia. It is rumored that the Merriwether Volunteers, and the Mountain Ran gers will be ordered out very soon.— Drill, boys, drill l We have just received a mag nificent mess of radishes from the garden of Mrs. Maj. McGehee, of thq 2d District. They are by far the finest we have seen tfeis yeaiy-a»d *iw thanks of The Georgia Weekly office are herewith returned to the fair donor. We have also received a Spring cab bage from Col. J. A. Gaston, thirteen inches high. Like himself his collards are of the tribe of Anak. ggp 1 The Newnan Guards, num bering 80 men, left Newnan for Pen sacola on Monday Ist inst. It is ru mored that Merriwether county will soon be called upon for a company.— Keep your powder dry ! We have carefully reviewed Lamar's English Grammar, pTe'sen tedbyMr. Wm. A. Adams, and un hesitatingly pronounce it the best adap ted for schools that we have ever seen. An Extraordinary Surgical Operation. At the last sitting of the French Academy of Sciences, Dr. Jobert de Lamballe gave an account of a singu lar surgical operation performed by him, in the case of a soldier named Gustin, aged 21, who had been woun ded at an advanced post before the Malakoff Tower in the Crimea. A ball had penetrated through his fore head, making a clean circular open ing of the size of about one franc piece; the man thus struck fell down from the parapet, a height of seven feet, and was taken to the nearest am bulence in a state of insensibility, which lasted 24 hours. Eight days after he was shipped off to Constanti nople, where he remained four months in a military hospital. However, be ing well provided, it would seem, with the organ of combativenes, he asked and obtained permission to return to Crimea, although his wound was in full suppuration. He subsequently fought at Traktir, and afterwards re turned to France, where he continued in the army, but without being em ployed in any active service on ac count of the state of his health, his wound still suppurating as before.— At length, in February, 1857, he en tered the Hotel Dieu and placed him self under the care of Dr. Jobert, who, upon examination, found that a ball was still lodged inside his skull; this, with a variety of precautions, was successfully extracted, and the man is now perfectly recovered. The ball had remained in for the space of twenty-two months. Three Cent Patriotism.—Many of our contemporaries are expatiating at length upon the fact that the Con federate States have fixed postage at five cents l This, they say, is one of the beauties of secession. Do our friends lower their patriotism to a three cent postage stamp!— Augusta Dispatch.