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aroKflrcm
8i‘Et:IAL OWlER. . .
In the Senate Feb. 8, 1833.—Tho hill fur
ther In |iroviili> for thu collodion of tho elution
on import*, wnn ih"n taken op.
Mr. Webster *i;J the Sonator from N. C.
who had the floor last evnniiii;, [Mr. Maugum]
not being preienl, ho had rison for the purpose
of selling one nutter in its proper lieh'.. There
is an inecdolo respecting the meeting of two
vessels at sea, one of which was English and
tory to ask f»r sufficient power to execute the
lars.
V. r , Brown ' I gentlemen appeared to con-
*>d r ttst-nfkvtlc-.—. ee’iml on to moke confession
of their noliihal sins. I i the diachargo ol Ins
duly, he trusted that he should not bo induced
to look to any quarter Tho Senator from
Massachusetts, like a skilful commander, had
endeavoured to enirencli his bill behind the
Executive commendation. As regarded hard
mules — If any such had been usod, il pro
bably was in imitation of the course hereto
fore pursued by that gentleman. For himself.
the other American, soon after tho declaration he was not aware of having expressed himself
of war. The American communicated the
first information of that evnni to ho English
man, who enq tired why war had been derlar-
in harsh language while engaged in discus*'
ing tin; bill.
* 1|r. Webster said he would readily admit
ed? The American replied, Hint it was | that the gentleman had not used hard names
thought necessary to declare w -r. in order 10 j against the President—but only against, the
produce n better understand ;g between the lull. The gentleman would have shewn quite
parties, \fter the rharg ; that had been ur- I,is gallant hearing to oust his epithets of re-
ged against the Kill l.v senator* who had been | proacli upon the origial source of the measure
understood to be high in Executive confidence %l - ,, ~ l " :J ,u - M " nl
—after the hard names and harsh epithets that
hod been applied to it and to tho Committee
who had reported it, those Senators ought to
be informed that this Bill was founded solely
upon the recommendation of the President.
That officer was charged l>y the Constilmior.
with the execution of the laws, and had, in dis.
charge of his duty, enmm uuicatcd to the Sen
ate,that resistance to the laws had been threat'
ened, which was nut likely to he overcome
ty tho ordinnry means and powers of tho gov.
eminent. The message hud been referred to
the Judiciary Committee, which hud reported
this bill.which in no one particular exceeds the
Executive recommendation. Yet, tho whole
nrgoment in opposition to the hill had procee
ded on tho ground that it was n measure of the
Committee—or rather the project of a factious
opposition. To prevent the repetition of this
mistake,and cnablo those who were the trim
parties in the matter In come to u better un
derstanding with each other, he had felt il
due to himself as a member of the Committee,
to declare that this hill was the offspring of Ex
ecutive recommendation. In waging war ag
ainst tho hill,gentlemen should remember that
they were carrying on hostilities against the
President of their own choice. As to the
charge* that had been mado against the bill,
he considered them altogether unjust ; not
one of them had been established by argument
or any thing liko argument, lie should give
the bill his support, nsnn independent meinhnr
of tho Senate, acting in the conscientioua da
chargo of hi* duly, lie thought he was ae-.
quninlcd with the sentiments which prevailed
throughout the nation relative to the measure*
taken by tho Slate of South Cnrolinn. The
current every where sets strongly in favour of
the Union. Whenever tho public voico call
ed on him to support such measures as those
recommended by the President, as nil individ
ual, he was ready to discharge his duty. If
gentlemen differed from him in opinion on this
subject,- they should recollect they d.ffercd
from tho Executive. If hard names and s'rong
reflections were to be indulged in, they should
be directed to tho real offender.
Mr. Tvlor had opposed tho hill because he
thought the measure to ho wrong, nod not be
«snso it had met the approbation of tho Son
n I or from Massachusetts. In the discharge of
tiis duty ho had not permitted himself to en
quire nfier tho source of the bill—hut the Se
nate were eertninly under obligations to the
Senator, fur informing them that il rnme forth
from the Executive recesses.
Mr. Wehstor had staled that the provisions
of the bill had only lolliwed out the recom
mendation of the message. The President
had recommended tho passage of certain laws
to moot specific eases. In preparing thu hill
the Judiciary Committee had endeavored to
do this. That Cimiinitteo huvu n habit of
drawing their own hills.
Mr. Bibb would he glad In learn whether any
ipsrt of hi* conduct as n member of tho Senate
had given the gentleman a right to suppose
Shat he did not art upon his own responsibili
ty, hut upon Executive recommendation ? In
the course of the remarks ho had felt il to lie
hif duty to submit to thu Senate upon this hill,
he had endeavoured to avoid cvcrv thing
which was calculated to rxeitu improper fee
lings. But after the statement ef ihn gen
tleman he would lie glad to ho informed wheth
er there was any unseen link of coinmunicn-
lion between the Executive and the bill ? Ho
wished to know whether tho Cmnmiilno bad
any hidden lights f lie denied that the hill
was responsive to the mes«ago" of the Pros!-
dent. He denied that the President hnd re
quested in his message that t <e powers con
tained in this bill should he conferred on him.
He never would believe that nnv President of
the United 9tntos would have the daring ef
frontery to call on Congress to invest him
with such pnwera. As far ns the bill wont in
aid of enforcing civil remedies, through the
Courts of Justice, he would admit the provis
ions had been called for by Ilio Message.—
But the military powers conferred by the first
and fifth sections of tho hill wore not such us
could meet the approbation of the Executive.
For himself he Imd sought nothing from Exe-
cutivo favor. Ha regarded the questions
raised by tho hill as involving the great prin
ciples of civil liberty—and under such cir
cumstances should not shrink from die dis
charge of hi* duty
Mr. Holmes said tho Senator from Norili
Carolina had spoken of a confession of polit
ical sins. He had no such confession tn
make—he had always shown his fniih by hi-
works. He had satisfied liimiolf beyond
doubt that there was hut one member of the
Senate who had been perfectly consistent
throughout his wlio’e polilienl ifurner—und
that one was Ins own dear self.
Mr. Wilkins now roan to propose some
amendment- to the bill—bet gave way In Mr.
Dallas, who addressed the Senate nearly four
hours in support of tlm general principles of
the bill—when he had Concluded—
Mr. Miller rose nnd e aid, there appeared In
lie n great misapprehension ns to the eourse
taken by South Carolina, which he wished to
explain—he would proceed at lint time, or
give way to n motion to adjourn, ns might host
soil the convenience of the Sunaie.
Mr. Wuggainnn moved the Senate adj mrn,
which wus agreed to.
Feb 8, 1833.
In the f/nim of Representative*, Mr. Bell
from the Committee on the Judiciary to which
had been referrcil ihe Messago of the President
in relation In the proceeding in Smith Carolina,
made n report accompanied by a “ bill more
cffactua'.lv providing for the execution of the
revenue laws, mill for other purposes,” which
was read twice and committed to the Com
mittee of the Whole on Ihe stnlo of tho Union.
The hill is in substance ns follows:
Section one provides, that suits nri-ing un
der the revenue laws, commenced in a Sinte
Court, may bo removed to ihe Circuit Court
oTthe Un'tcd Slates in said district.
Section two provides, Hint whenever suit
shall be entered in tho Circuit Court of the
ITiiilrd Stales, notice sliull lie given tn the
Slate Court in which the suit originated
which Slate Court ahnll proceed no further:
and if the Slate Court shall proceed, nn in
junction may issue from thu Circuit Court to
slitv proceedings therein.
Section three provides, that in ail other pro
ceedings in a Stnlo Court by capias in with-
trnivn ur distress hy attachment or otherwise
against the person or effects of nn ofTleol’ of
the customs, Ktc. the Judge of tho Circuit
Courts miy issue nn injunction for mainlining
further proceedings therein.
Section four provides, tlml tho .Marshal
shall ex,>01110 any process of injunction aa the
Sheriffs of the States may do—nnv person who
shall obstruct or resist any officer of tho U.
Stales in the execution of such process, shall
lie goiliv of a misdemeanour, nnd on couvic-
lion lined, not exceeding $5,000, nnd impris
oned, not exceeding two years, ut tho discre
tion of the Court.
Soclinii five provides, that eilher of the Jus
tices of the Superior Court, or District Judge
of the United Slnles, may grant writs of habeas
carpus in ensos of persons committed to gaol
hy sentence of n Slate Court, for nnv net dune
in pursuance of the revenue Inwatnnd any per
son who shall disobey tho said right of habeas
carpus, sliull lie adjudged guilty of n misde
meanor, and may lie lined, tint exceeding $8,
000, and imprisoned, not exceeding three
yenrs, til the discretion nfthe Court.
Mr. Bell staled that the Report nnd Bill
had reeuived the sanction of a majority of Hie
Committee merely. • Tho minority, however,
did not object to the provisions of the hill, bm
were of opinion that they did not go as far as
necessary to meet tho emergency. Tho mi
nnrityof the Committor, ho further staled,
were not opposed to a portion of the views
submitted in tho Report.
Tho Report was then read, referred to n
Committee of the Whole on the aluto of the
Union, and directed In ho printed.
details of the bill, in reply to the objections of
Messrs. Tyler and Uibb. The provisions of
the first section, upon which the greatest 1
stress of criticism hod been laid, went no fur
ther, he said, than those of Hie 11th section of
the embargo law of]807, which was suppor
ted in both Houses of Congress, hy the unan
imous voice of Virginia, N. Carolina, S. Caro
lina and Georgia. The 6ih section ol the
set was co-cxlensive with the resolution of
1791, empowering Marshals to provide pla-
cos for the safe keeping of prisoners where the
Siam should refuse the usu of their prisons
for that purpose. Mr. C, suggested some
restrictions ns proper to bn added to tho ope
ration of the second and third sections of the
bill, winch being done—ho should give it his
cordial support. When Mr. Clayton hnd con
cluded. Mr. Manguin went on nearly two
hours in opposition to the general principles
nf ihe hill, which is compared to the Boston
Port Bill, at iho onset of the revolutionary war.
He regarded the present situation of the South
us similar to that of the Colonies at that peri
ml, and rend extensive extracts from docu
men!* and historic*! narratives, in illusira
lion and support of his views. Mr. Mangum
resumes his speech to day.
<3?ft»criil StitrlUftenrc.
From the Olohe of February 8th.
Mr. Clayton addressed tho Snnnlo yester
day shout two hours, in favor nf tho general
principles of the hill further to provide fur the
collection of Julies on impnr's. Iln discuss
ed llio cnn8iiltiliunnl questions nrising upon
he Ordmaneo of South Cnrolinn, nnd tho
laws of ihe Slate, passed in consequence,
with mneli nhility. Ho contended that upon
lie principle laid down hv the South Cnriilinn
Convention there could bn hut two forms of
government—a pure democracy and nn nhso.
lute despotism. Tho doctrines of sovereignly
promulgated hy that Convention, ho insisted,
wero remind by Ihe history of all government
the Correjp>,mJeiit of thi: Charleston Courier.
“ IVashington, Feb, 5.
Tho cnusc nf the Union and Nullification
remains almost in statu quo, \Vo know ol
nothing winch has transpired here, that is cal
culated to lessen Iho prospect of mi iihiinale
adjustment without n resort in itrms. We are
Hinnuivhat perplexed tn understand tho course
of things in South Carolina. A Convention
of ihe Slate meets and passes, or adopts, an
Ordinance. Tho Legislature is thereupon
convened, and enacts certain lows in confor
mity to that Ordinance, and intended to curry
its provisions into effect. After performing
lltoso functions, tho Convention i:nd the Le
gislature adjourn. Tho day approaches when
tho Ordinance, and the Laws consequent upon
it, aru to lake effict. On a sudden, wn are
told iluii Gen. Hamilton culls a Meeting of
Nullitiera, who determine, at his suggestion,
to suspend the operation nf the Ordinance nnd
Laws, and tho General dolermmos that no ci
tizen of South Carolina shall have the satis
faction of contesting the Laws of the United
States, until ho ahull have led Iho way. lie
therefore ships a cargo of Rice, for the purposo
of obtaining n return cargo of Sugar, nnd on
that Sugar issue is to he taken. Now whul
wo want to know is, whether Gen. Hamilton
and Ins hand of Ntillifiers act under n Carle
Blanche, so that they can nullify just what they
please. They first determine to nullify a Law
of Congress, then they nullify no Ordinance
of the People, nnd tho Acts of the Legisla
ture of South Cnrolinn. We begin to suspect
that Gcncrnl Hamilton mny say with somo
truth, “ I am tho State of Smith Curolinn”—
If so, all this w hirlwind has been wrought
to drown u fly.
** Tits only busmen- ilmw in the Senate to
day, was the delivery of a speech of two hours
hy Mr. Holmos, in favor of Iho Enforcing
Bill. It was discursive, desultory, mid not
very profound. Mr. Holmes exhibited n cer
tificate of Ins owe consistency as a republican,
but fcnid it had no happened, that he had strange
bed-fellows, lie did not seek them, bet they
enmo to bed to him. This was u side speech
to the Ladies, who scorned to he somewhat
disuoucortod by the plum and blunt figu
rativeness of the orator. In some parts of
Ins speech, however, lie made some success
ful aspirations tn pniho9, nnd in his close
reached the ultima lliule at eloquence. He
is to be followed by IMr. Tyler, of Virginia,
whose speoclt is looked for with much anxie
ty, in consequence of the peculiar situation in
which Virginia is placed, in relation to Ihe
United States and the Stato of South Cnrolinn.
“ Tho Tiiriff Bill will probably lie disposed
of in the course of the present wenk, in the
House of Representatives. I do not think
ihillhe chances of its finnl passage have at
nil increased, nntwithsMinding tho rejection
to-day of iho motion of Mr. Adams, to strike
out tlm first words of Ihe Bi!!. so as to put it
to death. Many of the adversaries of the Bill
wore opposed to Iho motion, because they
cnosidered that the inode of destroying the
Bill was *oo summary : nml they desired, with
true Indian taste, to eeo it tortured it little, be
fore any innrlnl stroke was givnn toil. Some
other amendments were disposed nf, nnd Ihe
Bill was then left tn run iho gauntlet anew to.
morrow, through friend* nnd enemies. In
some of these perilous passages, il will ter
minate its brief existence.”
aid io passing it—bo would ralher be a dog,
and buy the moon, than such a Roman. He
declared thut ho would fight under the flag
which waved over the sanguinary fields of the
Revolution, oil which thu thirteen stars, of
which Souili Carol na was one, were embla
zoned. He w anted no flag fmm which one
■>| these stars, nnd that one of the thirteen,
was obliterated. In reference to the mission
of Wa 1 kins Leigh, lie said that Rome had
her Cur ius, Athens her Leonidas, und Spar
ta her band of self-devoted patriots, but Hint
the man who should restore peace and harmo
ny, mid settle the existing ditference between
the United Slates and South Carolina, would
otilshino all the patriots of nil limes and all
countries, and deserve an imperishable ever
green around In* brow. Mr. Tyler commen
ced his speerli under evident embarrassment,
owing to Hie peculiarity of his situation—but
he gathered confidence as lie proceeded, mid
finally threw ofl'ull restraint, and spoke with
more freedom than he is accustomed to exhibit.
“ To-morrow Mr. Clayton, of Delaware,
will occupy the floor. His oratory is of a pro
found character, nnd weighty in its effect.
I
expect that he will reply with great acuteness,
power und point. Tho Semite is crowded
d uly, and the reputation of Air. Clayton will
fill il to overflowing to-morrow, I am told Him
Air. Alaiiguiii ha* been pitched upon to an
swer Mr. Clayton; these two gentlemen will
occupy the day. Tho spocial order will be
taken up ut 12 o’clock, liereafler, so as to al
low lour hours a day for tho di-c.us*ioa ; yet
with all this extra allowance of lime, I much
doubt whether it can possibly be pushed
through the Senate heforo tho close of (l,o
next week. It will then have no chnnce of a
final passage, uitlvsi the House should agree
to net upon it without sending it into Commit
tee of tlm Whole on the State of the Union,
so ns to ho ublu to hold thu previous question
over it.
*' No decision yet on iho Tariff. It was
expected that the Bill would be got out of
Committee of the Whole, hut the expectation
was doomed to disappointment. It may he
got through Committee to-morrow.”
Irum the feiid i^uges in tho present time, nnd
Mr. Webster said, no intimation nr charge j with expressly negatived hy the constitution of
of subserviency to Ihn Executive had been the U. 8. Mr. C. regarded tho doctrine of
made. In answer to the interrogatories nfthe j Secession as far less dangerous than Nullifi
gentleman, a* to the connexion helween the 1 cation, nnd instanced the Nullifiea'ion of un
Executive and the hill, he would inform ihn
8enator, that ihe Message of the President
having been referred to the Judiciary Com
mittee, that committee had sat down in their
room, and diawn up Ihe bill, with the view nf
meeting ih- exigenciee staled in the massage.
In that paper, tho President has stated that
combinations existed in the State of Smith
Carolina for Hie purpose nf impeding the exe
cution of the laws { and the present President
of tho United States baa bad the daring cfiTron-
nlmrgn law passed hy Congress under the
*dd confederation hy the Stale of Delaware, a*
having been a principal reason for calling Ihe
Convention fur forming the Constitution, m or
der to obviate such an exercise of power. As
in the power of Congress to enforce the col
lodion of the r-venue laws, Mr. C. riled the
opinions of Mr. Jefferson, that under the old
conli'd -ralmn, Congress fully possessed that
power, which not lessened hv the Con
stitution. Sir- C. went into a defence of the
From tho Saino.
“ IVashington, Feh. 6.
“ We liavo hnd tn-dny a very imposing nnd
persuasive speech in Ihn Senate from Mr. Ty
ler. Ilia disapproved of the course of South
Carolina, nnd expressed the hope that she
would listen to the advice of friends, nnd stif- j suppose Mr. Leigh defeated—what then? It
fer herself to ho persuaded to suspend her Or-1 may still he said that we have done our duly
Fru.n tho Federal Union.
To t’ ' Trustees anti Faculty of Franklin College,
Gentlemen,—Permit mo, ns n friond of
Franklin College, to say to you, that I have
seen with concern und mortification, the lute
extraordinary proceedings of a number of
your students on tho present state of the coun
try—You nre not ignorant, gentlemen, oflho
injurious and deep rooted prejudices which
have long existed against our University, be
cause Iho impression lias gono abroad, Hint
Athens is the nursery of politicml opinions.
Tho fact that politicians annually assemble
there, and the exhibition nf political feeling
lately manifested in tho meeting, alluded to,
give strength and plausibility to theso prejudi
ces. I have therefore, felt it a duly to take
this mmle of bringing Ihe subject to your seri
ous consideration. Young gentlemen nro sent
to College n il to meddle in politics, and em
broil their feelings with the excitement of
politics. This stato of things is manifestly
adverse to tlm progress of literature and set-
once, o* wall ns io the feelings of all parents
and others concerned in llio welfare of youth.
Of course, such occurrences aa that meeting,
most ni nil limes, do injury to the Institution,
—when the wisest and bust men of tho Nation
nre nt fault wlmt is bust to bu done for our be
loved country, nnd how wo ran host avoid the
fearful collision that seems to threaten us. 1
presume, gentlemen, that this hoy’s meeting,
nnd their puerile proceedings, wero not had
with ynnr privily or consent. But if Franklin
College is to remnin “ the University aj Geor
gia,” it is incumbent on yon, to iidopt some
vigorous mensures to prevent tho recurrence
nf such scenes. Tho prosperity of the Insti
union depends upon public opinion, ortin
through tile Lcgi-luluro. Almost every year,np
plication is made for more liberal endowments.
Cnn il bo expected, Ihnt these will ho made,
when Ihe University furnishes sm-li spectacle
ns lhut meeting ? The writer of this article
has heretofore sustained the Collegn in more
ways than one ; nnd does not moan to boast
when he snys that il is in his power to exert
no small inflncnrn against it. Should these
things not be suppressed, or satisfnrlnty exer
tions made for their suppression. I hut influence
will be exerted in common with many worthy
citizens, who now have Hie good of the Uni
versity at heart. GRADUATE.
P. S. I would suggoM to Ihn Trustees, n
very simple arrangement which would prove
of iufioiie value to the College. Change the
lime of your Commencement to Ihe secantl .Mon
day in October—it may not suit politicians,
hut il will benefit Iho College. G.
(t^Thn Onzntto and Banner at Athens will
he pleased to insert Ihe above, nnd oblige a
friend of the College
The Richmond Enquirer, in relation to Mr.
Leigh’s mission, snvs—“ Suppose wo fail;
ing Stales,”and argues with much force again.*
subjecting the destiny of twenly-four State,
to the will of one. A second letter is to fo|
low in further illustration of his view* Cl'
Courier. *
ilinanro nnd Laws, until after the next session
of Congress. With equnl earnestness he in
voked tho Federal Government to withhold
from the President tho powers which nra
granted hv the Hill now under consideration,
nnd which ho might he tonipted to use in a
manner to peril the tranquillity, tho existence
ofthoPninn. Sir, said ho, if you conquer
Smith Carolina, if yen hang up her Governor
end her Legislature, and doom her citizens,
after slaughtering their wives and children, to
lake refuge in those morasses which shelter
ed Alarion and Sumter, when they worn press
ed by the British troops ; if vnu tread down
the freedom of Smith Carolina, and mako her
Palmetto trail in Ihn dust, what will you have
gained ? Will you have preserved the Union 1
In sow. a parts nf his speech he threw out some
very seveio sarcasms of an inferential char
acter against the administration; and in
reference to Iho Bill, said ho would give no
—that we have interposed our good offices,
though they have been rejected. It will yet
have this good effect—it will show that South
Carolina is still more precipitate, more •* wnn
dering,’’ or her purposes more mischievous,
than over wo had supposed them—and Hint
it is still more urgently our doty to resist her
schemes, nnd to rally around thu Union.”
Tho same paper contains n letter from Mr.
Stevenson, of Virginia, Speaker of tho popular
branch of our National Legislature, in whirti
the right of secession is discussed wj-h much
ability,and opposed as neither “a constitution
al nor penrrable remedy—ns not only dan
gerous to the rights and liberties of the Stale,
hut as wholly inconsistent with the great ob
jects which led tn our Union, and the bles
sings it was intended to secure.” Mr. Ste
venson considers tho right nf secession nn the
pan of one S'ato “ as involving necessarily
tho dissolution of the compact of tho remain*
AHwh Chase and A. At, fti*bc|.
S&TTOBA?. FBBB.TJAIIT 23, 1833,
Um. Jackson.—Tlieie is an old adage, and we are
sorry to own coat it is (minded on too much truth, t „d
will apply too justly to the waytt ard and defect iveehar-
acter of human nature, which reads thus;— 44 Do a man
ninety-nine favor*—refuse him the hundredth, ond you
make him your enemy for life.” For the credit of man-
kind, we lament that such an adage should ever have
been promulgated, and we blush for our very species
when circumstances occur either in public or private*
life, which marks the existence of that ” marble heart
ed fiend”—ingratitude. And, if, in our humblecuncep.
lion, there ever existed a class of people in any Slate
or community completely given over to the influences
of this unoniiablo and seemingly unnatural passion it
isceitainly those who arc now crusading at the South
against the character, honor and popularity, of our
present Chief Magistrate, Gen. Andrew Jackson.—
Their course since the promulgation of Ihe Presidents
“ raw head and bloody bones” Proclamation, has com
pletely changed fiction into fact, and realized tho spec
ulations of the Poet when he says,
“ He that doth public good fur multitudes,
Finds few thut are truly grateful.”
These individuals,not content with condemning that
alone which is objectionable in the Proclamation, consign
tho good and the bad together, into one common recep
tacle, and hold them forth to the people as tho odious
offspring of military tyranny, despotism und corruption!
And it is tho President of their choice—he who h«s
twice saved the South from Foteign and Domestic furs
—he who has thrice intervened b's mighty arm, and
said to Federal encroachments, thus far shult thou go
and no farther, and he who has achieved for Georgia,
and put her in possession of that, which no other man
in existence could have accomplished, under tlm rime
circumstancee, viz: her right of soil, jurisdiction end
possession of the Cherokee Country—who is thus stig-
matized, and by Georgians too!! Yes, for errors which
may have emanated from the head and not the heart
— for the committal of one act deserving censure, in a
long life devoted to his country, in the field and in the
Cabinet—would the alarmists and disorganizes of
the day, make his name a bye-word and reproach
throughout the wotld. And what, we would enquire,
lies brought the w holesale denunciations oftbe»"*nen
upon the head of Gen. Jackson 7 Is it the speculative
opinions contained in his Proclamation, on the subject
of the formation and origin of tho Federal Government?
No, they will say, Gen. Juckson should not be denoun
ced as a traitor or tyrant for exercising the right of
opinion. Is it because he warned the people of Sou’ll
Carolina that he would be compelled to fulfil his obliga
tions under the Constitution, and 41 see that the Reve
nue Laws were enforced in that State ?” No, they will
say, this was his duty whilst South Carolina claimed
Io bo a member of the Union. Is it because he deni
ed that So. Carolina could constitutionnlly and peace
fully secede from the Union at her pleasure? Yes!
will be the reply— 14 the Tyrant has threatened to co
erce a soveroign State, and hold her ns bound to the
Government!” This, then, is tho sum and substance
of his offence—this it is, that hua cancelled the great
debt due him hy a once grateful people, and changed
the Patriot and the Hero into tho Tyrant oml the Pol-
troon ! But if this sentiment possesses such wonder-
.working magic as to change in toto tho nature and
character of Andrew Jackson, how in it thnt JcflVitnn
nnd George M. Tioupare not nffVctrd by it m the same
way? Is Jellersuids moinnry branded note by them
with the epithet, Traitor, or Troup’s character with
that of Tory ? And yet they both believe with Jack-
eon, that a State has no right constitutionally to secede
from tho Government.
Hear what Mr. Jefferson says in a letter to Jno. Tay
lor, which may be found at pago393 and 3d vol. of his
memoirs:
“B-’ this ns it may, in every free and deliberating so
ciety, there inm*t from the nature of man, bu opposite
parties, nnd violent dissensions and discords ; and one
of these for tho most port, must prevail over the other
fora longer or shorter tune. Perhaps this party divis
ion is neeessnry to induci* each to watch nnd relate to
the people the proceedings of the other. But if, on a
temporary superiority oft he one party, the other is to re
sort to a scission qflhe Union, no federal government can
ever exist. If to rid ourselves of the present rule of
Massachusetts and Connecticut, we breok the Union,
will the evil slop there 7 Suppose tho New England
Stn’es alone cut off, will our nnturca be changed 7 Are
we riot men stiff to the South of that and with nil the
passions of men? Immediately we shall see a Penn
sylvania and a Virginia party arise in the residuary
confederacy, and tho public mind will be distracted
with the same party. What a game too will the one
parly have in their hands, by eternally threatening tho
other, that unless they do so and so, they will Join
their northern neighbors. If wo reduce our Union to
Virginia and North Caroline, immediately the conflict
will be established between the representatives of these
two States, and they toil/ end hy breaking into their sim
ple units. Seeing, therefore, that an association of men
who will not quarrel with one another is a thing which
never ycl existed, from the greatest confederacy of na
tions down to a town meeting or a vestry j seeing that
we must have somebody to quarrel with', I had rather
keep our New England associates for that purpose,
than to see our bickerings transferred to others—a lit
tle patience and we shall seethe reign of witches pass
ov t, thar spiffs dissolved, and tho people recovering
their true sight, restoring their government to its true
principles’*
it wili he seen that Mr. Jefferson, instead of
advocating secession at that gloomy period of our Na
tional existence, rather encournges that, as a blessing
to the country, which the nulliflers are now resolved
to make the instrument of its destruction, vis: party
feeling and sectional differences. And ns to George
M. Troup, he dearly denies the right of constitutional
secession, because the conditions which he prescribes
to the seceding State are entirely beyond her control.
We say it, and We say it without the fear nf contradic
tion, that thrre is not a State in the Union which could
secede peaceably, on the terms prescribed by Gor.
Troup—not one of them could possibly leave the Un
ion without affecting in some way or other the Sove
reignty of some one of the others, either ae regards.
way, intercourse or commerce.
The truth is, Gen. Jackson nvist be pat down he-