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Athens,' July 12,' 1833..
To the Editors of the Federal Union.
Gentlemen—I see with regret that Mr.
Crawford’s letter to the Savannah Republi
can is likely to bring the University before
the public in a political point of view. 1 see
this with regret, because I am confident there
is justly no ground for the suspicion which a
discussion*of this kind is calculated to awaken
in the minds of some—and because I believe
the best interests of the State are connected
with the prosperity of our literary institutions.
Whatever may be our party political strife, and
however unchristian may be our religious sec-
tarian controversies, it seems to me that there is
ope common ground on which all can|heet,and
cordially unite, and unitedly and efficiently
act for the good of the State: and that ground
is purely literary and scientific. Here it
would seem the angry politician might, and
we should suppose would rejoice for a short
time, occasionally to lay aside the bitterness
of party, and engage With even his rival, in
the delightful work of promoting the cause of
knowledge. For it must now be evident to
every reflecting man, that the purity and sim
plicity of our Republican institutions cannot
be maintained without a general diffusion of
knowledge among our people. And as I be
lieve the great majority of our citizens, to
whatever party attached, are honest, 1 should
suppose each party would feel anxious to en
lighten, a3 far as possible, every citizen of the
Republic. If we wish truth to prevail, we
should certainly give our people light, and
if we wish to give them light, we must
have respectable institutions of learning at
home. The rich can go abroad, but the poor
and those in the middle walks of life cannot
go from their own State, to obtain an cduca-
tion. Wealth will produce aristocracy, and
in spite of all our Republican simplicity, we
harmony has prevailed in all the meetings
since the union of the two parties with respect
to the Institution. I am told that nothing even
bordering upon party has ever come before
them, and that an examination of their votes
upon any subject shows that the distinction is
wholly unknown in their meetings. They all
feel anxious to promote the prosperity of an
institution which is intended to subserve the
voted to the interest of any peculiar party or
sect, is the fact of his havi.ig been so offen
ded at what was called the union of the *W
parties, that be at ouce resigued his seat >•
the Board. Now, had Mr. Crawford sui<l
what I have understood some illiberal Troup
men have said, that the Trustees were fesi^v
ing the institution into the hands of the Clark
party, in order to obtain their patronage, we
great interest of knowledge in general, and J migh^ have supposed he was sincere, or at
which under proper management cannot sub. I least intended to arouse the jealousy of his
serve party purposes. I have never heard I party and if possible withdraw them from their
the first intimation that one of these members I support of the institution. But to suppose he
of the Board suspected the faculty or a single could for a moment think it possible to moke
member of it, of attempting to use any undue the community believe that such a set of men
influence with the members of College ; and as now compose the Trustees, would suffer the
yet, two of these trustees, Mr. Thomas and University to be made the engine to batter
Dr. Tinsley, reside in Athens, and must know down their party influence in the State, is to
if there be any improper interference of this me altogether improbable. But who is Mr.
kind; I know from personal observation, that Crawford, or Mr. any other man ? What ar
the faculty do not engage at all in the party the facts ? What is the University doin.<; ?
strifes of the day; if most of them have any 1 And what would be the consequeuces, shoul
predilections in favor of either of the parties, any man or set of men succeed in exciting
these predilections are not known, and I am such prejudices against it, as have once exis-
assured, that they have never been known to ted ? Amidst all the angry contests of th<
introduce the subject into any of their exerci- day, I do hope for the honor of the State, anu
ses—but on the contrary, have at all times the good of our citizens, and the permanence
endeavored to persuade the students to leave of our civil and religious institutions, that no
politics until they leave the institution; the i combination against this rising seminary will
consequence of this course has been to calm I bo permitted to prosper,
much of that angry feeling which too often |
reigns in the hearts of young men. No con
siderable excitement for some time past could
be gotten up among them; not even with all
the steam which was sent over from the high
pressure engines at Columbia last winter,
could any considerable movement be produ
ced ; the great body of the students took the
advice of the faculty, which was, to let those
who were engaged in active life see that
the Republic received no injury,” but, by ap-
A FRIEND TO LEARNING.
tains. The poor man is often dependant up
on his wealthy neighbour, and it is impossible
to raise him entirely, abovo this dependance.
Now unite with the power of wealth, the su-
perior power* which knowledge ever gives,
. and youraise the rich man to aheight utterly in
consistent with the Democratic institutions of
this . Republican country. I know it is often
said, the advantages of a liberal education
can at best be enjoyed but by few ; this is true,
and perhaps it is not desirable that they should
be. But h6re is. the advantage of having
an institution at home, viz: it will be within
the reach of numbers of the poor and the mid.
die classes; it will break the regular succes
sion of aristocratic families whose power and
influence would otherwise be perpetual. Ma
ny parents and many young men, seeing a i
LETTER ON MANUAL LABOR SCHOOLS.
To Dr. VV. VV. Waddel:
Dear Sir—I cheerfully take up my pen to
fulfil a promise made you when we last met,
that I would give you my views on the sub
jeet of Manual Labor Schools—Institutions
in which labor should be made a part of the
system of education
I will not fatigue you or myself, by going
over the repetition of the commoa-pl ice rea-
plicatiou to their studies, to prepare them- SOIl j u g to prove the benefit or necessity of
selves for future usefulness. The sorry at- exerc j se . I take it for granted—it is self.to.
r r ,, j, _ tempt at burning Gen. Jackson in effigy, IOent—that m.in is a complicated machine, of
see every day the influence which wealth ob- • w hcn no one . dared to acknowledge himself w hich all the parts hang together in the clo
the marker of the man of straw, or had the gest conilcc tion of reciprocal sympathy. That
courage to put fire to it in, public, or even to if one set of organs be ncg l uc ted, and
be seen in its neighborhood w hile burning, is fo e j r functions ill performed, the other organs
conclusive evidence of the fact, that these and fanctions wil , nIso 1;l!1 guish. That with-
young men are not spending their time in po. out exorcise or 1;l5or> the Inusclcs wi!I witllfir ,
litical trolics. I and the power of digestion become enfeebled;
As to the different religious sects of th e I and that thought being one of the functions of
State, I most sincerely wish they could all se® the complex machine, will ultimately be ill ex-
thc harmony and peace, and I believe, chris* I ecuted, or performed to little purpose by the
tian kindness which reign among officers and indolent or supine. All this, I say, I take
students ; there are ministers and professors ! for granted. The proverbial expression
of perhaps five different denominations, and yet I mens sana in corpore sano, expresses a con-
I have to learn, that thp very first jar has been I ncction which none, at the present day, I sup-
felt.I see the Ministers often in the pulpits of each I pose, will doubt to be essential andinsepora-
other; I see the people promiscuously throng- blc.
ing the different churches ; I behold the tarn- I The question for present consideration
ilies attached to different churches, living in seems to be narrowed down to this limit—
u the most cordial state ot friendship and recip- whether we shall leave the physical educa-
flourishing College in their own State, and j rocity, ell those kind hospitalities which ren- tion to the will or caprice of the youth him-
knowing the advantages and the influence j dcr society a blessing; I behold the students self, taking care of him only as regards his
which a good education ever gives, will make ' ol College of different religious sentiments I mental orintellectual improvement; or wheth-
extraordinary efforts to place their sons or j walking arm in arm, and hear them declare e r the health, growth,- and development, of
themselves upon an equality with their more that in all the explanations and lectures of a his body, shall engage any portion of our
fortunate neighbors—while without an institu- ! Methodist professor on moral philosophy, or I systematic attention ?
tion at home, they would despair of success. ; a Baptist in his critical examinations of the From the moment of his birth, nature or
New Testament, or of a Presbyterian in es- dains that the muscles of the infant shall be,
tablishing the truth and importance of Revela- exccptfwhcn he sleeps, in constant exercise,
tion, they have never heard a sentiment ad-1 He cries and expands his chest—he crows
vanced, which would have led them’to suspect I a.iid leaps in his nurse’s arms—he throws
the peculiar sectarian sentiments of their tea- about his little limbs at random, and in every
cher. I am fully convinced from all that I direction—he soon creeps, and walks, & runs
see, and from all that I can learn, both with about, and finds his way to the play ground,
respect to the Trustees and to the faculty, that w hcn the ball and the top keep him in motion;
they intend that the institution shall be what even at school, though this restless vivacity
| the founders designed it, viz: a purely litcra- j s repressed for a few hours at a time while
ry and scientific one. While therefore every j„ confinement at the desk, it finds vent during
thing is doing which could reasonably be ex-1 each recess, and his wild gambols, and agile
pccted; while party prejudice is beginning I tricks, shew how oppressive was the constraint,
to give way, and even sectarian bigotry is But he enters college, and undergoes a sud-
constrained to acknowledge that morality and den transformation. No longer a boy, he
religion may be inculcated without the dog-1 emulates the gravity of a man—*ie abandons
mas of a sect; while the hopes of the friends I foe play-ground—he becomes ambitious, and
ot knowledge are beginning to revive, and I aspires after honors and appointments—he is
the blessings of a liberal education are being J never absent from his room during the hours
brought within the reach of many who must of study—and his morning and evening walks
otherwise have been deprived of them, it is arc abridged by the necessity of retiring
unfortunate that even a suspicion should be promptly to his books. He trims the mid-
raised. It is much easier to destroy an insti-1 night lamp, and his pate and sallow visage
tution of this kind than to build it up ; it i< bears witness to the constancy of his labors,
much easier to excite prejudice against it j Ho rises f.st in the estimation of tiis teachers
than to obtain for it the confidence of the and follow studeuts, but has felt the necessi-
community at large, that confidence without t y of obtaining medical advice. He is put
which it cannot exist. We may easily by a J U p on a low diet, and improves at once. He
a little effort overthrow our own College; exults that he can study so lightly and sleep
drive the sons of the wealthier to other States so we l| ; but the same symptoms return, and
to be indoctrinated in all the heresies of poli-1 are not again relieved by abstinence! He
tics, and imbued with all the prejudices of an- i s taken from his books, but the privation
ti-slavery and Indian rights. We may easily renders him miserable, and he eagerly returns
array against each other the various sects of I w jfo or without permission. * He graduates
Christians, and have our Methodist Colleges I an d commences the busiucss of life with a
and our Baptist and Presbyterian and Epis- broken constitution, but with the reputation
copalian Colleges, where instead of science G f high talent and extensive acquirement. In
and literature will be found the very essence a ffew years, an asterisk marks his name in
ot bigotry, and instead of the pure and hca-1 fo e triennial catalogue of the University, and
venly precepts of Christian charity, will be fo e places which once knew him know him
enforced the exclusive dogmas of each sect, no more! The hopes of his friends and in-
The State has at length done well for its on- stracters, and his own high aspirations, are
ly College, and the Trustees are making hon- buried in his silent grave, and the world has
ourable exertions to put it upon a foundation I fost a citizen of lofty promise,
which will enable our sons to obtain at home, The discipline of our colleges has long
an education equal to that which can be ac-1 been such as to require great tenacity of life
quired in any part of our country. —strong powers of constitution to sustain
'Whatever may have been the views of Mr. I those subjected to it. 1 Dr. Rush protests
Crawford, when he penned the obnoxious sen-1 against the error committed by parents, in be
tence, I pretend not to say; knowing the situ- lieving that a weekly or infirm son ought to
ation of the College for many years past, he be set apart for the pulpjl, or the bar, or
could not have believed when he was writing I some other profession, or avocation, requiring
that there was any such political and religious a collegiate course. He is perfectly right in
influence exerted there as some are disposed maintaining that such youths cannot hope to
to think he has insinuated. He knows the live through the preparatory efforts—or, if
Faculty and the Trustees; be has been fa- they do live, will be destined by foe habits
miliar with the management of the institution. I formed and built up there, to permanent in-
I repeat it therefore, Mr. Crawford could not firmity and comparative uselessness. Must
have intended to convey the idea which is at- not such a system be altered ? Can the phi.
Now suppose only one young man from each
county from the humble walks of like in ten
®years succeed in obtaining an education,
which will place him upon an equality in
point of talents with his rich neighbour, would
not the State derive an invaluable benefit from
an institution by means of which this should
be accomplised ? send this young man to your
Legislature, or place him upon your bench
of Judges, or in any official capacity, and will
he not bo emphatically the repr sentativc of
tht great class of his fellow men from .which
he sprung? On the other hand, let the son
of tko rich, the descendant of some ancient
family, be placed in office, and in spite of all
ttie Democratic feelings of society, he will
rot, lie cannot forget the interests of that class
from which he sprung. I have had the curi
osity to examine a number of the catalogues
of students', who have been educated at our
College, and I have no doubt that more‘ than
half of these young men, never would have
received a liberal education had there been
no College in our State. I have recalled to
mind many of the graduates of the University
of Georgia, and find that most of them are
young men, who have come from the plain
substantial farming class of oqr citizens ; I
believe many of them are doing credit to the
institution, and arc showing by their talents
and conduct, that we are capable of educating
our own citizens. I do not now refer partic-
ularly to the political or religious sentiments
of the graduates of the College. I know it
has been said, that formerly most of the stu-'
dents belonged to one of the great political
parties of the State ; this may have been so,
and from the fact the College was almost al
together in the hands of that party, and that
a strong belief was entertained by* the other
that politics were permitted to mingle with
the education of the young men, it is reason
able to conclude that the majority of students
would be of the some character as to politi-
ical sentiments with the managers of the in
stitution ; I say this may have been so, for I
do not know whether it be so or not, but why
should any such .prejudice now exist? why
should any fears be now entertained? One
half of the Board of Trustees are from one
party, and the other half from the other; can
it be believed that if there were any improp.
cr interference with the political sentiments of
the young men, it would not have been dis-
covered by such men as now compose the
Board of Trustees? I will simply name the
individuals who are from the Clark or Union
' party; Howell Cobb, Dr. Fort, John A. Cuth
bert, Dr. Hook, A. M. D. King, Gov. Lump,
kin, Co’. Owens, Dr. Reese, Judge Schley,
Stevens Thomas, Dr. Tinsley, Gen. Watson
Col. Williams and Maj. Wood; most of these
men I understand have attended for the two
last years - the regular meetings of the Board
of Trustees, and of course inquired into the
condition of the College. Indeed I have heard
it remarked that they have been more punc
tual than those of the opposite party, and have
generally if not always been in the • majority
of the Board.' And: I learn from members
of the Board of. each party that the utmost
rom recitations, and that an hour or two in the
lay may occur .is intervals between the re-
. tired periods of study and attendance on
o.lege duties. But when I was at college,
mr play ground was little honored with the
•resence of those who .shone in the recitation
room, and whose names were placed high on
the list of appointments. Pale, thin, and
languid looking, they took a slow and meas-
ured walk, morning and evening, and return,
ed to their apartments unsullied with the dust
nf the palestra, and wasted 1 no drop of manly
sweat in the noisy games which absorbed the
attention of the idle and careless. They liv
ed apart, a melancholy race, and fondly be
lieved themselves to merit all the applause
they received from our faculty and their pa
rents and friends. But I remember many of
them, and meet occ:isionally with one, and
another and another. Some I have seen die
with consumption. A good number have lin.
iered on victims of dyspepsia and hvpochon-
iria—undone or two have sunk into entire
imbecility and nothingness.
Surely a system which produces such re
sults must be changed. But what change
shall we propose ? Boys at au early age, may
with few exceptions be left entirely to them-
selves in regard to exercise. Nay, the prob
ability is that a majority will ratlier take too
much than too little. They are restr lined
hy no false shame, no mistaken notions of pro-
priety, dignity, gravity, and decorum. But
these restraints come to act upon them as
they advance in age, and affect principally,
as I have already observed, the most valua
ble among them—the ambitious, the highly
gifted, those destined bv talent and diligence
to shine among their compeers. It is these
whom we shall find passing the weirisome
day in solitary study, and “ watching the stars
grow pale.” And it is these in whose favor
we are bound to interpose, and to save them
from their destructive ambition, from their su-
lcdinl habits, from themselves. How shall
we best effect this ? You cannot by any in
ducement engage them in the voluntary exer
cise of the play ground—they look with scorn
upon the childish eagerness with which 'their
young companions engage in games of muscu
lar activity. If you est iblish gymn.istic ex-
ercises, they eater upon them with languor
and unwillingness, and soon Yetire weary
and disgusted—they cannot be brought to im
itate the feats of agility there displayed.
“ Half-day climbing up a pole—half-day
climbing down again”—without an immediate
object, a direct purpose, seems to them—as
indeed it is—“ stale, flat, and unprofitable.”
But address their reason, they do not doubt
the propriety and necessity oft physical ac
tion—and propose to them some movements
of a nature directly subservient to a useful ob
ject, and they will enter upon them with new
zeal and energy.
It is i^rthis point of view that I look upon
manual labor in some of the mechanical arts,
and in the processes of agriculture,as vastly pre
ferable to gymnastics in a system of educa.
tion. I like all games of an athletic charac
ter. I think the habit of engaging in them
not only favorable to the health of the individ-
ual, but what is of much more im;>ortance, as
ed body—how difficult it is to think to aiiy
useful purpose while the head throbs, or the
luugs pant, or the heart p.Jpitates, or the
limbs uche. And we propose to save him
from such interference and impediment and
to drive away dyspepsia and consumption with
their hj leous and appalling ir.tin o * symptoms
and sulterings, from their chosen and most
despotically governed regipns, the hall anu
chambers of our Institutions of Literature aid
Science. S. II. D.
tributed to him, unless he wished by slander 1 lanthropist content himself with the present
to arouse the prejudice of the community j prospects of our literary posterity ? 1 reply,
against it; and whatever might be my opinion j unhesitatingly, in the negative ; and declare
of his character, I would sooner suppose that my firm belief that we should never Jet this
all h« intended by the expression was, that matter rest, until systematic, regular, and
the institution was doing much for the cause I vigorous physical action, shall forma part
of knowledge and religion in general; that of the regular course of education in every
as information is more generally diffused cor- college in our country. It is true that stu-
rect principles both in politics and religion will I dents are in all thdse Institutions advised, and
prevail. Another reason, which would be I warmly and earnestly advised by their hist rue.
conclusive to my mind that he could not in- j ters to take exercise, and that two afternoons,
tend to insinuate that the College is now de-1 perhaps, in each week, are allotted them, free
Beautiful Equality.—The proposed a-
mendment to the Constitution of Georgia,
recommends itself to the favor foie considera
tion and adoption of the people, b v au exhi
bition of the following beautiful specimens of
Equalization ; nor is it less remarkable for
its admirable consistency with the professed
principle of the majority in Convention, that
free white population is the only correct basis
of representation, and with the republican
doctrine that the majority should govern.
It is proposed, that a white population of
133,614 in 62 counties, shall govern, in both
branches of the Legislature, 181,682 “ free
white persons,” inhabiting the remaining 27
counties of the State.
That m a House of 144, the majority of 181,
682 “ free white persons” shall only elect. 69
members, while the minority of 133,614 shall
elect 75—a majority of six.
Tii.it in a Senate of 45, this majority of free
white persons shall elect 14 ; while,the minor-
ity elect 31—a majority of more than two-thirds ! !
Now, if the 133,614 are entitled to the 75
members, which the amendment proposes to
give them, the 181,682 ire entitled, on every
principle of equality, to 100 members, instead
of the 69 olfored them, and arc therefore to
be deprived of 31 of their just representation
in the House.
And if the minority are entitled to the 31
Senators proposed to be given them, then are
the majority, by the simple rule of three, en
titled to 42 instead of 14 Senators, and are
therefore to be deprived of two.thirds of their
just representation in the Senate.
It is thus proposed, that every two white
citizens in the 62 counties shall have the
same influence in the House as any three,free
white persons in the remaining 27 counties,
and an equal weight in the Senate with any
four in the 27 counties.
Again, tins ruling minority pay, for the sup
port of government, $ 60,832 37 taxes
while the majority they govern, pay for the
privilege of being thus governed, S 73,460
62, which the minority may appropriate with
out the consent, and without the benefit, of
this tax paying majority. %
According to “ Baldwin,” an able writer
in the Constitutionalist, more than $15,000
will be drawn as pay by the delegation from
a certain number of counties beyond the sum
which the people they represent pay iuto the
Treasury.
These specimens of Equalizing present
themselves on a comparison of the large and
small counties in the aggregate: still more
striking examples are exhibited on contrast,
ing seperute Senatorial districts.
For instance, it is proposed that a white
We did suppose Col. Hayne spoke the senti.
ment8 of the entire south, but from the posi.
tive declarations of Col. Lumpkin, there cvi.
dently is« great and important change of
public sentiment there on this subject. We
feel a strong aversion to' any direct or indi.
rect interference of the north with the slave
population ol the south, unless solicited, and if
-hut is done, let us aid them with a liberality
which will show what sincerity and earnest,
tesa vie feel on this subject.—Northampton
' 'ourier.
At bon Chow and A. HI. Nlsbet, Editors.
„ , i . . . , . , ... population ot onlv 1,371 in the counties ot
well calculated to improve the physical (if. L * . j o . . « L i
... , . ■ e .-I otewart and Sumter, shall have tin equal rep.
not the moral) character ot any race or nation. ... . „ ... c
~ 1 - I I reservation in the Senate with 17,851 “ free
On this ground, even the harsher games,
boxing, wrestling, cudgel playing, are defen
sible, and have been ably defended. But I
repeat, you cannot introduce these to any ex-
tent in our colleges and schools, and if you
do, you will find that they are exclusively, en
gaged in by those who need little of thej
attention of the philanthropist—the idle,
the careless, the hardv—while those’who < , „ , .
. . , J c I and Early, Appling and Tatnall, paying alto-
best deserve our anxious regard, the infirm r . . , j m
, . , . !?. . aether, less than two thousand dollars into the
and studious, will b< rarely, if ever, met on.,,, J .... .. .
, , . .. * . .. treasury, shall have the power, by their mur
the play ground or m the arena. In the sec- r J
white persons” in the counties of Hall and Jack-
sou—therefore,
That each individual in Stewart and Sum
ter shall have the same weight in tiie Senate,
that any thirteen “ free while persons” have in
H ill and J .cksoii.
Finally, it is proposed that the counties of
. Irwin and Telfair, Lee and Baker, Randolph
ond place, the advantages of these games will,
in a short time, be concentrated upon a few
who shall be found to excel their competitors 1
in strength and agility. Now there is no one
so weak, for whom a light and easy task iu
mechanics cannot be contrived. He may
turn a wheel, or sit .it the lathe, or handle a
saw, or plane, or hammer. Or if tlic weuth-
votes in the Senate, of controlling the appro
priate of the twenty three thousand dollars paid
by the counties of Richmond, Columbia, El
bert, Oglethorpe, Baldwin and Jones, whose
three Senators shall not have the power to
prevent it.
These striking facts address themselves to
the common sense of every individual—com-
: meat on them is unnecessary. It might not
cr admit, he m y bout the spade, or hoc, or i , T 31 " ‘ u , ^ ~
nmiinir iir«r»lr be unworthy of notice, however, that these
use the pruning hook. Nor is there any one
so dull that he cannot be taught to labor effi
ciently in some of these modes—and thds tie
shall succeed in applying the most permanent
and effectual of all inducements and modes of
excitement, the attainment, namely, of a defi
nite end—success is ever within the reach of
all, and that reward which proverbially swee
tens labor, is never denied.”
It has been made a subject of discussion
what modes of labor are to be preferred.—me
chanical or agricultural. I think it would be
well if in all cases they could be combined—
if the exercises of the field and the workshop
could be alternated, and if as great a variety
of modes of mechanical labor should be ar,
ranged as the nature of circumstances will ad
mit. There are a few trades and occupa
tions which I would reject altogether, and
but a few. In a great majority of instances
those operations which have been considered
unhealthy, are so not in their own nature, but
from the exclusive and constant confinement..
Our purpose is not to teach any mechanic arts,
but to teach the student the habit of frequont
and energetic physical exertion. I am ready
to acknowledge that the product of such labor
will not be of the higher order of fineness and
polish.
It is an obvious- and unanswerable argu
ment to the ambitious young man aspiring to
the loftiest eminence, and willing to sacrifice
itimself to his ardent desire of reputation—that
under such a regimen us I have contended
for, he will live longer, and therefore, if his
efforts are unremitting, attain as well as en
joy more. But farther than this, I fully co, veur
with those who maintain that by subtracting
three or four hours a day from silent study,
uud employing them in mahual labor, you en
able the average mass <*jf men to eflect more,
ultimately, -in the diminished number of
hours that remain. Let any one reflect how
much his intellect is tramslled jn its flights
by the heavy, burden of an infirm and diseas-
admirablc features of Equality in the fundamen
tal law, are proposed to the people for their
sanction, by the very men they elected to re.
duce and Equalize the 1 representation in
their Legislature.—Southern Recorder
Moral and Religious Condition of tub
South.—Col. Lumpkin, brother of the pres
ent Governor of Georgia, made an appeal to
our citizens in behalf of the Theological Insti
tution, at Columbia, S. C.,and also in behalfof
religion in the States of South Carolina and
Georgia, in the first church in this town last
Sunday evening. He stated that the desti
tution of these two states in settled religious
ordinances, could not be couceived of in New
England. Twelve or fifteen thousand inhab
itants there often were scattered over districts
of country thirty miles in extqnt, and the num.
her of clergy in either state scarcely avera,
giug one to this large number. He shew, by
a variety of conclusive arguments and reason
ings, why. the north ought to aid in supplying
such deficiencies at the south. He said fur
ther, the south had been too proud heretofore
to ask such aid of the north, but now they
were willing and ready and anxious to re
ceive it. He plead for assistance to aid
in christianizing the blacks and elevating their
mQral condition, and by extending the hand
of Christian fellowship and love, to bind ad-,
hesively the several parts of the Union more
final v together. His decl aration that slave-
holders were eager and solicitous to have thoir
blacks enlightened by Christianity, was whol-
lv new to us. conflicting as it does with sov-
eral legislative acts of the southern state? ex
pressly interdicting it. Mr. Hayne in the
great debate in 1830, reprobated in the sp.
verost terms the efforts of “benevolent asso
ciatious” and “ missionaries’’ from the north
among the blacks of the south, and he re-
marked the exertions of these “ false philan.
thropists” had well nigh sealed the fate of all
the slaves in tl}e. whole southern country.
Li' In another column of our paper this week win
be found an interesting letter from Professor Samuel
Henry Dickson of Charleston, South Carolina, to one
of till) directors of the Athens Manual Labor School,
on the subject of physical, in connexion with me;,
tal education, taken from the Charleston Observe-,
It is intended, we underst md, as an introduction to
other essays on the 6arne subject which are hereof,
ter to ipjiear from distinguished sources.
Convinced as we are of the great advantages of
this t ystetn of education, and feeling much interest
in the success of the experiment now being made near
this place, to which Dr. Dixon’s letter is intended to
call the attention of tho public, we feel great ple^.
ure in 1 tying it before our readers and in reconimta.
ding it to their serious perusal..
Ttie Theatie—We dropped in to witness the per.
formunce of Messrs. Carter & Morton’s Theatrical
Company one night List week, and aro happy to say
that we were much pleased with the entertainments.
The company, though small, is far moro efficient
than would naturally be expected—all of its member,
appear to appreciate the parts assigned to them, and
desirous to acquit themselves in the best marmot—
Without disparagement to tho others, we would re.
mark of Miss Carter, tint she is a very promisin’
young actres, and bids fair, with proper attention, e;v
long to rank among tho stare of her profession. The
company is expected to return here on Monday ner,
and will probably remain through the week. \V»
wou'. l recommend the lovers of rational amusement
to giro it a cull.
The Gubernatorial Election.—Tho Editor of tin
Augusta Chronicle and his coadjutors throughout the
State, have been for some time hack busily engaged
in beating up recruits lor a grand nullification meet
ing iu this pi .ce next week, for the purpose of set.
tling the question—who is to be the next Governor?
An etl'ort will oub.lcss he made by them to bring
out an opponent to Maj. Cr-wford. We arc inclined
to believe, however; tli Jt it will prove a failure. The
scheme will be opposed hy the reflecting and judicious
portion of that party, many of whom we know are
decidedly averse to it.
The Macon Messenger, (a leading nullification paper)
of Iasi week, speaks of the project as well calculated
to produce mischief at this present crisis.
Thf Convention.—We have before shown most
conclusively, the great inequality of tho scheme pro.
posed by the Convention, as regards tho Senate
We will now take a view of its bearing on the House
of Representatives ; and if we do not show conclu
sively that instead of equalizing the Representation
in that branch, it goes to make more unequal the in
equality which now exists, then we will be willing to
retire from the contest^ and acknowledge ourselves
incapable of rightly viewing or of fairly reasoning
on a question so simple and so easily comprehended.
And in doing so we will throw aside the Federal ba.
sis entirely, and assume the favorite ground of our
opponents—the free white basis.
The following counties, viz: Hall, Gwinnett,
Habersham, Monroe, De Kalb, Henry, Newton,
Franklin, Walton, Jackson, Jasper, Elbert, Jones,
Washington, Houston, Richmond, Oglethorpe, Put
nam, Wilker, Burke, Clarke, Morgan, Warren,
Troup, Hancock and Chatham, have a free white
population of 176,139. Tho Remaining counties
have but 132,<>96—forty-two thousand four hundred
and forty.three less th in the 2G counties above nam
ed. Now cannot my one perceive at a glance, that
if the ccn vent ion had intended 10 equalize tho repre
sentation in the House of Representatives on the free
white basis scheme, the redaction would have been
made from the minority counties, and not from those
having ho great a majority of inhabitants. But what
is the fact 7 Why it proposes to make the reduction
at the expense of those very counties which have
now nothing like an equality of representation, tak
ing the free white population as the correct basis.—
Instead of increasing the representation of the above
named counties in proportion to their population, tbe
Convention proposes to take from them 13 members,
and to draw upon them hereafter for a further quota
of their rights, just so often as a new county is laid
off and organized 1
The leaders in this sciiome of usurpation and tyr.
anny, say that territory ought to be the basis cf rep
resentation in the Senate, and white population tbe
basis in tho House of Representatives. The first is
anti-republican in principle, and the latter, however
true in theory, has not been adopted by them in prac
tice. If it had been, the counties having a majority
of freemen would certainly have had & majority of
Representatives, instead oftwhich a small minorityia
to have (If the amendment is adopted) a decided
majority of Representatives! Is it right, is it repub.
lican, thut 133,696 citizens of Georgia, paying but
barely one third of the ta X n P of the State, should
have a majority of 10 Representatives in tho legis
lature over 176,139 ? which will most assuredly bo
the case if the amendment of the convention is
adopted. '
This is the question, people of Georgia, which you
have to decide on the first Monday in October next.
Shall tha minority or the majority of the free citizens
of your State hereafter rule 7 If you would have tho
minority to rule, then you will support ratification—
but if yoii “know your rights, and knowing duo
maintain them,” you will vote for no nmncAtiov,
and the j»re democracy of our government will prove
triumphant. Of what consideration is the pitiful re
duction contemplated by tho Convention, if it is to be
efiected it the sacrifice of the dearest rights of the
people 7 Will you, people of Georgia, for this paltty