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good care lo divide the patronage and offi
ces, both of the (Seneral and State Govern
ments, among themselves and thetr depend
ents. But why say witt / Is it not already
the easel Have there not been many in
stances of State Conventions being filled fay
office holders and office seekers, who, after
making the nomination, have divided the of
fices in the State among themselves and
their partisans, and joined in recommend*
in® to the candidate whom they had just
nominated to appoint them to the offices to
which they have been respectively alloted.
If such be the efise in the infancy of the
system, it must end, if such conventions
should become the established usage- in the
President's nominating his successor. When
it comes to that, it will not be long before
the sword will take the place of the Consti
tution.
Such are my objections to the mode in
which the proposed Convention is to be
constituted, and my reasons for entertaining
them. They are such, that 1 cannot refuse
to obey them without renouncing the prin
ciples which 1 have otlen avowed in public
and private, and which have guided me
through the whole course of my public life.
In coming to this conclusion, 1 have not
passed over, without careful examination,
the reasons assigned by its advocates for
constituting ihe Convention ns they propose.
They have not diminished the force of my
objections. I propose to notice the most
prominent.
That which they have urged with the
greatest confidence, is, that each State has a
right to appoint Delegates as the pleases.—
1 meet U by'uTTeriy denying that there is
any such right. That each State has the
right to act as it pleases, in whatever relates
to itself exclusively, no one will deny; but
it is a perfectly novel doctrine, that any
State has such a right, when she comes to
act in concert with others in reference .to
what concerns the whole. In such cases it
is the plainest dictate of common sense, that
whatever affects the whole should be regu
lated by the mutual consent of all, and not
by the discretion of each. That the ap
pointment of Delegates to the proposed Con
vention is a case of this description,! trust 1
have conclusively shown. 1 have, l also
trust, shown more, that the supposed right
is perfectly deceptive, for while it claims for
each State the right to appoint Delegates as
it pleases, it in reality gives the larger Slates
the right to dictate how the other shall ap
point. If, for example, the Empire State, as
‘ v ’ Ilha mrtrlo of nnnnitltitl"
her
Much less, Still, can 1 give roy support to
any ehudidate, who shall give his aid or
countenance to the agitation of abolition in
Congress or elsewhere; or whose promi
nent iuid influential friends and supporters
shall. I doubt the sincerity of any man,
who declares he is no abolitionist, whilst at
the same time, he.aids or countenances the
agitation of the question, be his pretext what
it may. If we have a right to our slaves, we
have the right to hold them in peace and
quiet, if the Constitution guarantees the
one, it guarantees the other; and if it forbids
the'one from being attacked, it equally for
bids the' other. Indeed the one stande'to
the other, as means to an end, and is so av
owed by the abolitionists; and on the
plainest principles of morals, if the end be
prohibited, the means of effecting it also are.
Of the two, I regard the deluded fanatic far
less guilty and dangerous than he, who, for
political or party purposes, aids or counte
nances him, in what he knows is intended
todo tlint, which he acknowledges to be for
bidden by the Constitution.
It is time that an end should- be put te
this system of plunder and agnation.—
They have been borne long enough. They
are kiudred measures and hostile, as far, at
least, as one portion of the Union is concur
lied. While the tariff takes from ns the pro
ceeds of our labor, abolition strikes at the
labor itself. The one robs ns of onr in
come, while the other aims at destroying the
source from which that income is derived.
It is impossible for ns to stand patiently
much longer, under their double operation
without being impoverished and jruiued.
* u s ^ QHN caLHO UN.
tradistinguisfoit from principle; and they a
may indicate, by their course here, thatpol-
C ONGRESS.
a§J
adopts the- mode of nppointin-
\vTnch wul concentrate
whole strength, what discretion would she
leave to others, if they go into Convention,
but to appoint, as she has appointed, or to
be ruled by her. It is then, neither more
nor less tl'snn a claim to dictate, under the
garb of a right, and such its exercise has
proved in the present case. It has left no
option, but to conform to her cotuse, or be
overrnledjor refuse to go into the Conven
tion.
1 regret this, because 1 sincerely desire to
preserve the harmony of the party. I had
strong hope that the rally after the defeat of
1840 would be exclusively on principles.—
This hope was greatly strengthened by the
truly republican stand taken at the extra
session, and the earlier portion of the suc
ceeding regular session. During that peri
od of rigid adherence to principle, perfect
harmony pervaded the ranks of the party.—
I beheld it with joy. 1 believed the moment
highly favorable for the thorough reforma
tion of the Government and the restoration
of the Constitution. To the republican par
ty, I looked tor the accomplishment of this
great work: and I accordingly feltthedeep-
est solicitude, that the stand taken, and the
harmony which existed, should be preserv
ed. In order that It should, I made up my
mind to waive the objection, which I have
long entertained to any intermediate body,
unknown to the Constitution, between the
people and the election of the President, in
the hope that the proposed Convention
would be so constituted, that I might, con
sistently with my principles, give it my sup
port. In this 1 have been disappointed, and
being so, 1 am compelled to decide ns I have
done. The same motives which impelled
me to separate from the admi»>e»*«*»»®« nf
Gen. Jackson, in the plenitude of its power,
and to come to the rescue of Mr. Van Bu-
ren’s at its greatest depression, compels me
now to withhold my name from the propos
ed Convention.
Having now as§igned my reasons for re
fusing to permit my name to go before the
Baltimore Convention, it rests with you who
have placed it before the people, and assent
ed to abide by a Convention fairly constitu-
ted, to determine what conrseyouwill pursue.
Be your decision what it may, 1 shall be
content. But 1 regard it as due to the occa
sion, to you and myself, to declare that un
der no circumstances whatever shall I sup
port any candidate, who is opposed io free
trade, and in favor of the protective policy,
or whose prominent and influential friends
and snpporters are. 1 hold the policy to lie
another name for a system of monopoly and
plunder, and to be thoroughly anti-republi
can and federal in its character. 1 also
hold that so long as the duties are so laid as
to be in fact bounties to one portion of the
community, while they operate os oppressive
taxes on the other, there can be no hope that
the Government can be reformed, or that its
expenditures will be reduced to the proper
standard. •- - . .
Were 1, with the evidences before me, to
say otherwise of my course, it would be,
practically, to declare that I regard the pro
tective policy to be an open question, so iar
ns the party is concerned ; which 1 would
consider, on my,part, a virtual abandonment
of the cause of Free Trade. That can nev
er be. 1 have done and suffered too much
for it, when its friends were few and feeble,
to abandon it now—now, when the auspi
ces everywhere, on this and the other side
of the Atlantic, proclaim the approaching
downfall of protection and the permanent
triumph of Free Trade, t, who upheld it
against monopoly and-plunder, in the worst
of times, and braved the menaces of Admin
istration and Opposition, when backed but
t>y a single Slate,—will not, cannot abandon
the glorious cause now, when its banner
waves In proud triumph over the metropo
lis of the commercial world. No, 1 shall
maintain immoveably the ground I have so
long occupied, until 1 have witnessed its
great and final victory, if it shall please the
Disposer of Events to spare my life so long.
Jt will be, indeed,®victory—theharbingerof
n new and brighter and higher civilization.
• Speech of Mr. Black,
OF GEORGIA.
In the House of Representatives, Friday,
January 5,1844—On the 21st rule.
Mr. Dromgoole having moved to recom
mit the report ol the Committee bn Rules,
that it might have a reconsideration by a
full attendance of the committee—
Mr. Black said he should vote for the mo
tion ot the gentleman from Virginia to re
commit ; but he desired to amend the mo
tion, if he was in order in doing so, for the
purpose of bringing the House to a test on
the question, which was all important to
the Southern portion of this country. He
proposed to amend the motion of the gentle
man from Virginia by »ho addition ofjli-
struc'. ions to that committee to report the 21st
rule of the last Congress as one of the rules
of this House.
[The Clerk, at the request of the gentle
man from Georgia, read the rule to which
he referred. It was the old 21st rule on the
subject of abolition petitions, iu the following
words: ; :
«No petition, memorial, resolution, or
other paper, praying the abolition of slavery
in the District of Columbia, or any State or
Territory, or the slave-trade between the
States or Territories of the United States in
which it now exists, shall be received by
this House, or entertained in any way what
ever.”]
Mr. Black proceeded to say, it was use
less to mince this matter. Sir, said lie, 1
understand that the rule just read by the
Clerk is omitted in the report of the commit
tee; and my purpose in mneinp ihic in
struction is to test the sense of the House on
icy is-to have priority over principle. If
there be such combinations,, and purposes
fo accomplish, with whatever view, I know
them not, and will have nothing to do with
them. For myself, 1 haVte a high duty* to
perform, regardless of considerations of mere
party expediency; and that duty 1 will per
form fearlessly, at least, and independently
of trammels or discipline of any sort.
Sir, if I could be so lost to a proper sense
of the obligations which rest on me, as to
witness these attacks upon the interests of
the South with fftfaolness amounting to in
difference, I should forfeit, as 1 ought, Hie
confidence with which the people of Geor
gia have heretofore honored me. What, let
me ask, is the occasion of the excitement
which I confess I feel ? A majority of the
Committee on Roles has reported to us a
code for the gpvernment of the federal leg
islation of'the conntry, ivhich will permit
the incendiary alolitionist, with treason in
his heart,.mid a lie on his tongue, to walk
into this House, and, day after day, vilify,
traduce, and insult the whole constituency
or the South. Shall l remain quiet and
keep cool, when this thing is being accom
plished under.my very eye? Sir, when the
South is laid eold, 1, too, will be so; but
not nntii then;- -
Mr. Gilmer asked if the gentleman from
Georgia alluded to him.
Mr. Black. The recent explanation of
the gentleman from Virginia excludes him
from my allusion. I was saying for my-
c«lf, independently of any man, that 1 would
not, keep cool when preparations are mak
ing here, in our very midst, to destroy the
only restraint on these “friends ot human
liberty,” who are to be let loose in this hall
to assail, with all the weapons of falsehood
and vituperation, the institutions and inter
ests I am here to maintain and defend. No,
1 will permit no considerations of mere
boliiionism lifts its Gorgon head in this
House, 1 know no party but that which sus
tains the rights and^ interests of my constitu
enis, and the guaranties of the Constitution.
When this question comes again before the
House from the committee, I will speak
more at large on the subject. 1 have but to
repeat emphatically the hope 1 have so ar
dently indulged, that the House will instruct
the committee to re-enact the old 21st rule,
and drive from among us the wild fanatic
who would apply his torch to onr homes
and habitations, and to this fair temple of
liberty. Admit him not into this hall; for
he will, dpy after day, cast firebrands among
us,' that will eventually burst this glorious
Union into a thousand atoms. 1 ask, Mr.
Speaker, that the yeas and Hays may be re
corded on my motion
Grampus, being' taken np, various amend
ments were offered, the discussion of.which
occupied the remainder of the day:
party policy to deter me from a plain, palp
able, immediate decision of this question. I
approach it with the same fearless determi
nation, and upon the same inflexible princi
ple of right, with which 1 shall approach the
other great questions which di-ridc and agi
tate the country, and in relation to which
my constituents expect me to do my duty to
them, without consulting the political inter
ests of any man, or truckling to the tempor
izing policy of party managers. Yes, sir;
in utter defiance of the prudential consider
ations which, from a certain quarter, admon
ish uin in keep coni, I come forward,-and,
before this House and the country, demand
an open, immediate, straight-forward de
cision of this absorbing question. If the
majority here is against ns, (and those who
are not for us are against us,) 1 desire to
know it; 1 desire those who sent mu here
to know it, aud the sooner the better. But,
Mr. Speaker, 1 will not believe that this
House of Representatives, in which we have
a Democratic majority of more Ilian sixty
votes, is against us on this question of aboli
tion. Shall I, by withholding this motion, ev
idence a suspicion that this House is not to be
trusted ? that the majority are about to play
a game with this question ? That they are
attempting to pacify the abolitionists by the
reception of their petitions, and thus secure
their votes and influence in a future contest
for power and place ; relying, the while, up
on the supposed gullabilitv of the South;
hoping to keep tier generoiis and confiding
people in the ranks, with fair promises, and
a question of vital importance to the interests protestations about the inexpediency of im-
1 represent. 1 do this upon consultation
with no man, but in obedience to obligations
which are paramount to all other considera
tions; and, upon the motion'to iustru:t, 1
ask for the yeas and nays.
Mr. Gilmer rose to a question of order—
He contended that the report of (he Select
Committee on Rules was no more a privil
eged question than the report of any other
committee. If in this he was right, the sub
ject was improperly before the House, and
the motion of the gentleman from Virginia,
[Mr. Dromgoole,] and the amendment of the
gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. Black,] were
both out of order. He regretted that there
was so much excitement in relation to this
subject at this time. He had been two years
n nipmhor nf tlio nml tin utter DCTTirB
heard the language of defiance so boldly
used as it had been this day. He hoped
this report would take its proper place on
the Speaker's table; and when it came up
in order, the motion and its amendments
would be in order.
Mr. Black desired lo say a few words in
reply to the gentleman from Virginia. He
had not expected reproof from that quarter.
Mr. Gilmer said he had not the gentle
man from Georgia in his mind when he
spoke. He was alluding to the gentlemen
upon the other side. : *-
Mr. Black. Sir, 1 am glad thegcntleirrau
from Virginia has made this explanation.—
But, Mr. Speaker, without reference to what
that gentleman has said, 1 certainly did in
tend, by the motion 1 have submitted, to de
fy certain persons to whom it would not be
in order to refer by name. 1 meant to defy
the majority of the committee, if it be their
intention to report a set of rules differing in
this essential particular from those which
governed the 26th and 27th Congresses. I
meant to defy the majority of this, or any
other House, if they intend to ndopt these
rules, emasculated as they have been by the
committee. 1 repeat that defiance now;
and when it is urged on me la keep cool, my
only reply is, that my constituents would be
mortified and indignant if, when their rights
are invaded here, I should sit silently by
and keep cod. '■
Mr. Carroll called ihe gentleman to order.
He asked whether it was in order to bid de
fiance to a committee of the House.
Sir, said Mr. Black, I do not intend to be
out nf order; nor will I intentionally em
barrass the House or the Chair. If 1 shall
transgress the order of debate, the Speaker
will set me right, and I will endeavor to go
on in order. My purpose is simply to ask
for the yeas and nays upon my motion, and
to submit that record to tlie “public eye*"
and, in doing so, I most be permitted to say
thnt if l were to exhibit, on this occasion,
that degree of coolness which gentlemen
seem so solicitous to impress upon me—a
coolness prompted perhaps by some motive
of policy, apart from the question itself,
however acceptable I might render mysell
to certain political interests, I am quite sure
such calmness and indifference would be
anything bat grateful to those whom I rep
resent. Gentlemen may,if they think prop
er, treat this os-a question ofpolicy, and coil
mediate abolition, and the necessity of re
cognising the “right of petition ?” Sir, 1
will not give utterance to such a suspicion ;
for it will ba proclaiming trumpet-tong tied
to the South, that their constitutional rights
are regarded here as of less importance than
abolition votes. No, sir! 1 will not believe
it, nor will l admit it, until the recorded
yeas and nays shall prove it beyond ihe
reach of my credulity. The motion I have
made to instruct the committee to report the
old 2lst rule, and drive the abolitionists
from this hall, is, of itself, proof that l con
fide in the Democratic parly. Who shall
distrust them on this subject? 1 will not,
uutil your record shows Hint my confidence
has been abused. To doubt them now,
would tws Treason ; fo have that doubt con
firmed by their owti act, would be to damn
them at the South. Sir, the 26th Congress,
iu which parlies were nearly balanced, enac
ted this conservative rule. Even the 27th
(WHIG) Congress re-enacted it. Shall
then fear to submit the same rule to the
Democratic majority of the present Con
gress? Let those who are willing, take the
responsibility, and endeavor to stave off and
avoid this question, and pursue a course cal
cnlated to cast suspicion on the majority of
this House. 1 will not do it. 1 submit this
question to them os fearlessly ns 1 shall sub
mit a revenue tariff to their decision. For
myself, 1 rejoice that this opportunity is pre
setited to the party to record their vote—to
put their hand-writing on Ihe wall. As an
individnal, 1 do it fearlessly; and 1 desire
that every man here shall do the same,
has grown into an honored custom of the
Democracy to enact this 21st rule at the
opening of a Congress; and that custom
was a powerful argument with my consti
tuents to confide in the Democratic party
Who shall say that it is reserved for this
Congress to blast all our hopes, and dishon
or and abuse onr confidence ?
Mr. Speaker, ! voted to reconsider the
vote by which this question was postponed
and 1 voted against laying the subject on
the table. It is whispered around me that
the postponement of the report of the com
mittee, or laying it on the table, would leave
the rules of the last Congress of force in this
hall. I know it. But 1 will not resort to
this Sort of legislative finesse to retain tem
porarily what we have a right openly to de
mand as a permanent rule of the House. 1
will not consent to juggle this rule into a
sort of temporary, equivocal existence, by
artifice and parliamentary manoeuvre. No,
sir; wo ask ft, we demand it, boldly and
fearlessly, but respectfully, of our politick
friends, upon a direct pote. I want it open
ly and directly voted, or -not at alt. Give
us the rule as it stood in the last Congress,
or vote it down. If there be any flinching,
let us know it. Those who ate not for us
are against us; fhere can be no halfway
house here. I have no policy, no compro
mise on this question.-' The South has lost
too much by compromises to make her eager
for them now. Talk not to. me of Demo
crat or AVhig, of policy or management, on
this question; for, however I am disposed
to confide in my political brethren, whan
From the Globe.. ; "
Washington, Jan. 25,1844.
. la the Senate, to-day, the morning hour
wnsoccupicd in amending and discussing the
bill for improvement of the Fox and Wis
consin rivers, ar.d to connect the same by
a canal. Mr. Hay wood spoke at some length
in opposition lo it, and to the principle of
making grants of the public domain for any
such purpose ; but,,if it was proper to con
struct such worksbyihe federal government
in those Territories, while they remained
such, an appropriation for that purpose
should be made out of the public treasury.
He was replied lo by Mr. Tallmadge. The
subject was finally postponed till to-mor
row... .. •. _ • .
The Senate then took np the resolution
introduced, several days ago, by Mr. Sem
ple, giving notice to the British government
for the termination of the provisions of the
treaty allowing thnt government to occupy,
jointly with the United Slates, the Oregon
Territory. Mr. Archer, the chairman of
the Committee on Foreign Relations, inter-,
posed objection to any definite action on the
resolution at this lime, believing that its
passage would beran improper step, tjl take
iu advance of Hie negotiations about being
entered into with the special minister of En
gland, who is daily expected at the seat of
government. The delay, whilst it would
not prevent legislation hereafter, would
give us the benefit of having acted with be
coming courtesy to this special minister.—
Mr. Semple argued that it was provided in
the treaty allowing the joint occupation,
that, so soon as either party became dissat
isfied, the joint occupation should determine,
by giving one year’s notice for that purpose.
The very inception-of the negotiation about
to be commenced, w«3 ail evidence of the
dissatisfaction of one party at least. The
resolution merely expressed the opinion that
the United States was dissatisfied with the
treaty, and asked its termination. If the
treaty was terminated, the two countries
would be better prepared to begin a negoti
ation than they would t»e if the treaty was in
force. To do that which the treaty requir
ed, (give one year’s notice.) could not be
construed into discourtesy. One of the ob
jects he had in view was to express the opin
ion of the Senate, that they would not agree
to any treaty that allowed a further joint
occupation.. He wished this expression of
the opinion of tile Senate as a guide in the
conduct of the negotiation ; for he was a
little afraid to let it go on without some such
expression of its sense. A joint occupation
of a country, by two sovereign powers, he
considered as an anomaly; and it was -im
possible that such a stare of things could
continue. Mr. Buchanan maintained that,
to give the notice required for the termina
tion of the treaty which allows the joint oc
cupation, could not have on injurious effect
upon the anticipated negotiation; bat that
it was due alike to the interest and honor of
the country that the notice should he given:
He intimated that he would express his'views-
upon the mailer -hereafter; and moved a
postponement of the subject till Tuesday
next. Mr. Atchison also spoke upon the
subject, maintaining that the treaty allow
ing the joint occupation was unadvisedly
ratified, and should be terminated without
delay. England, he maintained, would be
forever satisfied to occupy the territory joint
ly, for all lira arlvuntagM was on lur cido.—
e expected to see not only this resolution,
but the hill for the settlement of that terri
tory with Americau citizens, pass before tlie
adjournment of Congress. Mr. Allen also
made some remarks in favor of expressing
an opinion in advance of any negotiation
upon the subject. Mr. Morehead accorded
with the views of tlie chairman of the Com
mittee on Foreign Relations; at the same
time declaring that he would never yield
one inch oftlic territory to England. The
subject was finally postponed till Tuesday
next. The Senate then «pent some time in
executive session ; what it did, we have wit
ascertained. It then adjourned over till
Monday next. '
In the House of Representatives, Mr.
Elmer, from the Committee of Elections,
presented a report on the contested election
case of Messrs. Goggin and Gilmer, sits
tainitig the right of Mr. Gilmer, the sitting
member, to his seat. Tlie report having
been referred to the Committee of the Whole,
and ordered to be printed, Mr. Elmer, by
instruction of the committee, moved to print
and refer the written arguments presented
to them by Messrs. Goggin and Git-:
met: This motion was resisted by Mr.
Newton, and a debate ensued in which tlie
printing was opposed by Messrs. Newton,
Schenck, and G. .Davis, and supported by
Messis. Elmer, Douglass, Hamlin, and Gil
•• SENATE, Jan. 30.
The House bill for refunding the fine of
Gen. Jackson was reported front the judici
ary committee; with an amendment, to the
effect that no blame shall be implied upon
Judge Hall.
'#lr. Benton offered a resolution, calling
upon the President to take the incipient steps
for die suspension of the article of the trea
ty of 1818, which provides for the joint oc
cupation of Oregon. ;
Mr. Bertton also offered a resolution, cal
ling upon the Secretary of State for infor-
matio'n as to whether any slaves have, since
the treaty of 1842, escaped to the British do
minions. Both the resolutions being laid
over— • - L...
The-tariff quesiion came up next, and Mr.
Evans expressed his readiness to reply to
Mr. McDuffie; but, after some conversa
tion, the Senate went into executive session.
- January31.--~
Mr. Crittenden, from the Committee on
Military Affairs, asked tolie‘discliar®ed from
the consideration of Mr. Pennington’s flying
machine for navigating the air: The com
mittee were at a loss to understand, Mr. C.
said, what they had to do with the art of
flying; their business was standing and
fighting.
The resolutions of Messrs. Semple and
Breese concerning the Home Squadron and
a Western Naval Depot, were adopted.
Mr. Benton’s resolution concerning Ore
gon was postponed a week. The same
Senator’s resolution in. reference to slaves
escaping into tlie British dominions since
the treaty of ’42, was adopted.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Ja^ 29,
Mr. Campbell offered a resolution propo
sing certain' amendments to the Constitu
tion, so that the States of Maryland and Vir
ginia, may have jurisdiction, except in cer
tain cases, over the District of Columbia.
Mr. Adams made another ineffectual .at
tempt to introduce the Massachusetts reso
lutions, proposing such an amendment of
the Constitution as shall cut off the slave
representation. . \
Mr. Hale offered a resolution to abolish
the West Point Academy. It was laid over.
January 30.
After the disposal of some unimportant
matter, the report of the select commitiee on
the rules was again taken up.
Mr. Stiles, of Georgia, having the floor,
spoke against the reception of abolition pe
titions until the expiration of the hour.
The subject was then postponed till to
morrow..
- . /January 31.
The House met at 12 o’clock, and after
the usual preliminary proceedings took tip
the order of the day, which was the report
on the Rules.
Mr. A. Johnson, of Teun., being entitled
to the floor, addressed the House in favor of |
b a«eT,) and lodginTJZ
under the skin on the breast. Haviiiv „
through the most vital organs, the pref„?£
lion is that Ins death was so sudden nndT
sassin-likethnt he knewtioihing ofihe
used for his destruction. ° mean ’
Henderson Easiis has been committed f
trial, as Hie perpetrator of this fiend ill*
deed. He is 18or 20 years of age S '
er and family having about a year
moved to this State from Virginia. " e
The community can never be safe win]
such demons prowl in it ; and onr citizen^
are manifesting bill a laudable zeal, in Ui C -'
efforts to ferret out the facts, in order to con
vict, and rid the conntry of such a cold
blooded murderer, whether it be Fastis or
sortie other individual.
iu-.U D c .
Accusation of Plagiarism
fence.
The Inst number of the North American
Review has a fetter from the Rev. Stephen
Ol in, author of a book of travels in the kiw
exculpating himself from a charge olplaginr’
ism contained in a previous number of i| le
Review. Mr. Olin is charged with || UV j n „
borrowed some of bis ideas'from a work of
Dr. Robinson which appeared in 1812. h
appears however, that Lord Lindsay and
two other travellers had discussed certain
questions iii dispute, among them tlie loca
tion of the real Mount Sinai, lieforc either Dr.
Robinson or Mr. Olin published their works,
and some portion of the remarks of the latter
gentleman supposed to be borrowed, were
actually penned in Ihe Convent of St. Cath
erine, some two years before he had seen the
work of Dr. R.—which was not then iq
press. So far as we can judge Mr. Olin
makes out a strong case. He has been so un
fortunate as to auree, rather nicely it would
seem, with some of the statements of Dr. Rob
inson—lor instance, the figures are not gj v .
on, but it would appear that Mr. Olin made
h guess at the dimensions of the Dead Sea
winch came quite near the actual trigonomet r .
ricul measurements of Dr. Robinson. Mr.
Olin in his defence stntesthni if he had known
the dimensions stated by Dr. R. and bad de
signed, to borrow from him without acknowl
edgment, lie would have taken care that the
coincidence in the figures should not be so
exact.—Sav: Republican.
Stations of PrcaclierK in tlie Georgia
Annual Conference, 1844,
AUGUSTA DISTRICT.—Jura E. Etas*, P. K.
Avgusta; G. F. Pierce, S. J. Turner.
Columbia; VV. P. Arnold.
Lincolnian; James Jones.
Washington ; VV. J. Sasuett.
Wilkes ; A. I., Leet.
Louisville; John C.'.Simmons.
Warrcnton ; VV. H.'Evans.
Springfield; E. White.
Bulloch; David Blalock.
Savannah ; Josiah Lewis.
Jcffersoii Mission; J. J. Mopp.
Burke “ ; J. VV. Fanner,
Scriren “ ; R. R. Rushing.
Isle of Hope and Savannah Mission; I,. G. R.
Wiggins.
, . Os.sa/nnv Mission ; John Jones.
the 21st rule and against the reception of I ATHENS DISTRICT—J.no. VV. Gi.ks.n. P. K.
Abolition petitions.
GENERAL INTELLIGENCE.
mer; when the printing of Mr. Goggin's ar
gument was ordered, by a vote taken by
yeas afid' nays—yeas 124, nays 51. Mr.
Schenck then moved to print all the docu
meats connected with the case; which
after a debate which consumed the remain
der of the day, was agreed to. .
Washington, Jan. 27.
The first bnsiness of importance taken np
in the House this morning was the report of
the Select Committee on the Rules; and
Mr. Wright, of Indiana, wlio liad the floor,
addressed the House in opposition to the
21st rale. He was followed by Mr. Stiles,
of Georgia, who spoke in favor ol retaining
that rule, until his remarks were cut short
by the expiration ofihemorning hour. ' Af
ter the reference of some executive docu
ments which were lying on the Speaker's
table,- the Hou^e resolved itself into a Com
mittee of the Whole; for the purpose of ta
king up the private calendar. The bill for
the relief of the widows and orphans, and
the relatives of the officers, seamed,-and ma-.
rines of the'late. United States schooner
A Bloody and Fatal Rencontre.
It becomes our painful duty to record one
ofihe most bloody tragedies, with which the
News-papers of Hie present day are crowded.
On Friday last a difficulty occurred at a gro
cery store belonging to a Mr. James 11. Long,
situated on the road side, about half way be
tween this place and Auraria, in which Mr.
I King, Peter Trammell,, James Helton , and
Landawic'k Dobbs, were enj»agcd;and which
resulted in the stnbbitig of The throe latterby
the former, and the death of Dobbs, which
ensued tue following- everting - .- - -The other
two,Trammell and Helton, arc still alive,
aud n is supposed will recover under proper
treatment and attention:'
It seems that Heltou and Dobbs, with oth
ers, whose names it is unuecesary to mention,
had called at Long’s about twelve or one o’
clock of that day, and had purchased a small
quantity of spirituous liquor, with which
they had been indulging their nppelites for
tins beverage, for ati hour or more, when
i'rcmmiell cumein—Thatsoon after his arri
val a quarrel ensued between him and Long,
in relation to some real or supposed injury,
or indignity offered to Long of his sign board
on the previous evening, by Trammell anti
others then wiilrhim. 'Tliequarrel ceased
for a short time, but was again renewed, when
Trammell attempted .to strke Long with a
stick, but the blow was warded off by one of
'the joists of the House. Long had a large
butcher knife in the meantime, with which
he repelled the assault ofTrauimell,.hy slab
bing him in the left side. Helton tuid Dobbs
were both ilk the house, when the fight took
place, but what part they took in the affray is
not definitely known. • Long it seems, how
ever, continued enttiug with his knife until
he had inflicted a stab on nil in the house.
A pistol was fired during the fracas by Hel
Uni, as it is supposed. The shot from which
struck Long near the eye-brow on'the left
temple, and penetrated to the back of the head,
where it lodged under the skin. This was
the only serious injury doiic to Long, who
hns been arrested and recognised in a bond
of two thousand dollars to appear at our
next Superior court toatiswer the charge of
murder. - .
We forbear any comment on this melon
qlioly aud truly unfortunate occurence, ns it
will again have to undergo a judicial inves
ligation. But.we cannot" withhold the deep
mortification we feel ai the frequent occur
rence of these bloody scenes in our conntry.
The Newspapers of the day nte burdened
with ihe-recital of horrible deeds of this
kind, which nrguo a bad state of morals i
mongonr people, and a want of energy and
efficiency in the judicial arm of our govern
ment, to bring, offenders to justice, which
can alone deter the vicious, from the com
mission of similar deeds of blood.—Dafilon
ega Tintes, I3lh inst.
From the 'Temperance Banner, lst inst.
On Saturday last, Mr. Jesse Craddock, an
aged and very respectable citizen, residing]
within about fotir miles of oftr tillage, loft
home in the morning fo walk to il neighbor’s
bouse, staling that he would be back to’dhK
iter. Failing to return by nightj search was
made and the body found iu the \vbods near
his own premises. By an inquest it was
discovered that lie had been shot in the back
with a. load of sings from a shot-gun. The
distance was so sliorl ns to burn the clothes
with, tlje powder, and-pass tlie slugs in a'
Inmpj. (tearing a.cavity larger than the rmiz-
-Athens; William J. Parks
Covington and Monroe; John P. Dimcan, J. B.
Jackson.
Watkinsville; R. Lane, A. D. Russell.
Madison; Walter II. Itranliarn.
Carnesnlle; J. It. Chappell, W. II.Crawford.
Grccns/torough; Win. Arnold.
Clarkesville; D. Thompson.
Oxford'; Walter Knox.
Emory College; A. It. Longstrect, President—
A. Means and G. VV. Lane, Professors.
Win. 1). Martin, Agent for Emory College.
Kingston Mission ; To I e supplied.
CHEROKEE DlS l’.—VV. D Matthews. P. K.
Nexenan; Jno. VV. Yarborough, M. Itcltah.
McDonough; A. Pennington, W. A. Florence.
Griffin; C. Tresscl, J. B. Wnrdlaw.
Carrollton; B. E. Lucas. One to be supplied.
Decatur; A. Norse.
Cnssvitlef Gfeo. Bright amt J. M. VestaU.
Marietta; H. P. Pitchford. R. A Johnson.
Dablonega: Robert Stripling.
Laxorenceeilte-f Eli Bennett, Thomas Fouler.
MACON DISTRICT.—J. VV\ TaUet.P. E.
Macon ; J. B. Paine.
MiUedgcv-llc; Edward II. Myers.
Clin on; D. Kelley.
Ealontun; Isaac Poring.
Forsyth; VV. VV Robinson, C. R. Jewett.
Cuitoden; B. VV. Clarke.
Tuiggs end Wilkinson; I’YO. Lovvrcy and J.
R. Danforth.
Sparta; A. T. Mann.
ISandersriUe; C Rnylbrd, R. VV. Bcgliam.
.1fonticello; llintnn Crawford.
Weslyan Female College ; Win. II. Ellison, Pres
ident, Samuel Anthony, Agent.
COLUMBUS DISTRICT—Tiios. Samford, P. K.
'Cohunbus; Daniel Gurry.
Lagrange; James A. Wiggins.
r/vnnaston; James Hunter-.
Troup; E. VV. Reynolds, A. Darman.
Harris and Talbot; J. P. Dickinson. J. Scaife.
Greenville ; N. Smith, G. W. Farralde.
Muscogee ; O. L. Hays.
Talbot ton; C.’ VV. Key.
Franklin; VV. Graham.
L. Pierce* Agent for the American Bible Socie
ty in Georvia.
FORT GAINES DIST.—I. F. Steagall, P. R.
Blakely; S. R. Richardson.
Ilaxck.usville; T. C. Coleman.
Tazewell and Americas; VV’. D. Bussey. It. Man-
ifeer.
Culhbert and Fort Gaines; J. S. Talley.
I.vmpkin ; T. 1). Purifoy, VV 7 . Foster.
Albany; VV. Hall,
Berry; S. M. Smith, James Harris.
Fort Valley Mission; James Dunwoodie.
Chattahoochee “ J. T. Turner.
Ocmw'gee “ J. VV. Carroll.
TALLAHASSEE DIST.—P. P. Smith, P. E.
Tallahassee; G. J. Pearce.
Quincy; R. II. Lurkie.
Gadsden; It. II..Ilowring, F. A. Johnson.
Leon; Janies Wooddie.
Wacnla ; A. Graham.
. Thomasrille ; A. Martin.
Trouj.rillc•; I. T. Smith.
Madison; A. Peeler.
Hamilton.; N. R. Fleming.
Moniicello; John M. Milner.
- Lake Jackson Mission. To be supplied.
- Gadsden Mission ; J. J. Richardson.
NEVVNANSVILLE DIST.—T. C. Bewmxo,l’.L
Netcnansville; V. H. Shelton.
Columbia; W. VV. Griffin.
Osenpan Mission ; To be supplied.
Gamp Kmg “ E. L. T. Blake.
Chick Chata “ J. Penny.
Hillsboro' “ J. M. Miner.
Indian Ricer “ A. J. Denvers.
Key West “ To be supplied.
ST. MARY’S DISTRICT.—L. C. Peak, P- E.
Brunswick; M. H. White, G. A. Mallcitc.
Jacksonville; R. J. Cowart.
Nassaw; G, VV. McDonald.
HinesciUe ; V. VVooley, D. L. White.
Irwin; A, C. Bruner.
Holmesville; S. J. Childes.
Darien; Joshua Knowles,
Telfaic; T. H. Cpnper.
Wadesboro'; W. E. Adams.
St. IHa Mission; J. W. Mills.
John O. Carter transferred to Alabama Confer-
ence ami appointed to Russell Circuit.
A. H, Mitchell transferred to Alabama Confer
ence, and appointed President of Centenary Ins •
tute. _ .
Delegates to the next General Conference-.
L. Pierce, A. B. Longstreet,
Wo. J. Parks, > 6, F. Pierce.
. John VV. Glcnp, J. E. Evans.