Newspaper Page Text
VOL. XXIV.
(T'ljr limtljmi "Bjniifr,
PUBLISHED WEEKLY,
BY HILL & SLEDGE*.-^
k. k. FRANKLIN HILL, JAMES A, SLEDGE
EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS. , u \
Office Up-stairs, No. 7, Granite' Row,
TERMS: •
Two Dollars prr annum, in numncr, or
Thrrs Dollars, if ddared-
To Clubs remitting 810, in ndrnnrc, Six Co-
pirs will be sent. r*
Any subscriber failing to give notice of his desire
<o discontinue !.i. snbscripHon at the rvpir •"••!■
tile time for which it has beet; psi I. will he const <r.
a* wishing to continue it. mid held liable accord 01 ’ .v
tf* No paper will be discontinued, (except at h.
Option of the E liters,) until nil arrearage* arc puli
ll.lTES OH ADVBRTINJNG.
Ear one square, constathit of twelve lines small
Iron, or space equivalent. One Dollar for the first
insertion, and Fifty Cents for each weekly continu-
*°Specisl contract* can be made for yearly adver
tising.
Legal advertisement* inserted at the ujual rate*..
Announcing candidates for office, Five Dollars,'
payable in advance, in oil cases.
Husbands advertising their wive*, will be charged
to be paid invariably in advance.
Advertisements should always have the desired
number ofinsertion* marked Hpontbomwhpji handed
in, or otherwise tho will be published till furbid, and
barged accordingly.
- ■ ■■ ■ 1 ■ 1 ■ — 1 1 ■ "• = * ■ ——:— i *-z—_
k fjgUT ijjWjj^ BEVOTEft TO PBilTtC8,A€f»€«iT«BE, NEWS kHB UTEftftTimE
ATHENS, GEO., THTJESDAY, SEPTEMBER 13. 1855.
' ■ - — ■ - k=
DIRECTORY.
;y Professions' anil Business men can have their
cards inserted undei Or head, for one year, at the
rates of Five Dollar* for. ^i-d of not more than six
linos, and seventy-five cents for o- additional line.
DR. ۥ B. LOMBARD.
Y^yOULD respectfully announce to tt^»- citizens
of Athens and vicinity, that his office ia still
over Wilson A Veal's Clothiug Store, College Avo
, opu
vl.t
iposite the Post Office.
>>b'. ly.
MOORE & CARLTOY,
D EALERS in Silk, Fancy and Staple Goods.
II irdware and Crockery, No. 7, Grnnte Row,
Athens, Ga. [Jan. 26.
t7h. WILSON & BROS.r
W HOLESALE and retail dealers in Dry Goods,
Groceries, Hardware, Crockery,'Ac., Nos. 1
and 4, College Avenue, Athens, Ga.
March 16.
SAMl’EL P. TIICHMOND,
a TTOItNEY AT LAW, Jefferson, Jackson conn-
J\ tv, G.a., will attend promptly to liny business
.Miitidrsl lo his care. [April 19, 1853.
WILLIAM G. DKLOXEV,
Atlorn^T nt Law,
v r J IA. »?•«[»« iah 4Utrn*i<m to collecting. ami to
v * t iet*. n in.>1*.i:l jHTdo-’is entitled to L \ND WAK
iiA l\S Miller the late bounty land bill offche Uat
< .'rtrijff e**.
• >.H c«» » llr tad Street, over the store of I. M. Ken-
:,r\. Athens, (I-i. March 15—tf.
HILL & THOMAS,
D EtLERS in Silk, ViiBcy. and Staple Goods,
ilariwarc. Crockery, Groceriu% Ac., No. -J
.ir m- •• Uov, Atjeus.Ga.' - [.tali. 111.
FERRY 7?v3-:?;SE,
W I » .ES \LE and rot ail d~-,!ors in 11 ‘s. Caps,
Boats; S-.cs Trunk-’, if, Vw«* Drs.
-, llroad stre- i Ati> -ns,
M’-n. 1.'.
11 W .lie *
F. W. LITAS,
W 'FILES VLE nd ret lit dealer in Drv Goods
Gr.miojies, llmlware, Ac.. So. t!, ilrond *t.
A- icii,. Oh. ■ » [J in 1
f. tv. & II. R. .1. LO\(J.
W HOLESALE and retail Druggists. Ath*o*.
15a .keep const iptly on hand a targe and wftll
- - c 1 *!• ck of Paints, I fils. Varnishes, Dye Stuffs,
iirns .es. Window Glass and Putty,
Also. Ic ders in American, Ifreneb and English
C'lemic il. Drugs, Medicines, Perfumery and Fancy
A articles. • --•si
"9* Paysicians, Dealers and all other*, can de
pend unoii their orders meeting prompt attention,
upon the most accommodating terms. Their goods
arc selected with great care, and will be warranted
as represented. k Jan. 19.
■fc jrDGE NOT.
Judges not; the workings of his bnin,
And of his heart thou canst not see;
What looks to thy dim eyes a stain,
In God’s pure fight may only be
A scar, brought from some well-won field.
Where thou wonldst only faint and yield.
The look, the air,-that frets thy sight,
M*v he a token, that helow
The soul nas closed in deadly fight
With so ne infernal fiery foe,
Whose glance would scorchthyStniling grace.
And cast the shuddering on thy face!
The fall thou darest to despise—
May be the slackenedangel’s hand
Has suffered it, that he may rise *
And take a fiime.r, surer stand;
Or, trusting less to earthly things.
May henceforth learn to use his wings.
And jndge none lost, but wait and see
With hopeful pity, not disdain,
Th d-pth of the abyss may be ^
The measure of tiie height -Of pain.
And luve and glory that may raise
The soul to God>in after days!
THE FEMALE SEVASTOPOL.
There is a fortress fair as art.
And cold as Russia’s clime of winter,
Welled round within a maiden’s heart.
My love has sought in vain to enter.
Lonq I’ve heseiged her castles fair,
VA ith all Love’s forces sweet and tender,
But still she reigns uncomjtiered there.
And still refuses to surrender.
O, for some friendly power in arms—
Some Austria of contending nations—
To soften her resisting charms.
And bring her to negotiations.
For, by consent of heathen Jove,
Tho siege shall never be forsaken.
Till conquest crowns the arms of Love,
And my Sevastopol be taken.
From the New York Evening Post.
The Old Love.
I met her; she was thin and old;
She stooped, and trod with tottering feet;
The hair was giay, that once was gold,
The voice was harsh thatoncevyas sweet.
Her hands were dwindled, and her eyes**.
Robbed of her girlish lightiof joy,
AVere dim ; I felt a sad surprise
That 1 had loved her when a boy.
* »
Bu‘ yet a something in her air
Restored me to the vanished tim«, .5
£(.’ bean-grew young ana seemed to wear
The brightness «.T mV youthful prime.,
I t'ok her withered .hand in mine— , J
Its tpuahitecalled a r gHfist^p~T7^y-^ J T~~~~~T
Tit tirttf
•I kissed it With a reverent sigh.
For 1 -had loved her when n bo/.
Fitz James O’Erjbx.
T. STINHOl'SE, C. N. AVER1LL
T. STKYIJOiSC & €0.,
F ORWARDING and Commission Merchants,
No. 2, Hayne Street, Charleston, S. C. Refer
t<> It. Dulin, Hand, Williams Sc. Wilcox, Charleston;
llsnd, Williams A Co. Augusta; J. Nurcnws, Atlan
ta: ('. C. Chandler, Chattonoogs; E. H. A D. L.
Coffin Sc Co., Knoxville, * July 20—ly.
no. s?
ter der next krout making time, an’ den
I say again, Mike, vhen vill Shake give
me dat twenty t’onsand dollar office ?”
‘In two year, sure,’ he say, ‘if yon work
for der barty.’ Veil, I stop a Mowin'
mit mine tellers agin, an I blow two
years for der barty mit mine mouf?;
‘Two year mit your’ inout ?’ asked
Pete, in astonishment.
‘Yaw, two year. Den again I go to
Mike, der swell head watchmans, an’
dell him der twenty t’ousand toller about,
an’ he dells me in won more year I gets
him sure. I dinks he fools me, yet I
blow for de barty annuder year, an’ den,
vat von dinks ?”
‘Dinks! Vy, you gets him twenty
t’onsand tollar?’
‘Gets him! -Py shinks, Mide, der
swell head watchman,'dells me I bes von
big fool, an’ dat I might go to der bad
place, an’ cat sour krout.’
‘He tell you dat V
‘Yaw. Sure as ”my name bes Von
Switzel.’
‘After you do der blowing mit your
mout for der barty V -■*
‘A'aw.’
‘Mine Got! vat you do den, mine
neighbor V
‘I makes a fire in mine blacksmit shop,
I blows my own hellers again, I heats
mine own iron, and strikes mit mine own
hammer. I say to mineself—‘Wilhelm
Von Sweitzell, bolitics bes a humbug
and boliticians bes a bigger von. Wil
helm Von Sweitzell do yer oum blowing
and let boliticians do ders V '
Neighbor Pete thought he had come
to a wise conclusion, and after wishing
all sorts of bad luck to boliticians, that
class of men whose patriotism and integ
rity lies in their pocket, they ordered
their mugs to be again refilled, and
changed the topic of conversation.
Obtaining Revenge.
Mr. Snarl resides in Forsyth street—
Mr. Snarl is an old bachelor, with an
Irish girl for a house-keeper. Snarl
lives in good style, but has some queer
notions. He dislikes dogs above all
things, organ-grinders and beggars not
excepted. >'
Snarl’s next door nei ghbor*ls Harry
Sampson. Now, Harry is the opposite
of old Mr. Snarl. He sets a high value
on a dog, and thinks thei-e is only 010 ar
ticle equal to a*New Foundland, and
that’s a woman. Harry has several
specimens of tho canine race. The other
evening they got up-‘h howling match
because the moon eclipsed. They com-
ABWWWefWsu HIW MUI a nan Boove* sooner these dangerous •Boris gna
Williamsburg. ’**’ * * doned, the better it will Jbe for us,
This so annoyed Mr. Snarl, that he
From the Detroit Free Press, August 23.
Letter from ton. Cass on Know No-
Nothingism and the Power or Con
gress ia the Territories.
Detroit, August, 22, 1855.
To the Editors of the Eree Press:
Sir—The public journals contain a
letter dated Jnly 24, written by Gen-
Houston, which has just met my eye,
and in which he says he perceives, by
the papers of the day, that «General
Cass has approved the platform of the
American Order, ti as proclaimed to the
world by the Convention at Philadel
phia.” 1 had observed the statement to
which Gen. Houston alludes, and had
let them pass’ unnoticed, for it would be
a hopeless task to endeavor to correct all
the misapprehensions and misrepresenta
tions to which it is my lot, as well as
that of all ither public men, to be ex
posed in these days of party strife.—
And, indeed, J could not suppose that
such assertions would deceive any one
•who.had heard fir had read my remarks
in tbo Senate of the United States, on
the fifth of February last, upon the pre
sentation of the resolution of the Legis
lature of Michigan, instructing the Sena
tors of that State to vote for an act of
Congress, prohibiting the introduction of
Slavery into the Territories of the Uni
ted States. Upon that occasion, while
declining to comply with, those instruc
tions, I took the opportunity to express
my sentiments in relation to the new
political movement, which sought to ac
quire an exercise of power by the secret
combinations bound together by the
sanctions of an oath, whicfiT, it is said,
made it the duty of its members to sur
render their individual convictions to the
expressed will of the majority of their
associates. I then observed ; “ Strange,
doctrines are abroad, and strange organ
izations are employed to promulgate
and enforce them* Qur political history
contains no such chapter in tho progress
of our country, as that which is now
opening. The questions of constitution
ality and policy, which h&ye been so
longf.the battle cry of parties, are con
temptuously rejected, and intole-ranee,
religions and poetical, finds zealous, and
it may le, they will prove successful ad
vocates in this middle of the nineteenth
cenfnry, boasting Vith much self-com
placency of its intelligencer andup this
f ree country; foiled upon immigration,
and grown prosperous and powerful by
toleration. ' * * * *
We want no new parties, no new plat-
R. L. BLOOMFIELD,
W HOLESALE and retail Clothing Stem Broad
Strreet, Athena, Ga. [May 1ft.
r Sf» v
'•■o, I'M! •*, See .
; Ati.enil,
April 26, 1833.
WILLIAM J. MORTON,i
\VrHOLESALE and retail dealer in Dry Go
* V Or M'.rries, Hardware, Ac., No. 12, Brond
SlVi'et, Bthen*. Ga. ' August 30,1853.
iooris,
COLT & COLBERT,
O KA LKKS in staple Dry Goods, Groceries, Hard
ware, Ac.. No. 9, Granite Row, Athens. Oa„
James I. Ooi.t. Wndks C. Coi.mf.ht.
August ..'I—tv.
w
J. W. LOSS.
ARRIIOt’SE and Commission M* re i.t,
Augusta, Ga. [Aug. &>, ltw.
!^r
IRON AND BRASS FOUNDRY" I\D
idtl'illNK WORKS.
'.#S Pumna, Gold Mining, Mill, Oin, and all other
kinj, nl Glaring; Mill Irons and nil kinds of M»
' ‘iinery made to order; Iron Fencing of select pnt
torav Plough and Wagon Castings an<l Dog-iron*,
t-'tv variety of repairing und wrought iron work
promptly executed.
’Var general assortment of patterns, are the aaen
: uf ore«M. A list will be asnt those ad-
I *are»«:ng, post-paid. ,
REUBEN NICKERSON, If E..
Agent Athens Steam Co., Athepe, Ga.
Jan IS—|y/
FiRHTCBE MANUFACTORY AND
WAREsBOOn.
*T'HE rtiidevsigoedbegsto announce that ho ha*
* now on hand at his WARE-ROOM, near the
pucupai Church, an exteMive assortment of Fur-
of overy description. Connected with the
" r r, »®, is a CABINET SHOP, where he ia
iti/.V o *° m *ko any article of furniture to order,
•unt i.1 1 - n ' )t * c *’ and to repair old furniture, de
pnotstenne, 4c., Sec. He koeps on hand an as-
»i2L « ^ MtiulAingt, otevery variety.
,*—? "“SM? apd other coffins,
«^«“ 8CA8H
WILLIAM WOOD.
| TAILORING ESTABLISHMENT.
H * ecured SASsiau otO, P, Caldwell
i»l *,! I . c " lu,f * Wm - O. Price.
OKccutad,in th
.11 .kJ..
1 11 NoriK w ? wr . , .? wr#A Mng«»t«blUameiM
hh.U’.uetiri’.TS*" P«.v psruculy attention to
I to ih. . *-'^^‘"*^'"8' a** - mrward tho garment
, at Savannah
. I tho neateat and
I ai'^rJen confided to our care.
1 we wiu measure and
I ..rumour lusuufact sing establishment
ers I wir
making,
i ~ voa(p—
l^Ulato
‘^SSEWItkWtSSs
' «a*5i.ijfa. R L BLOOMFIELD.
Von, Sweiizcl on PolUics,
* Mine neighbo| , t Wilhelm, vot yon
t iik* of bolitics; kev ?’ asked Peter Yon
Slug, of hi« neighbor Yon Sweitzel, the
Twelfth Ward Blacksmith,"fast evening,
beside him in a
* Birrhans.’
4 1 t’inks much,’ said Sweitzel giving
his pipe a long whiff.
‘Veil, vot you rinks?’ ‘
‘ I comes to der conclusion dat boli
tics is one big fool.’
‘ Ah !’ exclaimed Pete, after taking a
draught from his mug, ‘ how do you make
him dat V * *
* Vel, mine frien’ I tell you,’ replied
Sweitzel, after a few whiffs and a drink,
* I comes to dish place ten years last
evening by der Dutch Almanac, mit
mine blacksmit shop. I builds mine little
house, I poots up mine hellers, I makes
mine fire, I heats mine iron, I strikes
mit mine hammer, I gets blenty of work
and J makes mine moonish.’
Dat is goot,’ remarked Pete, at the
same time demanding that the drained
mugs be re-filled.
‘ I say that I make much friends, con
tinued Wilhelm, relighting his pipe.
Der beeplcs all say, Von Sweitzel bes
a good man, hc'blowsin der morning, he
strikes in der night, and he mind his bu
siness. So dey sparken to me many
tithe*, and it make me feel much goot
here,’.slap] ing his breast.
* Yaw, yaw, dat ish gootcr,’ remark
ed Pete, who was an attentive listner.
‘ Veil, it goes long dat way tree year.
Tree ? Let me' see, von year I make
tree hoondre.i tollar.der next tree hoond-
red an’ fifty—der next four hoon'dred
and swonzy, and der next five hoondred
tollar. Dat make •five year, Yel, 1 bes
here five year, when old Mike, der
Watchman, who bees such a bad man.
comes to me. and he say—‘ Sweitzel,
vot makes you work so hard V To make
mopish,’ I -dell him. 4 I dells you how
J oti makes him quicker as dat’ he say,
ask him how * an’ den he tells me to
go into bolitics, an’ get big offi.ee. 1
laugh at him, ven he tells me that
Shake der lawyer—vat makes such bur-
ty speeches about Faderl.and—bes agoin’
to rup for Congress, and dpt Shake der
lawyer dells him to dell me, if I^Bould
go among der peeples and del? them to
vote mid hipi all der while, he would put
me into von big office, where I makes
twenty tousand tollars a year.’
* Twenty t’ousand ! • mine Got,’ ex
claimed Pete, thunderstruck.
• Yaw, twenty t’onsand. Well, by
sbinks, I shust stops der 6trikin, an goes
to mine friens, an’ all der Yarmans vote
for Shake, and Shake bps elected Jo der
Gongress.’
Here. Myneer Von Sweitzel stopped,
took a long draught of beer, and fixing
his eyes on the floor, puffed his pipe, as
if in deep thought. }
• Veil, mine neighbor,* said Pete, af
ter waiting a due length of time for him
tb resume, ‘ vat yon ao, den, hey ?’
‘Yell, I ask . Mike, der swellhead
watchman, for der office, an’ he dells me
I gets him de nextvear, I waits till af-
liad Henrj r ‘‘jerked up for a nuisauce,”
and fined ten dollars. Harry paid the
money, but resolved on revenge. The
next morning the following advertise
ment appeared in the Herald : *
“Wanted—At Forsyth street, two
Bull Dogs, and four Spaniel Pups. For
fall-blooded Dogs the highest price will
be paid. Call between 4 and 6 p. m.
“JAMES SNARL.”
We need not say that the advertise
ment was inserted by Harry. His rea
son for making the calls between 4 and
G p. m. was because Mr. Snarl was al
ways out at the hour, taking an airing
around the battery.
At the hour specified, dogs and pups
might have seen going up the Bowery to
Grand, and out Grand to Forsyth, to
the mansion occupied by Mr. Snarl.
The first person that pulled the door
bell was a butcher boy from Centre Mar
ket, with a pair of bull dogs that would
make mincemeat of a tiger. Maggie an
swered the bell, when the following col
loquy took place <
“Does Mr. Snarl live here ?”
‘He does. Why do you ax ?”
‘I have got some dogs for him.’
Dogs for Mr. Snarl! Mother of Mo
ses ! did you ever! You’ve mistook the
door.”
“Devil a hit; read that.
Here Sykesy took out the Morning
Herald and showed Maggie the adver
tisement. Maggie was thunderstruck;
there was no denying the advertisement.
She accordingly told Sykesy to go into
the backyard with the dogs, and await
the return of Mr. Snarl. Sykesy did so. corncr
In about two minutes, Maggie val
again summoned to the door bell.
* What do you want V
‘ Mr Snarl. I’ve got them tdogs lie
wanted.’
1 You have ?—well, then, go into the
back yard with the other blackguard.’
No. 2 followed No. 1; No. 2 whs soon
followed bj' No. 3, who was succeeded
by lots 4, 5 and G. By half-past five the
back yard contained 21 bull dogs and
14 spaniels, The former got up a ur.is
understanding, and by the time Mr. Snar
arrived, seven spaniels had been placed
horsVecombat, while abrindle bulldog
from Fulton Market was going through
his third fight with a * yellow tamer’
from Mott street. •
Mr. Snarl reached home a few mo
ments before six. M&ggie oppeaefl the
dooi, and burst out as follows :
‘ For the love of the blessed Virgin,
go hack and stdfj them. They are eat
ing each other up, and if not chocked off
will devour the cisterns. Since the
days of Crnmmel I haye not seen such
a hullabaloo entirely/
Snarl * went back’—Snarl looked into
the yard and would have sworn, but he
coaid not find oaths sufficiently power
ful to do justice to his feelings. When
we left, Mr. Snarl was emptying the
• Lnx'lr vard’ with an axe helve. ' rf >“
and
us in this
for those who are to follow
heritage of freedom.” „ ,
I might weflt suppose, after the ex
pression of these views Upon- the floor
of the Senate, and under circupttt^bces
of peculiar responsibility, that any for*
ther action on my part would be unne-
did not also pronounce against its exis
tence, hut carefully pretermitted—to
use its own words—the expression of any
opinion upon that point. Still, I ap
prove its action upon the snbject, so
far as.it goes. It is a step in the right
direction, and I should rejoice to see it
followed by every political party in our
country. It is a step, too, towards the
security of political -rights—the opposi
tion totnelegislation of Congress over the
internal affairs of the people of the Terri
tories, and among others, over the rela
tion of master and servant, or that of
husband and wife, or parent and child,
for these matters of domestic policy are
subjects which should be left to the
Territorial communities, and to divest
them of the power to regulate them, is
an act of unmitigated despotism. The
negation of all power of interference by
Congress in the internal government of
the Territories, is constitutional doctrine,
and the only safe and practical one, and
I am rejoiced that after years of opposi
tion—-of obloquy, indeed—it is fast
establishing itself upon impregnable
grounds. The misapprehension which
has prevailed upon this grave subject, is
among the most extraordinary political
events of my time. One would natural
ly suppose that in this country, the
dogma of the right of internal govern
ment by an irresponsible legislature ov
er a distant community, unrepresented
in the ruling body, would find but little
favor, and that the power to establish
and put in operation a government might
well be defended, while the power to
control all the concerns of human life
would be left without an advocate. The
difference is broad and practical, and
should he dearer to us, as it was the ve
ry consideration urged by our revolu
tionary fathers in their contest with the
mother country, which began by argu
ment, bnt ended by arms. It was as
serted as early as 1774, when the Con
tinental Congress declared that the En
glish colonists “are entitled to a free and-
exclusive power of legislation in their
several provincial legislatures, where
their right of representation can alone
be preserved, in all cases of taxation
and internal polity, &c.” In that great
struggle, the patriots who conducted it,
conceded to the British Parliament the
authority to organize colonial govern
ments, hut denied their right totouch tho
internal polity of the people; and for
the support of the great principle, de
nied and derided as it is now, they went
to war. 1 ® _ __ a*
~~ dhat a highly respectable
intelligent gentleman, Gov. llunt, of
New York, in a letter just published,
speaks of the Nebraska bill as “ based
on the absurd theory of territorial sov
ereignty.” . I never heard a man sup
port that measure, or approve it for such
a reason. Gov. Hunt has mistaken the
sneers of its enemies for the views of its
friends. The Nebraska bill rests upon
tiier cietiuu uu uiy unit wuuiu ue uiiue- ~ a . * *1
cessary to prove any consistency, as a such theory—upon no theory at all,
.. . y - f . y . J iLa ofoV.ln fAiimlofinn of thP
disciple of the school of Washington* and
Jefferson, and Jackson, ip the rejection
of a dangerous innovation, inconsistent
with all the principles those patriots
taught, and which, in effect, aims to
transfer the great political duty of an
American citizen from the light of day,
where it should the exercised in this land
of freedom, to secret conclaves, as un
friendly to calm^investigation, as to wise
and patriotic decision. But the extract
from the letter of Gen, Houston has
shown' me that these reports have receiv
ed more credit than I had believed, and
this consideration has induced me thus
publicly to notice and to contradict them.
My opinions, indeed, upon-'any subject
are bnt of little consequence, except to
myself; but if they are worth referring
to, they are worth the trouble of making
the reference a true onp.
I have no sympathy with this plan
of political organization—none whatev- -upon the clause of that instrument which
er, neither with the means it employs, confers this power of internal interfer
ence, and I will abandon the principle,
nor the objects it seeks to attain. Its
secrecy, its control of the ballot box, its
system of proscription, striking both at
political rights and religious duties, and
its inevitable tendency to array one por
tion of the community against another,
and to carry deadly feuds into every
corner of the land, of which we have
just had a terrible proof, written in char
acters of blood, and are doomed to have
many more, if this movement goes on,
for this is but the first instalment of
death, and how many others are to fol
low, and to what extent, and when the
last is ?o be paid, and alter what lamen
table vicissitudes, is known only to Him
who foresees events, and can control them
-*=-these characteristics mark it as the
most dangerous scheme which has ever
been introduced into our country to reg-
b r s t an d in g ,*and byriictime Mr. Snarl4«> te ^public action or its social condi-
,*pd, seven spaniels had been placed tl0n - !* « the Orageism of a republic
scarcely better m principle than its mon-
archical prototype—of a republic whose
freedom and equality, justify as little as
they invite the introduction of a machin
ery whose operation is concealed from
public observation, but whose conse
quences are as clear as they are alarm
ing.
Gen. Houston gives credence to the
report that I approve “the platform of
the American Order, as proclaimed to the
world by the Convention at Philadel
phia.” I am aware tb at changes have
been made, both in the same and in some
of the principles of this new organization
Bnt these changes do not remove my
twenty
dollars—fifteen dollars for an ‘ old hy
pocrite.’ Jtjjs unnecessary for ns to say
that Sony Sampson slept better far that
night than any night since the war with
Mexico.-—New York Dutchman.
President Pierce has recovered from
his late attack of chill and fever.
cific power to regulate the disposition of
the pnblic lands, it must, under the
above rule, he limited to means suitable
to the ends in view. If Congress go
beyond this in the organization of a
Territorial government, they act without
limitation, and mgy establish a monar
chy. Admit that they may organize a
government which shall protect the
lands purchased, and provide for the ad
ministration of justice among the set
tlers, it does hy no means follow that
they may establish slavery.” Judge
McLean here brings.the Constitution of
the United States to the support of the
good old revolutionary doctrines that
the right to establish colonies or territo
ries does nnf carry with it tfie just pow
er to interfere with and regulate thfe do
mestic concerns of the people who inhab
it them. He pronounces slavery to be
one of these conccrnes, saying that “It
is a municipal relation of limited extent,
and of an equally limited origin. It is a
domestic relation, over which tho Feder
al Government can exercise no control.”
I have never known the time when
the Democratic party was called upon
by higher considerations toadhere/faith
fully and zealously, to their organization
and their principles, than they are at
this day. Our confederation is passing
though the most severe trial it has yet
undergone. Unceasing efforts are mak
ing so exeste hostile and sectional feel
ing, against which we were prophetical
ly warned by the father of his country,
and if these are successful, the days of
this Constitution are numbered. The
continued assaults upan the South, upon
its character, its constitutional rights and
its institutions, and the systematic per
severance and the hitter spirit with
which these are pursued, while they
warn the Democratic party of the dan
ger, should incite it to united and vigor
ous action. Thay warn it. too, the time
has come when all other differences
which may have divided it should give,
way to the duty of dofending the Con
stitution, and when that great party,
coeval with the government, should be
united as one man for tho accomplish
ment of the work to which it is now
called, and before it is too late. It is
the American party, for it has neither
sectional prejudices nor sectional preju
dices nor sectional preferences, and its
care and its efforts extend whereever the
Constitution of its country extends, with
equal regard to tlrn rights and interest of
all. I belive the fate of this great re
public is now in its hands, and, so be
lieving, I earnestly hope that its action
trill be firm, prompt and' united, yield
ing not one hair’s breadth ef its time-
honored principles, and resisting to the
last the dangerous efforts with we are
menaced; and, it so, the victory of the
Constitution I doubt not will be achiev-
ed* I am, sir, respectfully, your obe
dient servant, Lewis Cass.
but upon the stable foundation of the
Federal Constitution, and of the natural
rights of man.
N know of no one who claims sove
reignty for the Territories. All concede
their dependence upon the United States.
But within this relation there are mutu
al rights and duties, and the questions—
what power’may Congress lawfully ex
ercise, and are the people of the Terri
tories divested of all rights—.must be de
termined, not by politico-metaphysical
considerations arising out of the attri
bute of sovereignty, but by the C^mstr^
tution of the United States. To the"
law and to the testimony. By that
Constitution, the Genera} Government
is a Government, not only of granted,
but of limited powers, and Congress can
exercise no authority which is not given
hy the great charter that brought it into
existence. Let any man put his finger
long as it haq been cherished by mft.—
And fhat is many years, as will appear
by reference to the Globe of March 13,
1832, which contains an article written
by me and entitled “A Review of the
Opinion of thft Snpreme Court in the
Cherokee Case.” In that article, I ob
serve that the clause of the Constitution
authorizing Congress “to dispose of, and
make all needful rules and regulations
respecting the territory or other property
of the United' States, refers to territorial
rights, and grants no jurisdiction over
persons.” Among otbar things I say f—
“The power to dispose of, and make
needful rules and regulations respecting
the territory and otjjer property of the
United States, and the power to exer
cise general jurisdiction over persons up.
on it, are essentially different and inde
pendent. The former is general, and ii
given in the clause referred to; the lat
ter is special, said is found in another
clause, and is confined to the federal
tract, (the District of Columbia,) and to
places purchased by consent of the Leg
islature of the State in which the same
shall be, for the erection of forts, maga
zines, arsenals, dock yards, and other
needful buildings.” This is the same
doctrine subsequently advocated, and
more fully developed in my Nicholson
letter. I repeat that this power of in
ternal legislation cannot be found in the
Constitution, and vain have been the ef
forts, by pressing into its service a thou
sand and one Expressions jn j$ot instru-
,. .. . j. » T . . m ment, to prove it to be there; a diversi-
objections tort, Its spmtof exclusion t of which,of itself, furnishes
, *nd With it, its the aQ .
and intolerance remains,
evils and its dangers. It is a book to
which I cannot ba reconciled, whatever
addition, whether the new onfe or the
old one, is offered to me. There is, in
deed, oca principle laid down in that con
vention which meets my concujTren.ce,
and that is, the declaration that “Con
gress ought not to legislate upon the
subject of slavery, within the territory
of the United States.” I regret, how
ever, that the gody which thus pronoun.
ced against the exercise of the power,
From tho Richmond Enquirer.
Know-Nothingism alias Abolitionism.
Ever day’s observation only increases
our conviction that all efforts to make a
National or truly American party out of
Know Nothings will result in a misera
ble abortion. The elements are so va
rious and antagonistic that they will not
and can not be fused. Abolitionism,
which is the controlling element at the
North- will not consent to such an union.
Its fanaticism considers justice to the
South, true fidelity to the Constitution,
and treason, as synonymes, and instant
ly brands the Northern man who utters
a syllable in favor of the constitutional
extension of slavery as a traitor. With
these meq, Southern"' Kncw-Nothings
cannot, dare not affiliate, and as there is
no other description of Know-Nothings at
the North having the slightest influence
or numerical strength, it is idle, worse
than idle to talk and write and boas’, of
a great National Know-Nothing party.
It is, alano, idle to talk of preserving
the Union through such an instrumenta
lity. Indeed, if we considered the class
to which we have referred as represent
ing the large controlling, conservative
sentiment at the North, we should de
spair of the Union and at once prepare
for its dissolution. We are happy, how
ever, to entertain a different opinionof that
controlling Northern sentiment, and hope
we shall bp able to show that there is
still in that section a Democratic leaven
that will continue to aid in preserving
rather than disrupting the Union. But
it is not our intention, to-day, to pursue
this branch of the subject. Onr object
now is to give further evidence of the
deadly hostility of Northern Know
Nothingism to slavery, and its irrevo
cable determination to deny the Sonth
the exercise and enjoyment of her rights
under the Constitution. .
The following article we copy just as
it originally appeared in the editorial*
colums of the “Know Nothing aujl
American Crusader,” published in Bos
ton, a paper which manifested thfj most
intense interest in the late Canvass ip
Virginia, and which used all the influ
ence it had in favor of the electiqp of
Mr. Flournoy.
‘From the Boston Know Nothing and American
Crusader.
Anti-Slayeby Sentiment gpkbr
North.—It is no sort of use to attempt
to wink, blink, argue ,pot down, veil, or
in any manner cover the fact, that there
is a stronganti-tdav.ery sentiment through
the North. It is deep-rprofound. It
is in the blood, hone, marrow <ff the peo
ple. It is not to be abnsed nor slighted
bnt is to he honored and respected.
We so honor and respect it. We
mean onr paper shall. We should oc
cupy a strange, aljjaost offensive position
diawe not. Our columns wul. from
time, as occasion may seem meet, give
proper and free expression to tins senti
ment. On this ground we wish to be
understood, and so indulge in plain talk-
a strong presumption against the au
thority, even if there were no other
grounds of objection.
Judge tfehe^a, of the Snpreme Court
of the United .States, in some considera
tions published by him upon this sub
ject, and to syhum I have elsewhere
referred* well remarked, apd “there -is
no specific power in the Constitution understood, and so 11 . . ,
which .authorizes the organization qf We believe, further, that the gijeot body
Territorial governments.” He adds, |t>f the South—its numerical force*^ at ail
“If this power he implied from the ape- eveuta—respect aud honor this sejrfunent
W e do know very well that Northern men
who ore false to the North and its setj
tied sentiment on the matter, are' an
abomination to the South, They abhor
a traitor. They hate cowards. They
despise the man or party which is not
true to its own, Should the North be
any less true to itself than is the South ?
The American party at the North is
strongly anti-slavery. Whether some
people may fancy this or not, will make
no sort ' of difference. Fact is fact. It
can’t he rubbed out. It has taken pog*
session of the best mind of the party,
and there it will remain. But for all
that, the American is not the Anti-Slave*
ry party. Bnt this distinction cap be ipadp,
It is, however, sufficiently anti^slftvpry
for all practical purposes—%o ’far as is
reasonable, just, good and prudent.—,
To the extent that the anti-slavery cle
ment of the North is a pert of the North*
ern mind and heart, its life and convic
tion, to that extent is the American par
ty anti-slavery. It will be true to free
dom in a great and nobla sense. It will
demand that Slavery shall not be extend-
ded to new territories and States; thqt
Government shall have nothing at all
whatever to do with it. In other words,
that it shall remain where it is. This
the American party believes, is
their faith. It will be carried out. Ifc
cannot be put down if we would, and
would not if we .coplflfa, It w2B.be trua
to the people : J^ue fql itsmM
its justice, its manliness, and its rig]
true to “God and our country.” Doc
the south take issue on this ? II will
not alter things one iota if it does. There 1
arc the facts—the sentiments—the con
victions. They are fixed. They can
not be changed, It is a point reached
coolly, reasonable, fairly. Bolt will he
abided by. Nor does this conflict with
the so-called American platfoftn, Not at
all. A platform that ignored this sentU
ment would be no platform at all for thn
North—only an insult and an injury.—
It would die spit upon and execrated. .
The American party will he true tq
itself, Jt w>H carry out its own great,
good and leading issues. It will also
give play to this anti-slavery element.
It must do so. It can’t live the gigantic
life it was born for if it does not. Tlicrq
is no evading this. The American party
will not evade it. It has no disposition
to. It will be anti-slavery just so far
and so long as the hearts and heads of
the people are so. Whoso believes oth
erwise will see in time, if he has eyes,
that he is mistaken.
The American party of the North has
an anti-slavery element. This is a axed
fact. ”
Mark well what this Know Noth
ing editor says“ Tho. American party
at the North is strongly anti-slavery.”—
And what kind of “anti-slavery” is this
which these Northern Kow Nothings
hug to their hearts ? The answer is
given above in the plainest language.
This “anti-slavery” sentiment “will de*
mand that slavery shall not be extended.
to new territories and States; that
Government shall have nothing atoll *
whatever to do with it. In other words,
that it shall remain where it is." * This
is the position and the faith of th6
“American party” at the North—»the*
old abolition idea of surroundjpg Jbe
South with a cordon of free States—rand
when it becomes the regularly accepted
and acknowledged constituentof aNation*
al Party, God save the South and thq
Union! say wc.
Another evidence of this Northern
Know-Nothing hostility to the Sontl;
and its institutions, we find under the
“political” head of the Boston Bee, .an
other Know Nothing paper. From jt
we learn that a meeting had been held
in Boston of committees representing dif
ferent political parties, whose object
was “to confer with reference to a‘ Fu
sion.” -The parties represented were
the American, (Know Nothing,) Know «*
Somethings, Republicans and Free Soilr
ers! One of the leading subjects of flis?
enssion by this mixed congregation of
traitors was the prRpriety of calling »
mass Convention. After much debate,
the following call was finally agreed to i
“The people*of Massachusetts who
are opposed to the extqptiqnuof slavery,
are requested to assemble in primary
meetings in their severs!! towns and cit*
ies. and elect delegates Imthe proportion * *.
of three delegates for each representa
tive on valuation years, to a Convention
to be held at for ‘lie nomination
of State officers.’ 7
This is the initiatory step, in Massar
chusetts, by Know (Nothings, Know
Somethings, Republicans and Free^oiB
ers, for a Mass convention, whose bne
grand object is opposition to the extention
of slavery. In ib'ty “fusion,” wc are
pttHfd of the fact, that no traces of Dem r
ocracy are discoverable; and that ap?
pears to fife the only party which is not
■4o. ^.represented in the treason.
How much nationality will the Soutfy
recognize in this I *
Privileged Members.—The State
of Maine is responsible for the following;
A gentleman on a visit to Washington
one day very coolly opened the of .
the Senate chamber, and was about Jte .
pass in, when the doorkeeper asked—
* Are you. a. privileged member U £,» v
• What do you mean by that ?’ askpd
the stranger, •
The reply wpsr-r
‘ A Governor, an ex-Member of Conr
gress, or a Foreign Minister/
The stranger replied that tm was *
Minister.
‘ From what conrt or country, if you
please t’ asked the official.
VeTy-gravely pointing up—r
‘ From Heaven, sir !’
- To tins the doorkeeper waggishly ro*
plied.
1 Thin Government, at present, holds
no intercourse with that for foreign
power f