Southern banner. (Athens, Ga.) 1832-1872, February 06, 1861, Image 1

Previous Issue Next Issue

Clip Visible Area View Page Text View PDF

Newspaper Page TextYol.nii: XXIX—NUMBER 48. ATHENS, (LARK COUNTY, GUO. FEBRUARY 0, 1861. TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM IN ADVANCE SOUTHERN BANNER 1’UtLISHED 'WEEKLY, sl.KIKiE & REESE, "IL"* A. «I r.lu.E, I ANDERSON W. UEE*F. Kditors and Proprietors. • »I nr K V> P-STAtHS, No. 7 Granitic Row TKRMS = i VO DOLLARS PER ANM'H.IN ADVANCE oil THREE DOLLARS IF DELAYED. T.» rhih» romittin{ $IO in ndvnucr, xi> ( will Pent. An\ suLsrriWr failing to c\v+ n»*tico of lii* rte ^.r. to ttisooniiinn' Wu snh^rriptionnt the cxj»ir« *: mu of tho tin.e fur wt it*h it haa Won wilV «r« %\ n«. svisLinj; to ront iuue it, find held Ii.ilde o-rordinply. ! ?> No . will hi* di^routinued. (oircjit At t • •»;,!: not the editors*,) until nil nrrenrngex are- 1 itiTiMoitimitTiwnh. Koroin* H.pinro «*i.u.-is*tiii^ of twelve lim » small t \ \uI e.|uivnl»M»t, Oi.e Dollar or the Hr*: »i'*-n\oii, and fifty cent* for efteh weekly conlimt > < «-i i1 contract* 1 onnbo mn«b* for yearly reiver ti/:.-. i :iladven'.*ei!.i ni*insetted at the nMialrnteR. A. noun, ii.-j eAiidhlntr-r to* ollire. Five Dollar#, i \ nirnhh advuiiee. in all i-nri n. AdxeriiMMiic-tit. rd.oiiltl always have the ilesired UmioIm i ns. itit.n- marked’ uj-oii tWin when ♦ li »!••!« I in,» i » th« rw i-c they "ill I ** jmhlialied (ill irin.l, nnd • h.irjo d kl ionlin„’ly. II. A. LOWRANCE, Resident DENTIST, ATHENS, GEORGIA. College Avenue, Athens, Ga. OFFICE Oct 18. 1)R. WU. KING. llonuropathic Physician, O FFt IIH hi* j»rofci‘*iuiml scrv’.rcFf izons cf Athena nnd vicinity. Kmidcnee. at Mr*. Claytou *. Oflice, c<i Cloy ton nnd Thomas stroet*. May 3. re* to the eit nerof -iy lil SINKSS DIRECTORY. iT^r Oh >r ■ :i •111. • r, Ul»m -»x hum I I. 1 and Humiu s* men enn have <1 under thin head, for one year, ■ ) >ollitr» for a rani of not wore seventy liveceutu for each addi \ A. HUYkLIY HILL. 1 TIOIOKV AT I.AVV —Atl.i-iis, «eor jA o I Util f over the Bookstore of Will N mil-. .V.v. I -lv. LA >1A It (01515, ATTORNEY AT LAW, MACON, GKO. G. L. McfLESKEY, At. H AVI7ICS permanent I v located in Athens,wil eouiir.Lfslh * j rneiite ul Meilic.iuc a id Surgery. rS^'Koiiiiitr?, that recently occupied hy Mr. Alhon 'Jliaso. OlTue at home, where ho may he found. March 8il» t ifcWi. DR. CYPHERS, I.nlc of .11 illetl^t ville, J ¥ AS nov.-located in Athens and has taken a ¥ M. suite of room* at the Franklin IhoiHe. Dr. Cyphers ha i been in the practice •>fD*'iitiatry from Hi* earliest youth. Hu m also a j;n.duaie of one of .•ur olde*i Dental Colleges. Allihc improvement*, luicndorned by the profession, w ill he introduced in *ili* practice. To ladies ami gentlemen who mnv layer me with a call, I will say I am authorizedJo roter to several persons for whom 1 have pot up plate work in this- place. I am now fully prepared to perform all operation* both in the uiechni.ical mid operative department *hut may he required \\ hen my family shui I arrive,further notice will L< Kntranee to my private dooi \\\ i H oiise. d end of Frank An Dr. It. Al. SMITH, Wholesale and Itetail Dealer in DRUGS, MEDICINES, PERFUMERY, MINTS, OILS, I) YE s run S, MEDICINAl. 11,1 NOV ASH WINE, tec., A;c., Arc. | S NOW rrrfiviiig an.I o]o>nin-n laT-e sio. k * " I M.nkiial.y iiiu .mil. ic tin- ] Ailirns, J ui -■•-.I in 111- Xortl.e nip,an.l wl.i. h l„ lh!i- .is living pu: !>. 1 [09. l i ui: A M A, uli.. - k.l,. v — v i!..' lhiartii, Will It llilili, Wfri" ■m ' ' A'. I’OPE llAltliOH iTAIIVO AT MW - Athens, G». ii« ov r M »** A Newton's Store. 1 !>' U 11.1.1 AM «. DELONY, A Homey nt hiuv, .hi lho.n, Street, over the store of I. M, , Aiin i. March 15—if. THOMAS IV* WALKER, A ttorney at law, Athens, Gcor- t;ia. *ift- i u,-i A S. A M.ll.Mamlevilk'i »«•« Marrh -I—If D. <>. CANDLER, f- ATTORNEY AT LAW, T I I V I !> <« located pi ruinnemly J I It ink-coiiuiy,(iA.. will j>raetici«j 4 f at llotner, in tli n,Franklin, Habersham ar.d iM'iiirnl position in die snid eounties, listed to hi*enre" .il receive prompt • addition, AH eommunicaliens •'*e J to Homer, Hanks county, Ga. T. >1. DANIEL. A TTOIIMKV AT I.A\V.—Athens, Omr-i*. will practice in the eonmicsof Clarke, Walton, Jiukson, Madison, Hart, IClhert, O^ledhorpe. Wilkes, Wnrren, ami HaiutH-k. . *'■=>* IXfice one» door above Longs’ Drug store p stairs. KovemhcTl7. XX Full IIR. II. GILLKLAM), DEMIST, ATKIXSVI Id J-. (.*o,re.--••eel fully solicit*tlie patronage of the surrounding country.— HtisO.ciioii vxill begiven in their profession. April-. v. cuyli^T, RESIDENT DENTIST, ATHENS, HA. R OOllSon ltroail Slrcct. Lnlramonext iloor to tin* lni*i January ID. ANDREW J. HAUuY, \ TTOIlSKV ATI. AW, Jeff. rsnn, Jaek- fiou romilv, f.u., will practice in the to the IIVstern 1-ii «if fHilleciing. Oilie Nov. id— I dm. Fartieulnr attention pav«l with U. J. A/iUicaii,Esq. DR. €. D. LOMBARD. n KXTIST, ATHENS.C.KOFCI V; Homos in hnild'ng with North ol IheJFost OiViee.Col* ege Avcu »c. * Feb D—'y. f. W. & II. R. J. LONG, W HOEKSALE and retail Dniggi&t*. Athens Ga. . jJun.d fANBYi GILPIN & CO., WHOLESALE DRUUlilSTS And linporiers of English, French £ German Drugs, Chemicals, Pc.-fume-ry and Faacy iiticlcs. DYE-STIFFS, Paints, Oils, Varnishes, WINDOW GLASS, &c. N. W. Cor. Light and Lombard streets, IIALTDIORK. F. T. COOlv. J'ravtUiiij 8e])tf>, |Rf»()—Hm Agent, F. W. LI ( AS, W HOI.ESALEand ret ail dealer in Dry Good Gr H-ieries, Hardware, Ac.,Xo. 2, Rroad *t ;.fnn F> JAMES X. IXDERHOOI), \ TVol\ NF.Y AT LAW, JeflV rson, Jackson Co <l»i. Will p» net ice in the counties ofthe DVh- ern Circuit. Farfieular attention p;»i«i to eollcet* i ,g. [.Ian ‘JO, .V.»l Feb 11.M— tf. It, J. A IV. T. MILLION, \ TTi IISNKVS AT LAW —Will priu lim in the i-uiiiitH'H <il tlif Wculcrii f'irmit, nml the TTiilINKY ri.ulltil'H II nth-,. «.f Mn.ii it. I. .mii.i.k'ax. iwm. t. millican, .li fl. iinin, tin. I Cnrncuville, Ga. mi, Kili-rt. nn.I Unit, uf the ir—iv III liL ,V IIILLYER. ATTORNEYS AT LAW. f |1 IIT. mull r i-nml Ii.irin);u80('iatcdthomiiolv» A tn-i-tlior in tli. practice,of law, will ntti-ml 'tlm ..viriil Court a in the Wentrrn Circuit, nml i>ive ilicir hiim per»ou»l .ticntion to nil hueii.-nn iKilru.'ml ii> them. tiKO. 1I1LIAER. Monro.,, Oa. July 15— ly. III. M. PITTMAN. A TToK.YKY .t Lnw, Jefferson, Jneksoneonn ty, (In., will fi. prompt attention to any l>u. ninOHS entrusted to his enre. J.nunry 21 — 1-in WM.H.nCLL, Athens, (in. R. L. BLOOMFIELD, IIOLESALE and retail Clotliinc Sto (in. |.May 10 w liroad Strreet, Ath T. BISHOP & SOX, W HOLESALE and Retail dealers in Grocer ie:*. Hardware nnd Staple Dry Goods, No, 1 liroad S*. Athens (la. J.Mny 1 i JOHN II. IIFLL, \ TTOUNKY AT LAW,.August*, On., will mteiiil promptly to nil business entrusted to hii c»re [Jim. 8. W. tv. LVMPKIN, a TTOH.YKY AT I.AW, Athens. Oeorei*. Will prnetieein nil the eonntiesof the W™- .J tern Cireu't. l»nrlieulnrntlentiont;iventoeollect- } a - r/tli, .- over Wm N White's Book-store, on Uke'oonier of lir. mi street and College Avenue. Jan 31—ti THURMOND & NORTH, _A^ttoi*neys at Law, TILL prnetieo in ro partnership in the conn lien 0 f riark. I Fulton, Jaeksou, Gwinnett, Unhun. White, Franklin, Banks, Haber- thaxvt of the Western Fi renit; and Hsrtana Mad- faion of the A* rth«*:n Circuit; and will give their udividun! nnd joint attention to nil bnmneui on •Wh'd to Hiom. The eolleetJon «»f debts will to- i neirc prompt a» d rnreful attention. 'KAM’L r.TIII'lOIONH, I JolIN R. NORTH, Over l^m^' Ismg Store, | Jeffcman, Jackson cc Athens, C m ° C|18 “ ST J U KSOX & HUTCHINS, . A TTOUNF.YSATLAW.—Will practice j3L in the • nui,tics of Cwiiinett, Wnlton, 1 Jaek- M«. Mid Hull,of She Western, .lid the county of ^es'/.b-k^n^'Vn^: VurrcmNS, Jr. Athens, (In. | Liwrcnee.ille,O* CRAWFORD & STAPLER, SUCCESSORS TO T. ( RAWKOUD, TV O 7J, Broad street, under lie Banner Otiiee i v have on hand n niee st.iek of Knney and Sta pin I'.ry floods, <»roeev*u*s, tlardwu *e. Boots uad shoes, lints and Caps, and many other things loo nuuierousto mention all o. wh’u ii wil he sold veiy low. July 21. ~ A. M. IVYXG, W HOLESALE and Retail Dealer in Hard ware, Oroekor. and House Furnishing Goods,one door below R.L. L'ioointiehrsCIl.ithinSl Store. Athens, Ga. Jan.7, ISJr COTHRAN, JEFFERS & CO., FACTORS AND COMMISSION ©M^RILESTOIK], ©. fill IE undersigned will eontii.ue the f.irtorng** X nno. eommis.-iou business in thi* city. They beg Icnv* t«* returntheinlmnks to thvir tviend* for the liberal patronage extruded to iliein, nml to so licit ita «-outinuance. Funicular attention will be given to the sale of Cotton. Flour, Grain, Ac., and to nil bmdne.HS entrmdrd to their care. WADE s. cornKAX, HEN I* V L. .11:K KICKS. Sept 20 Ct. WM. JI.JKFFEES. G. W. MOTES’ Excelsior Gallery of Art! “kVEU the store of I. M. Kminey, where lie i^ J prepared to practice Fhotograjd,y in all <*i its varied branches, in the latest and moat np proved style of the r/r/. Cabinet nnd Life size Photographs, in oil, taken from lifror Daguoieo types,and of absent ot deceased persons. Luwreuoevillo Sept 30-tf «’ v GSIILILj _ ATTOBUEY .A.T XiAW. HOMER. BANKS CO., GA- W ILL practice in the Couita of the \\cstorn Circuit. Business entrusted to bis care, will meet with prompt attention. 1UFKBCM K'-H..n, Joseph H. I.uinpkin.TV* h>.|, Atlieas.Ga.; Josi^hlL Banka . \ R*r XB-i GsiUCavilh*, t J. w. HANCOCK, A TTORNKV AT f.AW.DiuiolsTille, will praitico in tha counties " f J ^****° n Clark,* dadison, Hurt, Ogletle.riK) and Libert. ■ OeLSSly- MIL STIENERT, PBOFBSSOB OF MTJSIC W OULD nvipcetfully relurn his thanks to the citiaeus oi Alhona for the kind patronage hnatowod upon him last year, and informs them tha w Imanvmmec: the dunes of Ida Brof«»**on- P AIM IN K! PA1MIKG! PAINTING ■ndersigiird would minounec to the cit , of Athena and vicinity, that he will ex in the in meat and most workmanlike man ii^ik in his line of business at short n^'c* house .ijn an furniture painting: Ornintcp iiaihleing «f alldesigns; paper-hanging, gla *8T |3J* Onirrafiom neighboring towns, k .es, m tbf eoutrv, promptly ""nnded fo. Iiena, Aii(j.2 .ItSs-o l H BONL. J. F. O’KELLY, PIIOTOGHAI'H AM* AMUROTYPE ARTIST. R ooms on Broad n».d Spring streets, over th store of Join* K. ITIaithews, /ftiiens, Gu. mam 2‘J GO 80.000 FEET OF LUMBER OH HARD AT THE *> q __ix.,rin»i Mr Jackson’snlweneefrosxOoor business letters should b*t uddrcMed to^ 5? I PEOPLE’S MILL. J OCATEDonMr. Y’erby's plantation, and in J charge of a mnn well acquainted with the amtier husineji. Having one of tSo Athens Steam Company's celebrated Steam Saw-Mills, rutting from 4,IKMt to lO.Otill fret of luinbci per day. AVe have eoufidcuco in our ability to till or ders nt short notice. TorweCash. Order book at the Foundry and Machine Works. For particulars apply to UoL’t. Ycrbey, Wm. 1*. Tnlinncc. II. A. Cook. YKRUEY. TALMAOEJt Co. Fencing I’iekeits anil n constant supply of laths on hand, apply to WM. I*. TALMaOE. Jan. 9—Ini. NOTICE TO PLANTERS! Three Thwtemd Pain of the^Be»t NEGRO SHOES IN THE IVORLD!! Made by McCJtikcy <J' Doylt. W r B will keep a good assortment ol these at the siore ol Messrs. Pit- ner, England & Freeman,in Athens, where Mr. AfcCIcskey will be found at ail times, ready to wait upon customers. Wo will sell these shoes in lots, Bom 10 pair up, at .60 per pair. Cash will lie paid lor (lidos. Oct 43 McCLESKEY & DOYLE. TO HIRE. I II1E Hiibsrribrrhas n iu*gr«» Juii l(» !S F. woman to biro rin’KMOND Farewell Speech of Hon. Jeff. Davis. NVe have not space for the publica tion ot all the speeches of all the South- e'n Senators who retired from the [J. S. Senate last week, and have to con tent ourselves with copying that de livered by Hon. Jefl. Davis. It con tains all the views delivered by the others: Mr. Davis—I rise, Mr. President, for n0lV ‘ the purpose of announcing to the Se n ate that 1 have satisfactory evidence that the Slate of Mississippi, by a sol emn ordinance of her people in con vention assembled, has declared her separation from the United States.— Under these circumstances, of course my functions arc terminated here. It has seemed to me proper, however, that I should appear iri the Senate to announce that fact to my associates, ajtd 1 will say but very little more.— The occasion does not invite me to go into argument; and my physical con dition would not permit me to do so if it were otherwise ; and yet it seems to become me to say something on the part of the State 1 here represent on an occasion so solemn as this. It is known to Senators who have served with me here, that I have for many years advocated as an essential attribute of State sovereignty, the right of a State to secede from the Union. Therefore, if I had not bi lieved there was justifiable cause ; if I had thought that Mississippi was acting without sufficient provocation, or without existing necessity, I should still, under my theory of Govern ment, because of my allegiance to the State of which I am a citi zen, have been bound by her ac tion. I, however, may 1 e permi ted to say that I do think she has justifi able cause, and I approve of her act. I conferred with her people before that act was taken, counselled them then that if the state of things which they apprehended should exist when the convention met, they should take the action which they have now adopted. I hope none who heat me will con found this expression ol mine with the advocacy of the right of a State to remain in the Union, and to disregard its constitutional obligations by the nullification of the law. Such is no', my theory. Nullification and seces sion, so often confounded, are indeed antagonistic principles. Nullification is a remedy which is sought to apply within the Union, and against the agent of the States. It is only to be justified when the agent has violated his constitutional obligations, and a State, assuming to judge for itself, de nies the right of the agent thus to act, and appeals to the other States of the Union for a decision ; but when the States themselves, and when the peo ple of the States, have so acted as to convince us that they will not regard our constitutional rights, then, and for the first time, arises the doctrine of secession in its practical application. A great man, who now reposes with his fathers, and who has been often arraigned for a want of fealty to the Union, advocated the doctrine of nul lification because it preserved the Un ion. It was because of iiis deep-seat ed attachment to the Union; his de termination to find some icmcdy for existing ills short of a severance of the ties which bound South Carolina to the other States, that Mr. Calhoun ad vocated the doctrine of nullification, which he proclaimed to be peaceful; to be within the limits of State power, not to disturb the Union, but onl\ to be a means of bringing the agent before the tribunal of the States for their judgment. Secession belongs to a different class of remedies. It is to be justified upon the basis that the States are sovereign. There was a time when none denied it. I hope the time may come again, when a better compre hension of the theory of our Govern ment, and the inalienable rights of die people of the States, will prevent any one from denying that each State is a sovereign, and thus may reclaim the grants which it has made to any agent whomsoever. I therefore say I concur in the ac tion of the people of Mississippi, be lieving it to be necessary and proper, and should have been bound bv their action if my belief had been otherwise; this brings me to the important point which I wish, on this last occasion, to present to the Senate. It .is by con founding of nullification and secession that the name of a great man, whose ashes now mingle with his mother earth, has been invoked to justify co ercion against a seceding State. The phrase “to execute the laws,” was an expression which Gen. Jackson ap plied to the case ot a State refusing to obey the laws while yet a member of the Union. That is not the case which is now presented. The laws are to be executed over the United States,'and upon the people of the United States. They have no relation to any foreign country. It is a great perversion of terms, at least it is a great misapprehension of the case, which cites that expression for applica tion to a State which has withdrawn from the Union. You may make war on a foreign State. If it be the pur pose of gcntlimen, they may make war against a State which has with drawn from the Union; but there are no laws of the United States to be ex ecuted within the limits of a seceding State. A State finding herself in the condition in which Mississippi has judged she is, ir. which her safety re quires that she should provide for the maintenance ot her rights out ot the Union, surrenders all the benefits (and they are known to be many) deprives herself of the advantages (they are known to be great,) severs all the ties of affection, (and they arc close and enduring,) which have bound her to the Union ; and thus divesting herself of every benefit, taking upon herself every burden, she claims to he exempt from any power to execute the laws of the United States within her limits. I well remember an occasion when Massachusetts was arraigned before the bar of the Senate, and when the doctrine of coercion was life and to he applied against her because of the rescue of a fugitive slave in Boston.— My opinion then was the same as it is Not in a spirit of egotism, but to show that I am not intluenced in tny opinion because the case is my own, I refer to that time anil that oe- cassion as containing the opinion which I then entertained and on which my present conduct is based. I then said if Mas sachusetts, following her thro". I a stated line of conduct, chooses to take the last step whirli separates Iter from the Union, il is her right to go. and I will neither vote one dollar nor one man to coerce her back, but will say to her, God speed, in metnety o! all kind associations which once ex isted between her and the other States. It lias been a conviction of pressing necessity, it has been, a belief that we are to he deprived in the Union of the rights which our lathers bequeathed to us, which lias brought Mississippi into her present decision, She has heard proclaimed the theory that all men are created free an I equal, and this made the basts of an attack upon her social institutions; and the sacred Declara tion ot Independence has her n invoked to maintain the position ofthe equality of the races. That Declaration of In dependence is to be construed by the circumstances and purposes for whiehl it was made. The communities were declaring their independence; the peo ple ol those communities were assert ing that no man was born, to use the language of Mr. Jefferson, booted and spurred to tide over the rest of man kind ; that men were created equal— meaning the men of a political com munity ; that there was no divine right to rule ; that no man inherited the right to govern ; that there were no classes by which power anil place descended to families ; but that all stations were equally within the grasp of each mem ber of the body politic. These were the great principles they announced; these were the purposes for which they made tlieir declaration; these were the ends to which their enuncia- ation was directed. 'They have no reference to the slave; else, bow hap pened it that among the items of ar raignment made against George 111. was that lie endeavored to do just what the North has been endeavoring of late to do,to stir up insurrection among our slaves? Had the declaration an nounced that the negroes were free and equal, how was the Prince to be arraigned for stirring up insurrection among them? And bow was this to be enumerated among the high crimes which caused the colonies to sever their connection with the mother coun try? • When our constitution was formed, the same idea was rendered more palpable, for there we find pro vision made for that very class of per sons as property; they were not put upon an equality with white men —not even upon that of paupers and convicts; but, so far as representta- tion was concerned, were discriminat ed against as a lower caste, only to be represented in the numerical propor tion of three-fifths. Then, Senators, we recur to the compact which binds us together ; we recur to the principles upon which our Government was founded ; and when you deny them, and when you deny to us the right to withdraw from a Gov eminent which, thus perverted, threat ens to be destructive of our rights, we but tread in the path oi our father; when we proclaim our independence, and take the hazard. This is don not in hostility to others, not to injure any section of the country, not even for our own pecuniary benefit; but from the high and solemn motive of defending and protecting the rights we inherited, and which it is our sa cred duty to transmit unshorn to our children. 1 find in myself, perhaps, a type of the general feeling of my constituents towards yours. I am sure I feel no hostility to you, Senators from the North. 1 am sure there is not one of you, whatever sharp discussion there tnay have been between us, to whom l cannot now say, in the presence of my God, I wish you well; and sueh,l am sure, is the feeling of the people whom 1 represent towards those whom you represent. I therefore feel that 1 but express their desire when 1 say I hope, and they hope, for peaceful re lations with you, though we must part. They maybe mutually beneficial tons in the future, as they have been in the past if you so will it. The reverse may bring disaster on every portion of the country; and if you will have it thus, we will invoke the God of our lathers, who delivered them from the power of the lion, to protect us from the ravages of the hear ; and thus, putting our trust in God and in our own firm hearts and strong arms, we will vindicate the right as best we may. In the course of my service here, associated at different times with a great variety of Senators, I see now around tne some with whom I have served long; there have been points of collision, but whatever of olfence there, has been to me, I leave here; I catry with me no hostile remetn- brance. Whatever ofience 1 have giv en which has not been redressed, or for which satisfaction has not been de manded, I have, Senators, in this hour of our parting, to offer you my apology for any pain which, in the heat of dis cussion, i have inflicted. I go hence unencumbered of the remembrance of any injury received, and having dis charged the duty of making the only reparation in my power for any injury- offered. Mr; President, and Senators, having made the announcement which the occasion seemed lo me to requite, it only remains for me to bid you a final adieu. Frc- tinctions of society would vanish as a dream. Au English View of American duce. The London Chronicle has an in ter esting article on the vital necessity to England of the cotton of America. It reiterates the aversion to slavery of its people, and adds : But we cannot allow the poor sable creature to exhaust all our sympa thies ; and when we hear foolish, well- meaning people, whose minds seem incapable of receiving more than one idea, exult in the hope of a slave in surrection—which'would put an end to the production of cotti n in America —we can but wonder at the strange infatuation that prevents their seein_ how it would affect us. Statesmen and traders, peers and mechanics, seem to be all alike. It is time this blind ness and delusion ceased. It is int possible to reflect seriously upon the nature of our cotton supply without evoking a phantom that no exorcism, will banish. It seizes and transports us to some extensive town, whose tall chimneys are visible in every direction ; but there is no crowd in the streets ; no mill door or shop is open. Thcte are no issuing clouds of smoke—not one pulsation ofthe iron giants is heard— no whirling of the spindle—no throw ing of the shuttle—no clanking of the loom—no hum of human voices—not one sound of human life. This un earthly stillness chills our blood.— Where, then, arc those five hundred thousand busy, intelligent human be ings that should people it ? We en ter an open house ; we penetrate room after room ; and, impelled from street to street, we find everywhere living skeletons, and a voiceless misery and death, until, arriving at the deserted exchange, we read: “The cotton sup ply from America has ceased.’’ But could it be that any of our great manufacturing towns should ever pre sent such a spectacle? Are we, then, so dependent on American cotton? At present it is but too true. Ameri ca supplies nearly three-fourths of our cotton, and therefore the greatest dan ger that can threaten this country at the present time is a sudden cessation of the supply of cotton from America. The French Emperor of the old ladies, with all his dreadful fleets nnd armies, is a pet lamb in comparison with such an event. An enormous amount of British capital and the lives of millions ot British people depend on our cot ton supply being constant and ade quate. We have no desire to create any unnecessary alarm ; but where the national salety is concerned, every pos sibVe danger for'which a remedy may be found ought to be treated as if it were a probable danger, in order to stimulate the procuring of that remedy. To show that there is no exaggeration in our statement, we appeal to the fol lowing unimpeachable facts: Of328,- 000 tons of cotton wool imported last year,. 328,000 were American. Of the total cost, .£30,000,000, about £24,000,000 was fot American.— When manufactured, this cotton pro duced—exports, £51,000,000; home consumption,j£24,000,000, total,.£75,- 000,000. Of this £.60,000,000 for American. The wages and profit of manufacture were .£45,000,000; of this $36,000,000 of American. We pay for much of this cotton by pro ducts of our hardware and other man ufactories. Suppose we pay thus .£15,000,000. It results that out of our total export trade ol £131,000, 000, American cotton in a manufac tured state, figures to the extent of £40,000,000, which, with the jC15,- 000,000 above, makes £55,000,000 of and for American cotton—only -£10,- 000,000 less than one-half of the total exports of Great Britain. At the same time manufactured American cotton to the value of .£20,000,000 a year is be- sold in sltops and warehouses, and consumed in the Untied Kingdom.— Then there arc the mercantile transac tions connected with this 328,000 tons of cotton—the shipping employed in its import and in the subsequent ex ports. It is not so easy to estimate the amount of capital engaged in this com merce, manufacture, and trade, and in volved in transactions with the United States, all mixed up more or less with this cotton supply ; but it must amount to from two hundred lo three hundred millions sterling. So much for goods and money ; and what as regards human life ? Nearly 400,000 people are engaged in man ufacturing American cotton only, and from three to four millions of human beings depend upon it and all its manu facture for their daily food. Yes, four millions of men, women and children Judge Longstreet- The Columbia Guardian reports a joy ful event in Columbia on reception of the glorious news from Georgia: In the evening bonfires were kindled in every ward of the city, and a num ber of buildings were illuminated.— At one of the bonfires a temporary stand was erected, and Judge Long- street introduced to the large crowd, by Mayor Boatwright This distin guished gentleman made one of his happiest efforts, his remarks frequently- drawing out the loud plaudits of the assembly. The judge, in openig his remarks, said that his position was pretty much like that ot a young law student in his office at Georgia. The student had addressed a young lady, who thought he was too precipitate, nnd told him that she knew nothing of his position or circumstances. The student informed her of his position, but said be had “no circumstances.” It was the case with the speaker. After having already, on three former and similar occasions, addressed his fellow- citizens of Columbia, there was noth ing left for him but to say—“he had no circumstances.” The Judge continued, however.— One of his illustrations was to this ef fect : In old times goods had to be hauled from the North to Georgia.— Some wagoners going home one night were startled by the sudden light from a large meteor, when one of them in the wagon put out his head, and said they need not be alarmed—“the moon had only broke loose.” The other States which had already seceded were bright and glorious stars, but this eve ning the moon had broke loose. Several other speeches weredelived, all congratulatory, and all welcoming the most ardent and affectionate terms the advent ot Georgia into the .Southern family of free and independ ent States. Now for Louisiana! Address of the Georgia Convention. Judge Nisbet, of Bibb, presented a report setting forth the reasons why Georgia seceded Irom the Union. The report was written by Hon. Robert Toombs. The people of Georgia having dis solved their political connection with the Government of the United States of America, present to her confeder ates, and the world, the causes which have led to the separation. For the last ten years, we have had numerous and serious causes of complaint against many of our nou-slaveholding confed erate States in reference to the subject of African slavery. They have en deavored to weaken our security—to disturb our domestic peace and tran quility—and persistently refused to comply with their express Constitution al obligations to us, in reference to that property, and by the use of their power in the Federal Government, have striven to deprive ns of our equal en joyment of the common Territories of of the South not at all. In the first years of the Republic, the navigating, commercial, and manufacturing in'er- ests of the North, began to seek profit and aggrandisement at the expense of the agricultural interests. Even the owners of fishing smacks sought and obtained bounties for pursuing their own business, which yet continue, and over half a million of dollars are now paid them annually out of the Treasu ry. The navigating interests begged for protection against foreign ship builders, and against competition in the coasting trade; Congress granted both requests, and by prohibitory acts gave an absolute monopoly of the bus iness to each of these interests, which they enjoy without diminution to this day. Not content with these great and unjust advantages, they have sought to throw the legitimate burthens of their business, as much as possible, upon the public. They have succeed ed in throwing the costs of lighthouses, buoys, and the maintenance of their seamen, upon the Treasury; and the Government now pays over two mil lions annually for the support of these objects. These interests, in connec tion with the commercial and manu facturing classes, have also succeeded, by means of sub ventions to mail steamers, and the reduction of postage, in relieving their business from the payment of about seven millions of dollars, annually, and throwing it upon the public treasury, under the name of postal deficiency. The manufacturing interest entered into the same struggle- early, and has clamored steadily for Government bounties and special fa vors. This interest was confined mainly to the eastern and middle non-slavc- holding States. Wielding those great States, it held great power and influ ence, and its demands were in full proportion to its power. The manu- Iacturers and miners wisely based their demands upon special facts and reas ons, rather than upon general princi ples, and thereby nullified much of the opposition of the opposing interests.— They pleaded in their favor the infancy of their business in this country, the scarcity of labor and capital, the hostile legislation of other countries towards them, the great necessity of their fa brics in time of war, and the necessity of high duties to pay the debt incurred in our war for independence. These reasons prevailed, and they received, for many years, enormous bounties by the general acquiesence of the whole country. But when these reasons ceased, they were no less clamorous for Government protection, but their clamors were less heeded. The coun try then put the principle of protection upon trial, and condemned it. After having enjoyed protection to the extent of from fifteen to two hundred per cent, upon their entire business for about thirty years, the act of 1846 was pass ed. It avoided sudden change, but the principle was settled, and free trade, low duties, and economy in public ex penditures was the verdict of the Amer ican public. The South and the North western States sustained this policy.— There was but small hope of its reversal —upon the direct issue none at all; all the Republic. This hostile policy of our confederates has been pursued with these classes saw this, and felt it, and every circumstance ol aggravation which could arouse the passions and excite (he hatred of our people, and has placed the two sections of the Un ion, for many years past, in the condi tion of virtual civil war. Our people, still attached to the Union from habit, and national traditions, and aversion to change, hoped that time, reason, and argument, would bring, if not redress, at least exemption from further insults, injuries, and dangers. Recent events have fully dissippated all such hopes, and demonstrated the necessity of sep aration. Our northern confederates, after a full and calm hearing of all the facts ; .after fair warning of our fixed purpose not to submit to the rule ot the authors of all their wrongs and injuries, have, by a large majority, committed the Government of the United States into their hands. The people of Geor gia. after an equally, full and fair, and ieliberate hearing ofthe case, have de clared, with equal firmness, that they shall not rule over them. A brief his tory of the rise, progress, and policy of anti-slavery, and of the political organ ization into whose hands the Adminis tration of the Federal Government has been committed, will fully justify the pronounced verdict of the people of Georgia. The party of Mr. Lincoln, called the Republican party, under its present name and organization, is of recent origin. It is admitted to be an anti-slavery party, while it attracts to it self, by its creed, the scattered advo cates ot exploded political heresies ; ot condemned theories m political econo my; the advocates of commercial res trictions, of protection, ot special priv ileges, of waste and corruption in the —not negroes, not Americans, but | ^ministration of governn ent—anti white people—English Scotch, and Irish—now happy, contented, and even prosperous, and adding largely every year to the national wealth, would be plunged into the lowest abyss of mise ry by the failure of the American cot ton supply, should this happen before some palliative or substitute is found. And we say it is impossible adequately to estimate the awful calamity of such a failure of supply. Why, fifty Glad stones rolled into one Chancellor of Exchequer would find it. difficult to make both ends meet. Talk of income tax, we should want one ot ten shillings in the pound, and with nothing coming in to assist realized property in pay ing it. This view of it is bad enough; but that of the immense mass of misery, suffering, frightful death and social confusion it would produce, is worse still, Passions would become inflamed, the maddened people would strike right and left in their fury ; imaginary- griev ances would be elevated to the first rank ol realities; and whatever else might be saved from the vortex, it is quite certain that all the industrial dis- slavery is its mission and i:s purpose By anti-slavery it is made a power in the State. The question of slavery was the greatest difficulty in the way of the formation of the Constitution.— While the subordination, and the polit ical and social inequality iff the African race, were fully conceded by all, it was plainly apparent that slavery would soon disappear from what are the non slaveholding States of the original thirteen. The opposition to slavery was then, as now, general in those States, and the Constitution was made with direct reference to that fact, B at a distinct Abolition party Was not formed in the United States for more than a half century after the Gov ernment went into operation. The main reason was, that the North, even if united, could not control both branch es of the Legislature during any portion of that time. Therefore, such an or ganization must bare resulted, either in utter failure, or the total overthrow of the Government. The material pros perity of the North'was greatly depen dent on the Federal Government—that cast about for new allies. The anti slavery sentiment of the North offered the best chance for success. An anti- slavery party must necessarily look to the North alone for support, but a united North was now strong enough to con trol the Government in all of its depart ments, aod a sectional party was there fore determined upon. Time, and issues upon slavery, were necessary to its completion and final triumph.— The feeling of anti slavery, which, it was well known, was very general among the people of the North, had Leen long dormant or passive. It needed only a question to arouse it in to aggressive activity. The question was before us. We had acquired large Territory by successful war with Mexico. Congress had to govern it How, in relation to slavery, was the question then demanding solution.— This state of facts gave form and shape to the anti-slavery sentiment through out the North; and the conflict began Northern anti-slavery men, of all parties, asserted the right to exclude slavery from this Territory by Congressional legislation, and demanded The prompt and efficient exercise of this power to that end. This insulting and uncon stitutional demand was met with great moderation and firmness by the South. W T e had shed our blood and payed our money for its acquisition—we demand ed a division of- it, on the line of the Missouri restriction, or an equal par ticipation in the whole of it. These propositions were relused.— The agitation became general, and the public danger great. The cause of the South was impregnable. The price of the acquisition was the blood and treasure of both sections—of all—and therefore, it blonged to all upon the principles of equality and justice. The Constitution delegates no power to Congress to exclude either party from its free enjoyment. Therefore, our right was good under the Constitution. Our rights were farther fortified by the practice of the government from earli er and better days. Slavery was for bidden in the country Northwest ofthe Ohio river, by what is called the ordi nance of 1787. ^ That ordinance was adopted under the old confederation, and by the assent of Virginia, who owned and ceded the country, and iherefore this case must stand on its own special circumstances. The Gov - emment of the United States claimed territory by virtue of the treaty of 1783 with Great Britain—acquired territory by cessions from Georgia and North Carolina—by treaty from France, anti by treaty from Spain. These acqusi- tions largely extended the original lim- of the Republic. In all of these ac quisitions the policy of the Government was uniform. It opened them to the settlement of all the citizens of all the States of the Union. They emigrated thither with their property of every kind (including slaves,)—all were equally protected by public authority in their persons and property, until the inhabi tants became sufficiently numerous, and otherwise capable of bearing the bur thens and performing the duties of self-government; when they were ad mitted into the Union upon equal terms with the other States, with whatever republican Constitution they might adopt for themselves. Under this equally just and benefi cent policy, law and order, stability- ami progress, power and prosperity," marked every step of progress of these new communities, until they entered as treat und prosperous common wealths into the sisterhood of Ameri can States. In 1820, the Norih endeavored to overturn this wise and successful poli cy, and demanded that the State of Missouri should not be admitted into the Union unless slit first prohibited slavery within her limits, by her Con stitution. Alter a bitter and protracted struggle, the North was defeated in her special object; but her policy aod po sition led to the adoption of a section in the law for the admission of Missou ri, prohibiting slavery in all that por tion of the territory acquired from France, lying North of 36 deg. 30 min. North latitude, and outside of Missouri. The venerable Madison, at the time of its adoption, declared it unconstitution al. Mr. Jefferson condemned the res triction, and foresaw its consequences, ar.d predicted that it would result in the dissolution of the Union. This pre diction is now history. The North de manded the application of the principle of the prohibition of slavery to all of the country acquired from Mexico, and all other parts ol the public domain, then, and in all future time. It was the announcement of her purpose to ap propriate to herself all the public do main then owned, and thereafter to be acquired, by the United States. The claim itself was less arrogant and insult ing than the reasons with which she supported it, that reason was her fixed purpose, to limit, reatrain and finally to abolish slavery in the tiate where it exists. The South, with great unani mity ; declared her purpose to resist the principle of prohibition to the last extremity. This particular question, in connection with a scries ol questions, affecting the same subject, was finally disposed of by the deteat of prohibito ry legislation. The Presidential election of 1852 resulted in the total overthrow of the advocates of restriction and their party friends. Immediately after this result, the anti-slavery portion of the defearted party resolved to unite all the elements in the North opposed to sla very and to stake their future political fortunes upon their hostility to slavery everywhere. This is the party te whom the people of the North have committed your government. They raised their standard in 1856, and, were barely defeated. They entered the Presidential contest again in 1860, and succeeded. The prohibition of slavery in the Teiritories, hostility to it everywhere, the equality of the white and black races, disregard of all Consti tutional guaranties in its favor were boldly proclaimed by its leaders and j applauded by its followers. With these principles on their banner, and these utterances on their lips, the majority of W " the people of the North demand that we shall receive them as our rulers. The prohibition ot slavery in the Territories is the cardinal principle of this organi zation. For forty years, this question has been considered and debated in the halls of Congress, before the people, by the press, and before the tribunals ol justice. The majority of the peo ple of the North, in 1860, decided it in their own favor. We refuse to sub mit to that judgment, and in vindica tion of our refusal, we offer the Con stitution of our country, and point to the total absence ot any express pow er to exclude us—we offer the practice of our Government for the first thirty years of its existence in complete refu tation ef the position that any such power is eithet necessary or proper to the execution of any other power in re lation lo the Territories. Wc offer the judgment of a large minority ot the people of the North, amounting to more than one-third, who united with the unanimous will of the Sojth, against this usurpation ; and finally, we offer the judgment of the Supreme Court of the United States, the highest judicial tribunal of our country, in our favor. This evidence ought to be conclusive, that we have never surrendered this right; the conduct of our adversaries £ is as if we had surrendered it—it is " time to resume it. The faithless con duct of our adversaries is not confiued r to such acts as might aggrandise them- •• selves in their section of the Union: they are content, if they can only in- jure us. The Constitution declares that persons charged with crimes in one State, and fleeing lo another, shall be delivered up on the demand ofthe Ex- ecujive authority of the State from which they may flee, to be tried in the junsdiction where the crime was com muted. It would appear difficult to employ language freer from ambiguity • ye t for f n b ® ‘ho non-slavebold- rasn5 f j 8, r 0nera Iy ' 1,avo wholly re. fused to deliver op to us persoas ch*r- ged with crimes affecting slave proper f- : ia c . onf ! edera *c9. with Punic fw!‘' shield and gtvo sanctuary to all cries- nals, who seek to deprive us ©ftbi» prope ty, or who use it to destroy ^ l bis clauso of the Constitution reqoirt* them to surrender fugitives from l*b«r- Republic,Congrew [“•I v,gar and effieiJnerto I*ut provtsion. Thi, ^ ct • '3 j ? i

Georgia Historic Newspapers

Southern banner. (Athens, Ga.) 1832-1872, February 06, 1861, Image 1