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VOLUME XXXI.
ROME, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY >IORNING, OCTOBER 4, 1876.
- -a ’ j
■'NEW SERIES-NO. 5
K 's OPEN LETTER.
,| Garfield, Member of
Ohio:
7-J the speech you sent me.
s !'4 f ,l and shocked. As the
mrtv to whom the can-
specially delegated the
the pending campaign you
j vour responsibilities
f-^nt way. 1 do not pre-
. af) distinguished a man
[ K it if 1 can prevent
-Icall extent, from abus-
-i'tc crtiiulty, it is my duty
;.j lW oiilv my great anx-
i .‘j„ ,|° e iriUern'a! relations
us fur many years, I
h r;nian i ule, and come at
jni.Mle of things.”
■ jack the origin of present
j- earliest immigrations at
-pti Jamestown, and profess
opposing doctrines then
afterward constantly cher-
\jisachusetts and Y irginia,
ir these ideas which now
hvriicr and Abolitionism the
7each other. The ideas
Ijin Massachusetts were, ac*
■*iour account, the freedom
‘ ; : v „f all races, and the right
tjlyverv man to exercise hts
: .t i i politics as well as
■in the other hand, you set
—coiieilaldv hostile tne doc-
i vir-ia. “that capital should
• that the nck'ro had no rights
■■i.ami that the white man
j.oifi and sell him and his
■irever. Following these as-
rthother.', and linking the
ri the long past, you employ
■v;.,f vour rhetoric to glorify
Abolitionists and to throw
e r. ,t merely on the Southern
;;on the whole Democracy of
i-le.rneil and philosophical,
vour speech a dignity
rab ive the reach of the ordi-
uasue. Happy is he who
sain- of things; felicitous
uian member of Congress
ip speech goes up the river
tee iirst fountains of good
But your contrast of histori-
l- open to one objection,
ate you in a form as simple
When I say that it is wholly
truth. This, of course,
amputation on your good
high character in the
swtli as the State, forbid- .. ..
it.-u «oum tie guilty ot will-
rgeseDtation.
aiSCElS NEW ENGLAND.
'.[-[..■uctiusetts, so far
,i,e right of private judg-
d and utterly extin^
y means so cruel that no
m humanity can think
:: now without disgust and
: 1 am surprised to find
lit of this. Did you never
"rightful persecutions they
ytltmatically against Bap-
ikers and Catholics ? How
imprisoned, laslied, muti-
Lf-i and banished every-
himed the right of free
3, v they stripped the most
•i inoffensive women, and
lipped them on their naked
■nr expressing their consci-
' lions? Have you never,
-i-ding, met with the story
'id-uns? For merely sug-
-o public authorities of the
person ought to be pun-
of his honest opin-
u ir.ver, into the woods and
"afterwards with a ferocity
-a own life and.that of his
‘tant danger. I n fact, the
"•■h laws against the free*
tseience and the unfeeling
tich they were executed,
'atisetts odious throughout
l: crimes of the Pilgrim
not to be cast up to thei
■ ;.-jhome ot their descend-
-asooj majority) are high-
yta honest men, sincerely
liberal institutions
more southern latitudes
->m. But if you are right
! y"? n that the Abolitionists
: Principles from the ideas
planted at Plymouth,
£" nt ^ or l ' le coarse and
^■^ay.trith which your party
, ‘■dimes, trampled upon the
,:te thought and free
querors was rot parauiont. Whenever
it was demonstrated, by actual experi
ment, that any people were too weak to
de defend the homes and tamilies against
an invader who visited them with fire and
sword, they migth lawfully be stripped of
their property, and ihey themselves, their
wives and their children, might justly be
held as slaves or sold into perpetual
bondage. That was the idea they planted
in their own soil, propagated among iheir
contemporaries, and transmitted to the
Abolition party of tne present day. You
have preached u.cd practise'! it in all your
dealings with the South. This absolute
domination is what you mean, if you
mean anything when you talk gbout the
“ precious results of the war.” If the
doctrine thus planted by the orgiral set
tlers in Massachusetts be true and if the
“precious fruits” of it, which you are
gathering with so much industry, be legiti
mate, it is a perfect justification of all the
slavery that ever existed on this continent.
Your great exemplars, from whom you
acknowledge that you have derived your
ideas of freedom, certainly thought, or
professed to think so, and they carried
it out to its logical cousequeuces. When
an African potentate chose to fight with
and subdue a wenk tribe, inside or out of
his own dominions, he sold the prisoners
whom he did not think proper to kill,
and the men of Massachusetts bought
them without a question of his title.
They kept them and Worked them to
death, or sold tnern again as their interest
prompted—for they held that the right of
domination resulting from the application
of brute force, was good in the hands of
all subsequent purchasers, however remote
from the original conqusitor.
Gk.
0
1
our*
li
“ T in Massachusetts.
1 m °re accurate
... - -m.,™ in your
ot the old Yankees plant-
7jV JI faedom and equali-
domination of one
e . r , Messrs. Palfrey and
4 something to the ef-
4'p' never existed in Mas-
(T„•°nhave been misled
v the >’ wore wholly
’i.i Pphject, or else they
■ °° se and lavish unve-
|;u. n.opminon fault among
t./ oiUlca l sect. Plymouth
r,„ i’mvince of Massachu-
i'm-slavery to the back-
l ! 'H'=| 0Uut t *“ 3 ' refer you
L’7 or J pf Slavery in Mas-
L t evidence (con-
Ktiv. .r cco f ds and docu
tj li u , e ? t i°ated) is pro-
14.“', w 'fi> a fulness and
rp n Dot be questioned —
,.i' 'n'SL'mts planted pre-
I lot , < ‘ tr ' ne which you
I'-v ,1' a mtstown colonists:
ri'lii 16 ^ l hat “the ne-
v- ' lL \ manhood; that
e tc r^otw’ r own “ d
H ..., JII =pnng forever."—
theoretically they
ffl'aan slavery, in its
>r 1 ‘i 0r ' 1 D ’ ,' m a perfect-
, . t on-i., tJeslral)le iustitu-
Siaj^nfwith Christian-
" 00(1 *t, and founded
jurisprudence.
HI tr Y? « au established
of nations that
„ 1 br , community or
!, b a , u ‘ a, fe war upon its
Ve nr ,i \ au| f vanquished
. eate n party had
I
THE MASSACHUSETTS SLAVE FRAUDS.
They esecuieJ this theory to its fullest
extent in their own wars with the Indians.
Without cause or provocation, and with
out notice or warning the fell upon the
Pequods, massacred many of them, and
made slaves of the survivors, without dis
tinction of age or sex. About seven
hundred, including many women and
children, were sent to the» West Iudies,
and were sold on public account, the pro
ceeds being put iu tne colonial treasury.
Eight score of these unfortunate people
escaped the butchery, by flight, and after
ward agreed to give themselves up on a
solemn promise of the authorities that
they should ueithei be put to death lior
enslaved. The promise was broken with
as little remorse as a modern Abolitionist
would violate his oath to support the
Constitutiou. The “ precious results of
the war,” were not to he lost by an honest
observance of their pledged faith, and
the victims of this iufauious treachery
were all of them shipped to the Barba-
does, and sold or “ swapped for Blacka
moors,” this prac’iee ot cii3laving their
captives was uniform, covered cases, in
cluded women a.-d children as well a3
fighting men. When death put King
Philip beyond tl eir reach, they sent his
wife and child with die res, to be sold into
slavery. The Indians make bad slaves
Thay 1 1 .'.OT escaped to
the forest and hail to- oo huoied down,
brought back and branded. They never
ceased to be sullen sud disobedient. The
Africans always, on the contrary, ac
cepted the “ situation,” were easily
domesticated, and bore the yoke without
murmuring. For that reason, it became
a settled rule of public and private econo
my in Massachusetts to exchange their
worthless Indians for valuable negroes,
cheating their Wesl India customers in
every trade. Perhaps it was here that
your party got the germ ot its honesty as
well as its humanity. They made war
for no other ohject than to supply them
selves with subjects for this fraudulent
traffic. In lt>43, Emanuel Downing the
foremost lawyer in the colony, and a
leader of commanding influence, as well
as high connections made a written argu
ment in favor of a war with the Narragan-
setts. He did not pretend that any wrong
been done, but a pious dread that Massa
chusetts wc-uld he held responsible for the
false religion of the Narragansetts. “I
doubt,” says he if it be nut synne in us.
having power in our hands, to sutler them
to mayntayne the worship of the devil,
which their pow-wowes doe.” This
tenderness of conscience is very charac
teristic of the party which got the “ germ
of its ideas” from that source. But go
a little further, and you will see with
pleasure how exactly you have copied
their doctrines. “ If,” s a y 3 he, “ upon a
just war, the Lord should deliver them
into our hand, we might easily have men,
wometi and children to exchange, for Moors
(negroes), which will be more gayneful
pilladge for us than we conceive, for I do
not see how we cau ihriv^ until we get into
a stock of slaves sufficient to do all our busi
ness.” This (except the spelling) might
come from an Abolition caucus to-day.
You will find Downing’3 letter in Moore,
page 10.
TANKEE HUMANITY.
They did get most of their Indians off,
and supplied themselves with negroes in
their place. The shameless inhuman! y
with which the blacks were used made
slavery in Massachusetts the ‘ sum ot all
villainy” In the letter of Downing,
already referred to, he says : “ You know
very well we shall maytayne twenty
Moors cheaper than one E "g‘ 18 k® s ®£
vant.” Think of reducing a West India
negro in that intensely cold climate to
the one-twentieth par. of the food and
clothing which a white menial was in the
habit of gening. They must have been
frozen and starved death ln f ^num
bers. When that happen wasbuttheloss
of an animal. The harboring of a slave
woman was, in 1646, pronounced by the
highest authority to be u.-= same mjury
as a lawful detontive of beast ^ j < 16,
Sewell, the chiet justice of tlm colony,
said negroes were rated with horses and
hogs. Dr. Belknap tells us that after
ward, when the stoex enlarged and the
market became dull, young -groes and
mulattoes were sometimes pvet, away
like puppies. This is ‘^d of free
dom, this the equality of ( , the
which you learned from the ancient
C °But S they taught you morethimthak
Their precept and example established
the slavery of white persons ^ well ^
Indians and negroes. As their , r ®“ 0 ^
less tyranny spared no age and n ,
so it made no distinction of color. Be-
sides the cargoes of white heretics which
were captured and shipped to them by
their brethren in England, they took
special delight in fastening , ^
on all who were suspected o. hetero
oxy. One instance is worthy of special
attention. Lawrence Southwick and
his wife were Quakers, and accused ^
the same time with many others
tending Quaker meeting, or syding
wfth Quakers” and “absenting them-
selves from the publick ordmance^
The Southwicks bad previously sutler
from this kind of persecution that they
could no longer work or pay any more
fines, and, therefore, the general court,
by solemn resolution, ordered them to
be banished on pain of death. Banish
ment, you will not fail to notice, was
in itself equivalent to a lingering death
if the parties were poor and feeble; for
it meant merely driving them into the
wilderness to starve with hunger and
cold. Southwich and his wife went out
and died very soon. But this is not all.
Thi6 unfortunate pair had two chil
dren, a boy and a girl, (Daniel and
Provided), who, having healthy con
stitutions, would bring a good price in
the slave market. The children were
taken from the parents and ordered to
be sold in the West Indies. It happen
ed however, that there was not a ship
master in any port of the colony who
would consent to become the agent of
their exportation and sale. The author
ities, being thus baulked in their views
of the main chance, were fain to be
satisfied in another way; they ordered
the girl to be whipped; she was lashed
accordingly, in company with several
other Quaker ladies, and then com
mitted to prison, to be further procee
ded against. History loses sight of her
there. No record shows whether they-
killed her or not.
This is one case out of a great many.
It is very interesting and instructive
when taken in connection with your
speech, for it shows the “germ of the
idea” which your party acted on when
it kidnapped and imprisoned men and
women by the thousands for believing
in American liberty as guaranteed by
the Constitution. The Quakers and
Baptists had no printed organs in that
day through which their private judg
ment could be expressed, else you
would no doubt have cases directly in
point to justify your forcible suppres
sion of two hundred and fifty newspa
pers.
A CHANGE OF LEADERS.
Enmity to the right of private judg
ment comes down to party of Plymouth
ideas by consistent and regular succession.
It is woven like a dirty stripe into the
warp and woof of their history. As soon
as they got possession of the Federal
Government under John Adams they
began to use it as an engine for the sup
pression of free thought. Their alien law
gave the President power to banish or im
prison, without trial, any foreigner whose
opinions might be obnoxious to his support
ers. Tueir sedition put every Democrat
ic speaker and writer under the heel of
the administration. Their stauding
army was used, as it now is, to crush out
their political opponents. If you come
into Eastern Pennsylvania, and particu
larly into the good county of Berks, you
will learn that the people there still think
with indignation of that old reign of terror
when Federal dragoons kidnapped, in
sulted and beat their fathers, chopped
down their “liberty poles,broke to
pieces the press of the Reading Eagle.
1 , i - A «... .. itemLeu editor in the
our domestic a Haim. This was uni
versally assented to as right and true.
No counter theory was set up. _ Differ
ence of construction there .might be,
but all admitted that when the line of
power was accurately drawn between
the Federal Government and State
sovereignty, the rights on one side were
as sacred as those on the other. But
within two or three years last past the
low demagogues of your party have got
to putting in their platforms the asser
tion that this is a nation, and not a
.confederation. .What do they mean?
What do you mean when you indorse
andreproduce.it? Do you deny that
: the States were sovereign before they
united ? Do you affirm that their sov
ereignty was wholly merged in the
federal Government when they assent-
d to the Constitution? Is the Tenth
intendment a mere delusion?^ Do
ou mean to
ercise of their constitutional rights. We
had disposed of slavery within our own
jurisdiction according to our sense of
sound policy and justice. But we had
made an express compact, with the
other States to leave the entire control
of their domestic affairs to themselves.
We kept our covenant, simply because
it would have been gross dishonesty to
break. The ablitionists took a’differ
ent’view, and refused to keep faith,
swore as solemnly as we did to
now, and never had, any n^itsiat beerve the terms of the bargain, but
except what are' conceded to them according to their code, it was asm not
- ”” M - to violate it The fact is true that we
j i M -rcucnuea eauor in
maiket-liouse. The same spirit broke out
again in the burning of nunneries and
churches under Maria Monk, and under
John Brown the whole country swarmed
ac ‘ with spies and kidnapjters. When you
abandoned the harlot and rallied to the
standard of the thief, jou changed your
leader without changing your principles.
THE YANKEE SLAVE CODE.
The slave code planted in Massachu
setts was the earliest iu America and the
most cruel in all its provisions. It was per
tinaciously adhered to for generations,
and never repented of, or formally re
pealed. It was gradually abandoned,
not because it was wrong, but solely be
cause it was found, after long experiment
to be unprofitable. Their plan of keep
ing twenty negroes as cheaply as one
white servant did not work well; for in
that climate a negro thus used would in
fallibly die before his labor paid what he
cost. They sold their stock whenever
they could, but emancipation was forbid
den by law, unless the owner gave security
to maintain the slave and prevent him from
becoming a public charge. To evade
this law, those who had old or infirm ne
groes encouraged them to bring suits for
their freedom, and then by sham demur
red, or other collusive arrangements, got
judgements against themselves that the
negroes were free, and always had been.
Females likely to increase the stock were
advertised to be sold “ for that fault
alone.” Young ones, because they were
not worth raising, were given away like
puppies of a super-abundant litter. In
this way domestic slavery by degrees got
loose in practice simply because it would
not pay—but the principle on which one
man may own another whom he subdues
by superior strength or cunning was never
abandoned, repudiated or denied. That
principle was cherished, preserved and
transmitted to you, their imitative and
loving disciples and you have applied it
wherever you could as tyranically as they
did.
xnE puritan’s “ IDEA OF WAR.
You say that “ war without an idea is
simply brutality.” I submit to your
judgment, as a Christian man, whether
war is redeemed of its brutality by such
ideas as you and your political associate
entertain of its purposes, objects and
consequences. In all your acts measures,
and by all your speeches and discussions,
you express the idea that the logic of
blows proves everything you choose to
assert; that a successful invasion of one
people by another has the effort of de
stroying all natural right to, and all legal
guarantees for, the life, liberty and prop
erty of the people so invaded and con
quered ; that after a trial by battle the
victor may enter up and execute
what judgement he pleases against
his adversary; that the crime which a
weak community are guilty of when they
attempt to defend their lives, their prop
erty and their families against invaders
who come upon them to kill, destroy and
subjugate them is so unpardonable that
the whole body of the offenders taken
collectively, and all individuals who par
take even passively of the sin, may justly
be devoted to death or such other punish
ment, by wholesale <»r retail, as the strong
power shall see proper to inflict; that the
conqueror, after the war is over may in
sist that the helpless and unarmed people,
whom he has prostrated, shall assist him
by not merely accepting, but adopting
(I use your own word) the measures in
tended to degrade and rob them, and thus
make himself master of their souls as
well as their bodies. All rtghtt of men
are resolved by this theory into the mights
rigOTr ed so much in their persons and estates
are resolved by
° f Iaver that this doctrine, in all its
lengtband breadth, is false and pernicious,
It is the foundation ou which all slavery
rests and the excuse for alj forms of ty
ranny. It has ho support in any sound
rule of public law, and has never been
acknowledged by wise or virtuous govern
ments in any .age since the advent of.
Christ. YoU can find no authority for iti'
except in the examples, of men whose
names are given over to universal execra- —. — .
tion. Mahomet asserted it when hd but all admitted that when the line
forced his ■ religion upon the snbjngati
East, when ’. churches were violently con
verted into -mosques, and the emblem el
Christianity was trampled under foot, to 1
be replaced by the badge of the impostor.
On the same principle Poland was parti
tioned, and Ireland plundered a dozen
times. The king of Dahomey acted upon
it when he sold his captives, and the men
of Massachusetts indorsed it when they
took them in exchange for captives of their
own. You and your confreres adopted it
as a part of your political creed when,
after the Soathern people were thorougnly
subdued, you denied them all rights of
freemen, tore up their eoeiety, abrogated
all laws which could protect them in per
son or property, broke-their local gov
ernments in pieces, and put them under
the domination of notorious thieves,
whom you forced them to accept as their
absolute masters.
These results of the war are no doubt
very precious. The right to traffic in
the flesh of Indians and negroes was
precious to the Yankee and the king of
Dahomey. That was the fruit of their
wars. But was it in either case legiti
mate? Your great reverence for the
founders of your political school in
Massachusetts, to say nothing ■ of your
respect for the authority of the African
princes, or your faith in the Koran,
will probably impel you to stand up in
favor of the “ideas” which you have
learned from them. But I think I cau
maintain the Christian law of liberty
in opposition to all your Mussulman
notions; for God is great, and Mahomet
is not his prophet
THE CANT OF THE PHARISEE.
It would be very unjust to deny that
a great many men, from the earliest
period of our history were sincerely^op
posed to African slavery, from motives
of religion, benevolence and humanity.
This sentiment was strong in the South
as well as the North, and by none was
it expressed with more fervor than by
Jefferson himself, the great apostle of
Democracy. But this concession can
hardly be made to the political aboli
tionists. As an almost universal rule,
the leaders of that sect were ribald infi
dels, and their conventicles teemed
with the most shacking blasphemy.
They were, by their own avowals, the
most cruel barbarians of any age. Ser
vile insurrection and ageneral butchery
of the Southern people was a part of
their programme from the beginning.
The leaders to whom they give their
highest admiration were the men whose
feet were the swiftest in running to
shed innoeeut blod. Seward woin their
affections in his early manhood by-
proposing measures from which he
promised that negroes should be inci
ted to “rise in blackest insurrection ”
xucy applauded jodu urown to tne - *
echo for a series of the basest murders
on record. They did «ot conceal their
hostility to the Federal and State Gov
ernments, nor deny their enmity to
all laws which protected the liberties
of white men. The Constitution stood
io their way. and they cursed it bitter
ly; the Bible was quoted against them,
and the reviled God Almighty.’him
self, I know that the mind of man like
his body, is fearfully and wonderfully’
made; I understand all the difficulties
of analyzing human passions, and I
admit we should not judge harshly of
motives; but how these heartless op
pressors of their own race could have
any care for the rights of the negro,
passes my comprehension. Unless
you can explain it otherwise, the judg
ment of history must inevitably be
against the sincerity of their anti-sla
very professions. In the present as
pect of the case, it seems impossible to
lelieve that the love of the negro was
not assumed as a mere excuse for en
slaving the white race, just as their an
cestors put on the pretense of piety to
gratify their appetite for the property
and blood of better people than them
selves. You must positively reconsid
er this subject before you undertake
again to present the Abolitionists to the
world in the respectable character of
fanatics. I think you will find that
the crew of the Mayflower brought
over and planted no “germ of an idea
which has flourished with more vigor
than their canting hypocrisy.
Here let me say again, that the vice
and wickedness of the Plymouth colo
nists are not to be visited on the heads
of their children, accordingly to the
flesh. Among them, in every part of
the country, are great statesmen, brave
soldiers, true servants of the Church,
and virtuous, patriotic Democrats, who
are no more responsible for the crimes
of their ancestors than_ a peaceable
Scotchman is for the raids and rob
beries which in past generations were
committed by his clan upon the Eng
lish border. But you acknowledge
that vou get your political ideas from
them—you boast that your party has
no doctrines of public law, and no no
tions of public duty which were not
planted at Plvmouth. Therefore, it is
not only proper, but necessary to
show what those doctrines and ideas
A FUNDAMENTAL LIE.
I pass now ter a Hater period. You
say that there were two radically dif
ferent theories about the nature of our
Government—“the North believing and
holding that we were a nation, the
South insisting that we were only a
confederation of sovereign States. It
is not true that any such theoretical
conflict ever existed between the sec
tions. That the Articles of Confedera
tion first, and the Constitution after
wards, united the States together for
certain purposes therein enumerated,
and thus made us a nation among na
tions, was never denied that I know
of by any party. But this national
character was given to the General Gov
ernment by sovereign States, who con
federated together for that purpose.
They bestowed certain powers on the
new political corpoiation then created,
and called it the United States of
America, and they expressly reserved
to themselves all the sovereign rights
not granted in the charter. Democrat
ic statesmen had no theory about it.
They saw their duty written down in
the fundamental law, they swore to
perform it, and they keDt their oaths.
They executed the powers of the Gen
eral Government in their whole con
stitutional vigor, for that, as Mr. Jeflfer- secession.
son said, was “the sheet-anchor of our ;tron agai_- — . -
neace at home and our safety abroad,-” the Abolitionists; we labored earnestly
and they carefully Iguarded the. lights to save Republican institutions from
of the States as the only security we destruction with which they were
; C ould have for a just administration of threatened by you; and as long as the
Southern people acted with ns, we
gratefully accepted their aid in the
good work.
Yonr averment that the. Democratic
party desired the aggrandizement of
slavery^.nd “yielded their consciences”
on that subject to the South, is grossly
unjust if you mean to charge them
with anything more than a willingness, both honses, declaring in the most ex-
to protect the Southern, as well as the plicit words that the war should be
Northern and Middle, States in the ex- conducted to preserve the Constitution,
and not to revolutionize it I give yon
here the words of the resolution itself
from the Congressional Globe, page
at the mercy of the “nation?” No
doubt this new article was inserted in
the creed of the abolitionists, because
they supposed it would give a sort of
plausibility to their violent _ interven
tion with the internal affairs of the
States. But it is so false, so shallow,
and so destitute of all respectable au
thority that it imposes upon nobody.
SECESSION A YANKEE PRODUCT.
As a part of this conflict of theories
and resulting from it, yon describe the
South as “insisting that each State had
a right at its own: discretion, to break
the Union, and constantly, threatening
secession, where the full rights of sla
very were not acknowledges.” In
fact and in truth secession, like slavery
was first planted in New England.
There it grew and flourished and spread
its branches far over the.land, long be
fore it was thought of in the South,
and long before “the full rights of sla
very” were called in question by any
body. The anti-Democrats of that re
gion, in former as well as in later times,
totally misunderstood the purposes for
which this Government was made.
The}’ regarded it as a mere commer
cial machine, by which they could
make much “gaynefull pilladge,” if al
lowed to run it their own wav. When
they were disappointed in this by cer
tain perfectly just and constitutional
regnlations of their trade, which the
common defence and . general welfare
made necessary, they immediately fell
to plotting the dismemberment of the
Union. Before 1807 they organized »
conspiracy with the British auch..riue>
in,Canada for the erection of New
England into a separate republic unde
British protection. (See Carey’s “Olive
Branch” and the Henry correspond
euce). Not long afterwards Joeiah
Quincy,-- Ahose fidelity to the part}
wliich elected him was never doubted,
formally announced in Congrts-- *»*«•
intention of hiS State to le ?l[ e .Vf 1 ’
Jon, i -pe-.tv.'-.«i,i > :r»ne cotilil, forcibly
if she must ” Their hatred of the Un
ion deepened, and their determination
to break it up grew fiercer, as the reso
lution of the Democrats to maintain
the independence of- the country be
came stronger. When the war of 1812
began they were virtually out of the
Union, and remained out during the
whole of that desperate struggle, not
only refusing all assistance to. carry it
on, but helping the enemy in every
possible way. It was while England
jad her tightest grasp on the throat of
the nation that the Hartford conven
tion was called to dismember it; and
this, Mr. Jefferson says, they would
have accomplished but for the battle of
New Orleans and the peace of Ghent
JolinJQuincy Adams in 1889, and Abra
ham Lincoln in 1847, made elaborate
arguments in favor of the legal right
of a State to go out The later Aboli
tionists did not attempt to conceal their
rancorous hostility to the Union. “ No
union with slave-holders,” was one of
their watchwords, and, down, to the
opening of the war, its destruction was
the avowed ohject of their machina
tions.
There is one conclusive proof of your
enmity to the Union, and that is your
unwavering opposition to the Constitu
tion which held the States together.
You know as well as I do how absurd
it is to suppose that any man or party
can support the Union, and. at the same
time trample on the Constitution; and
you certainly are not ignorant that you
and your predecessors, from the earitet
times, have been anti-constitutional in
all your proclivities. Contemptuous
disregard of constitutional obligations
is hot now the mere germ of a doctrine:
it is a part of your settled creed. Be
fore the war, and since, you have trod
den under foot every provision con
tained in the great charter of our liber
ties. 1 do not speak at random. I
challenge you to designate a single
constitutional right of the States, or of
individuals, which you have not, at
some time, or in some way, deliberate
ly violated, '
LAWLE3SLESS AND “ LOYALTY.
This contempt for the Constitution,
tins practical denial that an.oatiito
support iB sacred, implies a disregard
of all iaws, human and divine, and,
when adopted, it left nothing to guide
you except the propensities, evil- or
good, of your natural hearts. Many of
you, and notably you yourself, con
tracted no individual guilt, because you
were too proud for petty larceny, too
benevolent for large-handed robbery,
and too foil of kindness to break wan
tonly into the tabernacle of human
life. But generally the moral princi
ples of the ultra-Abolitionists (if they
ever had any) became so wholly per
verted that L .ey saw nothing wrong in
the worst offenses that could be com-
In their eyes, theft and murder not
only lost their felonious character, but
became meritorious, if the victims but
lived south of Mason and Dixon’s line.
When John Brown stole horses in the
peace of God and the' State of Missou
ri, he was taking his lawful booty;
when he sneaked into a quiet Virginia
village on a Sunday night, and assas
sinated defenseless citizens, he was
hero; and when he died a felon’s death
on the scaffold; to which be was justly
condemned, he became a martyr.
THE DEMOCRATS OP THE NORTH.
You persist in misunderstanding the
ante-bellum attitude of the Northern
Democracy. We stood steadfastly by
the Union against all attempts of the
New England: party to break it up by
’ - - Wo sustained the Constitu-
the ferocious assaults of
Boll Run made it plain that the war
could not be successfully carried on
unless it was upon principles consistent
with the uses of Christendom and the
safety of onr own institutions. There
fore, it was that, on the 22d of July,
1861, Congress, with almost perfect
unanimity, passed a resolution through
did not think it right to ent the throats,
shoot, or strangle the men or women
of the South for believing in negro
shivery; but that is no justification of
your assertion that we yielded your
consciences to them.
Again : You charge us (the.Northem
Democracy) with having given bad
advice to the Southern people. This
consisted, you say, in assnring them
that if they seceded, we would take
their part against any attempt to force
them back again into the Union. This
is a gross error, and you will see it
when I recall yonr attention to the
facts. In all onr exhortations to South
ern men against secession we were met
by the expression of their fear that the
Abolitionists intended in any event to
invade and slaughter them. Some
reason for this apprehension was given
by the fierce threats of yonr leading
men, and especially by your almost
universal admiration of Brown for his
raid into Virginia. Certain Democrats
(and very good men, too,) did then
declare that a lawless expedition,
intended for purposes of mere pillage,
could not and should not be started in
the North, without such opposition as
would effectually stop it But.thia was
before secession, and it was intended
to prevent that movement, not to en
courage it.
You cannot, with any show of jus
tice, deny that devotion to the Union
was one of the strongest feelings in the
heart of the Northern Democracy. We
ail always deprecated a separation
rom the Southern States with so much
irnestness that one of the opprobrious
pithets you bestowed on us was that
! “ Union savers.’* This was not a
uere sentiment of admiration or grati-
.ude to the great Southern men who
hail Sell us through the perils of the
Inti.rn, uuttled our institutions, and
iven our country tts bigh pi ce in the
stimation-rif'tbS'WbrTdF ' We felt all
his! but we felt much more. The
preservation of the Union was to us an
absolute necessity. It is indispensable
to the seenrity of our lives, our person
al linerty and our plainest rights of
property. How true this was at all
times, and especially in 1860, you will
see if you reflect a moment on onr sit-
nation at that time.
THE ADVENT OF RADICALISM.
The Abolitionists were coming into
power. I need not say by what combi
nation of imposture and accident they
got it. All the Northern States as well
as the Federal government fell into
their hands. No doubt their dislike of
Southern people was very great; but
Northern Democrats were objects of
their special malignity. Long before
that time, and ever since, this sentiment
has been expressed in words and acts
too plain to be misunderstood. You
show how strong it is in your own
heart when you tell Southern men (and
you do tell them so in this very speech)
that you honor them ten thousand
times more than Democrats of the
North. Remember, in addition to this,
that the leading Abolitionists acknowl
edged no law which stand in the way
of their interests or their passions.
Against anybody else the Constitution
tection. But they disregarded its lim
itations, and had no scruples about
swearing to support it with a predeter
mination to violate it. We had been
well warned by all the men best enti
tled to our confidence—particularly
and eloquently warned by Mr. Clay
and Mr. Webster—that if ever the Ab
olitionists got a hold upon the organized
physical force of the country they
would govern without law, scoff at the
authority of the courts, and throw
down all the defences of civil liberty.
But if the South had not seceded we
might have made a successful defense
of our Constitution though the powers
of the Government were in the hands
of its enemies. With the aid of the
Southern people, if they had been true
to their duty, we could have organized
an opposition so formidable in its mor
al ana political power that you would
scarcely have dared to assault us. No
wonder that we were “ Union savers,”
for to ns the Union meant personal lib
erty, free thought, an independent
press, habeas carpus, trial by jury, the
impartial administration of justice—all
those great legal institutions which our
forefathers had shed so much of blood
to build up.
The South deserted us at the crisis of
our fate, and left ns in our weakness to
to the mercy of the most unprincipled
tyrants that ever betrayed a public
trust. Secession was not mere folly
and madness; it was something much'
worse. We could not but feel that we
were deeply wronged. There was no
remedy for the dire calamities with
which we were threatened except in
bringing the seceded States back to
their places in the Union. Out convic
tions of legal duty, our exasperated
sense of injury and a proper care for
our best interests, all impelled us to
join the new administration in the use
of such force as might be found neces
sary to execute the laws in every part
of the country.
THE WAR OF THE PHARISEE.
But the Abolitionists wanted a war
for the destruction of the Union, for
the overthrow of the Constitution, for
the subversion of free government, and
for the subjugation of the whole coun
try that “higher law” which imposes no
restraint upon the rapacity and malice
of the ruling power. To sueh a war
the national conscience was opposed.
The soul of every respectable officer in
the army and navy revolted at it, and
every virtuons man in private felt it
to be an unspeakable outrage. To those
who doubted before, the disaster ;of
The foregoing nn fro for.MUier Wecklj
or Tri-Weekly. When pib&M in both papwt,
S» per oral. Additional upon tablo rateo.
223:
Resolved, That the present deplora
ble civil war has been forced upon the
country by the disunionists of the
Southern States, now in arms against
the constitutional Government, and in
arms around the capital; that in this
natinnal emergency, Congress, banish
ing all feeling of mere passion or re
sentment, wifi recollect only its duty to
the whole country; that this war is not
waged on their part in any spirit of op
pression, or for any purpose of con
quest or snbjugation, or purpose of
overthrowing or interfering with the
rights or established institutions of
those States, but to defend and main
tain the supremacy of the Constitution
and to preserve the Union with all the
dignity, equality and rights of the sev
eral States unimpaired, and that as
soon as these objects are accomplished
the war ought to cease.
Confiding in this assurance, Demo
crats from every Northern Staterushed
to the front by the hundred thousand;
the border States of the South gave in
their formal adhesion to the govern
ment; and our great military leaders
drew their swords with alacrity in sup
port of the free institutions to which
they had shown their fidelity so often
before.
With what base perfidy this solemn
; fledge was broken I need not tell you,
: or this speech shows that you know it
well. You expressly declare that so
far from sustaining the government
you revolutionized it Instead of a
war for the Union, you claim that it
put the States out of ti e Union, and
you had a right to keep them out as
long as you pleased, or admit them to
their places on any terms, however de
grading, which you choose to dictate.
Instead of restoring the supremacy of
the Constitution all your politicians
held, and so far as I know from their
public declaration still hold, that the
victoiy of the Federal forces abolished
the Constitution not only in the South
but in the North, and therefore they
were not bound to observe its limita
tions, either in their legislative, judicial
executive measure. Instead of bring-
gback the States with their rights
unimpaired,according to your promise,
vou rripplrd, enslaved, subjugated and
disfranchised them. Instead of osin*:
the war power for the just and lawful
purposes to which you were pledged,
you converted it into a black Republi
can job to put the rights of all the peo
ple permanently under the feet of an
unprincipled party.
I submit this part of the case to your
consideration. 1 ask you to say wheth
er you can find in the whole history of
the human race another instance of
similar perfidy on a scale so large. The
baseness of the Massachusetts authori
ties in selling the surrendered Pequods
into slavery after a solemti promise to
the contrary, was but the “germ of an
idea,” on which yon acted in the full
ness of its growth. Their act was in
its nature and character nearly as bad
as it could be; but only eight score of
heldless people suffered by it; the vic
tims of your treachery are counted by
millions.
THE CORRUPTION OF THE MARISEE.
The offenses which you are engaged
in committing upon the public treasu
ry are the natural sequence of your
crimes against popular liberty. Univer
sal experience proves that power usurp
ed will always be dishonestly used.
Seeing that the Abolitionists were led
by men whom no oath could hold . to
the Constitution, and whom no pledge
could bind to an observance of its prin
ciples, we had no right to expect a de-
of the country would have been a pro- ^ntregard for justice in their adminis-
lirn- .. ° #•.i ...i* i c — t Ja
tration of the national finances. I do
not mean that the masses of your party
were, or are now, destitute *f common
integrity. But that was over-ruled by
the political doctrines of their leaders.
Having once set aside the established
law of the land, they had no stand
ard by which they could measure
the moral conduct of themselves or
others, and they became incapable of
seeing the difference between right and
wrong in public affairs. The “higher
law” threw the reins loose on the neck
of all civil passions. It not only abro
gated the Constitution, but the Deca
logue as well, and the eighth com
mandment was nullified with the
rest
You have consequently made ours
the corruptest government on this side
of Constantinople. Perhaps you will
say this is a mere general assertion.
But I am ready to maintain the truth
of it against all opposers. You may
take the rotten monarchy in Europe,
go over its history for a hundred years,
and produce the worst act you can
find of fraudnlent spoliation upon its
people, and if I do not show something
worse committed here under the aus
pices of the party uow in power I will
give up the case.
In speaking of the Government—of
the officials who rule us for their plea
sure and plunder us for their personal
profit—and it is no answer to quote
Mr. Lord’s speech before the Senate on
the trial of Belknap. His eulogy was
on the virtue and intelligence of the
people, and he argued from that tlje
duty of their servants to behave with
integrity. He certainly did not mean
to whitewash the Administration. If
he had meant to do so he could not
have succeeded, for there was not
wash enough in his bucket to go over
the twenty-thousandth part of the
job. ...
While you were hunting for certifi
cates of character among the speeches of
the impeachment managers, why did
you overlook that of Mr. Hoar ? He
said in effect(for I cite him from
ory) that the one production in which
our county excels all others in the
world is corruption of Us government
There was the testimony,or^a. candid
witness belonging to your hwn party,
who knew whereof he affirmed and
spoke directly to the point
But itis useless to cite the evidence
of individuals upon great public facte
that are felt and seen and known of all
men. Nothing was more notorious
than the general disregard of all sound!
principle by this Administration. No
people on earth now suffering so much
from extravagant taxation, and no
where does so small a portion of the
taxes go to lejgitimate public purpi-s-*.
or so much to the rulers themselves liii!
the rings they chose to favor, indus
try is crushed as it never was befhre.
Labor no longer works for itself, .sinpc^,
all and more than all of its surplus
profits are exacted and consumed by
the hangers-on of the Governrotn’.
Now, although we call ourselves free
men or freedmen, we are, to alf intents
add purposes, slaves, so long as you
continue to make us hand over to you
the-earnings of our labor; for the es
sence of slavery.consists in compelling
one man, or class of men, to work for
another without equivalent. We are
determined to ’ relieve ourselves from
this intolerable bondage, as far as we
can legally and peaceably, and, if you
do not help us, yc-n must at least cease
to mock us by pretending to be an anti-
slavery naan upon prin ciple-.
a Pharisee’s bravado.
You tell us that the Republican party
“will punish its own rascals.” The
newspaper report of your sneech says
that this was’ greeted with laughter
from the Republican side of the Houso.
Certainly it sounds like the broadest of
jokes. If you meant it earnest, please
to say what you found this claim of
impartial justice upon. You will
hardly prove it by showing that Bris
tow and Wilson succeeded, with much
tribulation, in convicting certain man
ufacturers of crooked whisky, and
thereby got themselves turned out of
office. It is vain to deny that there is,
and has been, a general system of dis
honesty pervading all ranks of the civil
service, which, so far from being pun
ished, is protected, encouraged and re
warded by the highest authorities. You
have set your faces like a flint against
all investigations tending to expose
rascality. Proof of that,' if your own
denunciation of the present Congress
for pushing its inquiries into those re
gions where venality and corruption
might otheswise have dwelt in safety.
In all your Southern m easures you
have shown a positive abhorrence of
honest government. You forced into
all places of power men whose charac
ters were notoriously bad, and main
tained them while they perpetrated the
most shameless roberies. You re
sisted every effort ol the oppressed peo
ple to throw them off, and when tboso
efforts were successful in some of the
States, you mourned the fall of the
felons with sincere lamentation. Jnst
look'at the crew of godless wretches by
whom Louisiana has been almost deso
lated. In the face of a constitutional
interdict, your administration at Wash
ington repeatedly interfered to ehield
them from justice, and to uphold them
in the possession of power to which they
had no manner of legal claim. At this
moment they are preying upon the
prostrate people of the State under the
protection of Federal bayonets. Is that
what you call punishing your own ras-
cals ?
You may answer that the white people
of Louisiana, being conquered, are right
fully enslaved, according to the principle
planted at Plymouth, and therefore, it is
not for the like of them to invoke the pro
tection of law or justice. I,will therefore
call your attention to another case to
which Dahomeian rule does not apply,
and in which the failure of the Republi
can party to punish its own rascals has
been equally signal; I moan the frauds
of the Union Pacific Railroad Company
and the Credit Mobilier.
“ THE MOST UNKIND ESI CUT OF ALL.”’
You will pardon me. I am sure, lor re
ferring to this affair; you are the last man
upon whom I would make a peisonal
point, and I could not do it heie il I would
try; for the conviction I have often ex
pressed remains unchanged, that your in
tegrity was not stained by sueh connec
tion as you had with that busiuess. But
we both know that it was the most
gigantic fraud that the history of modern
times discloses. The magnitude of the
iniquity almost exceeds belief. The en
tire amount of the booty already taken
from the public and stowed away in the
pockets of the perpetrators cannot be less
than one hundred million dollars, and
every six months they 1 make - !! new de
mand, which is honored at tie Treasury
by an additional payment. I am told
that a late Attorney General counts one
hundred and eighty millions as the sum
which the United States will lose in solid
cash, directly taken out of the treasury.
I am not sure that this calculation is ac
curate, but it cannot be very far wrong,
and it is not equal to one-half.the whole
steal, for it does not include the value of
the road itself, nor the land grants, nor
the proceeds of the bonds to which the
United States was postponed,, nor the
equipment bonds. As this swindle was
the largest, so it was one of the most inex
cusably base. It was perpetrated at a
time when the nation was swamped with
debt, when the people were loaded with,
taxes, and when the most rigid economy
was imperatively required. All circum
stances, as well rs the direct evidence,
show that it was no sudden act, of
thoughtless imprudence, bat was willful
ly, deliberately and corruptly pre-ar
ranged and determined. There is noth
ing to mitigate it; you cannot defend it
even by waving the bloody shirt.
How did the Republican paity punish
its own rascals ? Not a hair on the head
of any rascal was touched. On the con
trary, they were promoted; honored and
advanced; the most gnilty of them are
now, as they were before, the very darl
ings of the party. Even that is not the.
worst These swindlers are periodically
swelling the colossal proportions of their
crime by tgking out of the treasury addi
tional millions which they claim as the
“ precious results” of their original fraud.
They have no better title to them than
the wolf has to the motion he slaughters
by moonlight. The legal remedy against
these exactions is so plain that ignorjsnce
alone could hardly miss it. But your of
ficers have found out the way not to do
it. They permit the government fio lie
down and be robbed semi,-annually, by a
corporation which Tildeir would long ago
have disarmed of its power, and whose
criminal abettors h$ would have swept
into the penitentiary by scores.
hayesism alias grantism.
I repeat that I do not blame you as an
active accomplice in this wickedness. -
B it you ought to have come out from the
evil and corrupt fellowship as soon as you
saw how evil and corrupt it was. You
owed it to yourself, your church aiid^our
i ountry to break off at once from political.
associates capable of such imiefcusibla
(Conclude/ oti fourth page.) ’