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changed for foreign productions. If on
-1? that part of the imports of New Or
leans, which is obtained from abroad in
exchange for cotton were taken into the
estimate, the aggregate imports of all the
staple growing States, like those of South
Carolina and Georgia, would no doubt
sink down to less than one seventh part
of their exports.
Such being the actual statc'of our for
etgn commerce, it deeply concerns our
welfare to enquire, in the first place,
whether it is a sound and natural condi
tion of this great interest? and if it be not
what are Our available means of placing it
to a natural and healthful condition?
That it is neither a natural nor a salu
tary condition, will be apparent front a I
few obvious considerations. Viewing the:
subject as one strictly of political econo
my—and in that light only arc we nowi
considering it—New York, Pennsylvania,
and Massachusetts are, for ail such pur-j
poses, to be regarded by the staple States!
as foreign communities; not less so than j
Great Britain and France. The bonds of j
our political Union, as confederated j
States, however they may bear upon other
aspects of the subject, have no bearing
whatever upon the question of national
wealth, as it relates to the several States..
The federal constitution, giving it the ut
most amplitude of construction, cannot
annihilate the intervening distance of a
thousand miles; nor has it annihilated the.
separate and independent political organ
zation ot the States. We cannot there
fore, regard the wealth [of New ork or
Pennsylvania, as the wealth ol South
Carolina or Georgia, or as contributing
towafils it upon any other principle than ,
that mutual dependance, happily existing
between commercial communities, which j
makes the prosperity}',©!’ the one condu
cive to that of the other, in proportion to
the extent of the exchanges of their re
spective productions. Every cotton plant-j
er must have perceived, that the price of
his staple depends more upon a prosper
ous condition of the trade of Manches-j
ter. than upon that of all the cities of the
United States, north of the ‘Potomac.
And, however it may shock the nerves]
of that false and mistaken philanthropy,
which sometimes assumes the guise of]
patriotism, we must he excused for ‘ : tun- |
Jessing” the homely virtue of preferring j
the prosperity of our’own respectivc'com- ]
inanities, thouglij derived from a direct]
trade with foreign countries, to that of
our Northern confederates, derived from
the same sources, but at our expense.
Applying these plain and obvious prin-j
ciples to the existing state of our com
mercial relations, it is apparent that the
profit made by the merchants of New
York and other Northern cities, upon the
exchange of our staples for foreign nici-j
chandize, is as effectually abstracted
from the wealth of the staple growing
States, as if those cities belonged to a
foreign jurisdiction. We are very far
from complaining of our fellow citizens
of the North, for reaping the golden har
vest which circumstances presented to
their enterprize. They deserve common- j
dation rather than complaint. Our pur-]
pose is to stimulate the enterprize of our
own merchants; to recover, by a fair and j
equal competition, the advantages they!
have lost: and to invoke the patronage of
our fellow citizens generally, to sustain:
them in such a competition, and such aj
competition only. We should ourselves i
furnish an example of that mock patriot-!
ism of which wc have spoken, and which 1
is too often used to disguise a selfish pur
pose, if we were to advise our fellow citi
zens to purchase from our own importing
merchants, when better bargains could be.
obtained from their Northern competitors.
Wc only ask a decided preference when
the terms are equal, and shall endeavor I
to show, in due time, that such terms can |
he afforded, with a liberal profit to our
importers.
We propose now to exhibit*a rough es- 1
timate of the animal loss of the exporting
States, bv the indirect course ot their
foreign trade; or, more accurately speak
ing, of the annual addition that would be
made to their wealth, by the establish
ment of a direct export and import trade
with foreign countries.
The excess of the exports of the
Southern and South-western States be
yond their imports was, in lS;»fj, sixty
millions of dollars. As the value of our
imports always exceeds that of our ex
ports, even when our importations are not
excessive, bv an amount equal to the in-,
creased value of our exports, in foreign
markets beyond our custom house as-;
sessment, and the estimated cost ot im-i
porting the merchandize obtained in ex
change, for them, it may le* safely assumed
that the Northern cities imported in the
year above stated, seventy-two millions ol
foreign merchandize, winch was purchas
ed by the staples of Southern aiul South
western States, and fairly constituted a
part of their foreign commerce. Esti
mating at 15 per. cent., the profits ot the
Northern merchants, and all the expenses
and risks incident to the transhipments
and transfers of an indirect instead of a
direct route to the seaports of the South
ern and South-western States, it follows
that the people of these States sustained
aloss_pf $10,800,000 in that year, by the
indirect course of their foreign com
merce. By the same process of reason
ing, we reach the conclusion that Geor
gia and South Carolina sustained a loss,
in t’ne same year, ol $3,000,000. In
coming to this result, however, it is as
sumed that foreign merchandize can be
imported as cheaply into our Southern
• j Atlantic cities, as into the cities of the
•[North. This assumption, however con
ijtrary to preconceived opinions, is believ
!led to rest upon the solid foundation of
! | undeniable facts. A great deal is jiabitu
i; ally said about the natural advantages of
t New York, as an importing city; and
these are taken for granted, without re
flection, from the mere fact of her great
commercial prosperity. But what are
these natural advantages?
She is, no doubt, from her position,
the natural emporium of the foreign com
merce of most of the New England and
j middle States, and by her magnificent
canal, she will continue to command the
trade of the North western States, until
|an equally or more magnificent channel
jof internal commerce shall supply the j
whole valley of the Mississippi with for
j eign merchandize, l>v a shorter and
! cheaper route, through the seaports of the j
| South. But the question still recurs,
where arc her natural advantages over the i
i cities of the South, or tlie Atlantic, or
j the Gulf of Mexico, for carrying on the
foreign commerce of the staple growing;
States? Does the Atlantic present a
smoother surface or safer navigation be
tween Liverpool and New York, than it
does between Liverpool and Charleston or
Savannah? Do merchant vessels enter I
the harbor of New York under more pro
pitious gales, or ride in it with more sate- ]
ty than in the harbor of Charleston?—
These question) are conclusively an-uer-
jed in the negative, bv the fact, known to
]every merchant who is practically ac
quainted with the subject, that freights
from Liverpool to Charleston or Savan-
I mill, are actually lower than from Liver
pool to New York. This is one of the
natural incidents of a direct trade. Ves
sels coming from Ltirope for cotton,
would of coup, c prefer bringing mer
chandize to a great cotton market, where
a direct exchange could he effected, than
to a city a thousand miles distant from
the market, involving the necessity of a
coastwise voyage, in addition to that
across the Atlantic. If, then, merchan
dize can be transported from Liverpool to
Charleston or Savannah, cheaper than to
New York, what other element in the cost
of importation, turns the scale in favor of
New York? Are house rents and the
general expenses of living, lower in New
York than:; in [Charleston or Savannah?
House rent is notoriously much higher in
New Yoik than in any of oar Southern
seaports; and if the concurrent testimony
of travellers is to be credited, the expen
ses of living there, and every species of
common labor, arc greatly beyond what
they are in Charleston or Savannah. It
is thus that the alleged natural advantag
es of New York, so far as relates to the
trade of the South, vanish, when exposed
to the test of scrutiny, and resolve them
selves into the mere beauties of a mag
nificent harbor.
(Remainder next week.)
Animal Magnetism. She was a fine!
strapping young woman enough, dressed half- i
ami-halt’ between a tine lady and a servant
maid; but as sly looking a baggage as you
could select from an assortment of gipsies;
and, unless her lace belied her, quite capable
of scratching a ,Cock-lane ghost. Indeed,
something came across nit: that 1 had seen her;
before; and if my memory don’t deceive, it!
was at some private theatricals contrary to
law. For certain she could keep her counte
nance: for if the outlandish figure of a doctor,
with his queer face, had postured, and p iwed,
mid poked towards me, with his lingers, for all
the world like the old game of “My grundmo-;
ther sends you a staff, and you’re neither to
smile nor to laugh,” as he did to her, l should ;
have hursted, to a dea l certainty, instead of
going off, ns she did, into an easy sleep. As
soon as she was sound, the count turned round
to me with his broken English—
“ Ladles and gentlemens,” says lie, “look
here at dis young maidens, Mi/./, (.’harlot Ann
Elizubet Martin,” —for that is his way of talk
inn-—“mid inv magneiismusos I tro her into
j von state of sombanibozluism,” —or something
!to that effect. “Alizz ('harlot Ami, don art a
i slip.”
] “As fast as a church. Mister Count,” says
! she. talking and hearing ns eusv as broad
| awake.
“Ferry gout.” says he. “Now i take dis
ho. k-Missis Glass Cokcry—an 1 I shall make
do maidens read soul little of him wid her
back. Here he is bytwoen tier shoulders.—
Mizz Chariot Ann whit you see now mit your
eves turned do w rung way forte leek!-”
“Why, 'then,” says she, “Mr. Count, J see
quite plain a T and an O. Then conus li,
an l O, and X,Jand TANARUS.; an 1 the »o.\i word is 11,
and A, and I, an 1 It.”
“Ferry gout,” cries the Count over again.
“Dat is to rest ile hare. Ladies and gentle
mens, you all here? A* Gott is my sluuigo, so
is hero in de boko. Now, den Miss ( harlot
Ann. vons more. Vot you test in your mouse?”
“Why, then. Master,” says Charlotte Ann.
i “ns sure as fate, 1 tide sweet herbs chopped
up snail!”
; ‘ - Very coot, indeed!—but what mer bysides
de sweet herrubs?”
“\V!iv,” says she, “it’s a'relish of salt, and
pepper, and mace—and let me see—there s a
flavor of current jelly.’’
“ Bcsscr and besser!” cries the Count. “La
dies and gentlemens, are not dose vondcrfools?
You shall see every wart of it in de print.
Alizz dim lot Ann, vot you feel now?”
“Lawk a mercy, Mister Count,” says she,
“there’s a sort of stuffy feel, so there is, in my
inside!”
“Yaw! like volt fool belly! Ferry goot!
Now, yon feel vot.-"’
“ Feel! Mister Count ?” says she, “why, I
don’t feel nothing at all—the stuffiness is
clean gone a wav!”
“Yaw, my child !” says he, “dat is bveause
I take avay de cokcry boke from your two
shoulders. Ladies and gentlemens, dcse is
: grand powers of rnagnetismus! Ach himinel!
I As Hamlet says, derc is mure in our philoso
i ties dan ilere is in de heaven or de earth! —
Our mutter Nature is so fond to hideer face!
But von adept, so as me, can lift up a whale!”
—[Hood. (Q,u ? lift up the veil.)
BRUNSWICK ADVOCATE.
THE ADVOCATE.
BRUNSWICK, (Ga.). MARCH 15, 1838
State Rights Ticket for Congress.
ELECTION FIRST MONDAY IN OCTOBER.
THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn.
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene.
i JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troupe.
WALTER T. COLQUITT, of Muscogee.
RICHARD W. HABERSHAM,of Habersham
EDWARD J. BLACK, of Scrivcn.
MARK A. COOPER, of Hall.
EUGENICS A NESBIT, of Bibb.
LOT WARREN, of Sumpter.
RESUMPTION OF SPECIE PAYMENTS.
In our paper of 4tli January last, vve express
ed the confident opinion that the resumption of
specie payments could not be delayed beyond
a date “late in the Spring or early in the Sum
mer.”
Since that time the largest Deposit Bank in
Boston, o{>crating with a capital of $750,000,
and with es much Government money as it
pleased has flailed, overwhelming in its ruin five
neighboring banks. Notwithstanding the com
mercial distress, and the embarrassment of
other hanks thus produced, wc are still happy
to be able to announce that such arrangements
have been made by the banks in New York,
Philadelphia and Boston, that it may be said to
be ascertained that the anniversary of the stop
page will he to the date of the resumption. i
On the 10th May next in all our large com
mercial cities specie payments will be resuin- (
ed, and if at that time vve cannot congratulate j
3
ourselves upon the recovery of a healthy cur-j
renev, wo shall at least be sure that vve have \
taken a first and decided step to return to one. \
it must he that there are many banks in North-!
' ern and Southwestern sections of the country
who will thus be forced to acknowledge their '•
im.-oundness. They cun neither meet their |
bills in specie, nor longer shelter themselves ]
under the plea that institutions of aeknowledg-!
ed capital and ability do not act upon a specie
basis.
Great distress may ensue to the commercial
connexions of these rotten institutions. But.
after vve shall have recovered from this last |
sad consequence of ill-judged and miserable 1
tampering with the currency, it will be our ;
own fault—that is, the fault of our own Gov- j
ernment —if vve do not again find ourselves on j
the high road to prosperity, from which vve j
were forced to deviate by a foolish partizan !
devotion to the opinions of one man—of a
iium too, confessedly ignorant upon nil sub
jects connected with finance and currency.
FROM WASHINGTON.
Latest, date from Washington, slh inst.!
The on! v news of great interest from thence re- ,
j * °
late to the Duel. The House of Representa
tives have appointed a Committee of Inquiry,
i who will do their work thoroughly, and have
shown the most laudable disposition to pro
tect themselves from a recurrence of murders i
,in their honorable body. It is a pity they
; could not have thought of it seriously before.
Each I louse has passed a frontier bill, some
what differing in its provisions from the other,
the object of which is, to prevent the petty in
vasions of the citizens of our borders, into the
, limits of Canada. In the Senate, the enquiry
| as to the charge of bribery against .Mr. Reg
gies, goes on; but the committee have as yet
' made no report. Mr. Strange of N. C. and
■ others in the Seriate, have spoken upon the
Sub-Treasury bill; but it is not as yet disposed
I of. Most of the time of Congress has been for
1 the last week of ourdates occupied in private
business, petitions, claims, &c. of no public in
terest
LATER FROM EUROPE.
The Cambridge, arrived at New York from I
Liverpool, brings dates fifteen days later than I
we had a week since. The packets might as
well remained the other side, for anv interest
ing news they have brought. Besides the
burning of the Lloyds’ and the Royal Ex
change, announced by us in another column,
the magnificent Italian Opera House at Paris,
iias been burned—and also the Winter
Palace of the Emperor Nicholas, at St. Peters
burg.
Money market in London easier.
Cotton as in all our ow n markets in Liver
pool dull.
There are no other news of interest, except
that remarkable fact, announced by an English
paper, that, for more than a month, there had
been no attempt upon the life of the King of
the French.
INTERNAL IAIPROVEAIEXTS IN NEW
YORK.
Annexed is an account of the cost of the
Public Works actually completed in New
York, and of those in progress and projected.
This statement cannot receive too much at
! tention from the people of Georgia or of any
j State about to embark largely in tiie judicious
and wealth-producing policy of Internal Im
provements. It is the voice of Experience and
! Success speaking loudly to all w ho would em
| ulute the prosperity of New York. It is now
: more than twenty years since the efforts of the
immortal Clinton induced that State to open
I and develop her resources by the magnificent
; and unrivalled project of the Erie Canal.
This it is, that lias now made a smiling garden
of the then howling wilderness of her western
counties. This it is, that his in some sort giv-
jen her a title to the proud name of the Em
-1 pire State:
Canals finished, cost $12,000,000
Gcnessee Valley and Black river
canals, will cost 6,200,000
Enlargement of the Erie canal,
say’at least 15,000,000
Loaned to Delaware and Hud
son Canal Company, 800,000
Loaned (authorized) to New
York and Erie Railroad, 3,000,000
$37,000,000
So much has been expended and
l authorized to be expended by
the State. In addition to
which are the following pri
vate works of improvement,
vizv
Delaware and Hudson
Canal, completed, 2,420,000
Railroads completed, 5,065,000
Private canals com
menced, 1,550,000
It’lroads commenc’d 10,000,000
Total, $62,035,000 j
Add railroads authorised 31,064,000
Grand total, $03,100,000]
The number of miles of canals and rail-}
roads completed, is D9s—miles commenced
1134—and authorized, 1704—showing a total
of 4833 miles.
That is twenty-one millions of dollars for
works now in course of construction by the
State, and, including the New York and Erie j
railroad, twenty-four millions—a total of lliir-1
ty-seven millions of dollars for works complet- j
ed and commenced by the Slate—a total of
sixty-two millions, completed and commenced j
by the State and by private companies—and a j
grand total of ninety-three millions of dollars!
for works completed, commenced and author-!
ized by the Stale and by private companies.
[Albany Argus.
Wc desire to return our best thanks to the
editor of the Darien Telegraph, for his courte
sy and attention in republishing our address to
the public. At the same time vve beg that he
will not take it amiss, that we withdraw alto
gether from any controversy with him, relating
to Darien or Brunswick. In this determination
vve anticipate the concurrence of the Tele-!
graph,as its editor can be no more ambitious!
than vve arc to enact the quarrel of the Eatan-!
svvillo Gazette and Independent, so forcibly]
and humorously, yet so truly described by the
inimitable Boz.
The reason we did not acknowledge the ru
mor announced in ours of the 22dult. that two
brigs laden to the depth of 12 feet, had been 1
detained ten days in the river at Darien, to be j
erroneous, was that, at the very time we re
ceived the contradiction of the Telegraph, we
were informed by a'gentleman of high respec
tability, lately from Darien, that the report,
originally published by us, was substantially
correct. Disclaiming all knowledge of the
matter ourselves, and not pretending to believe
the floating rumors of the day, we still incline
to the opinion that there was some foundation
in fact for this statement. llovv this can con
sist with the denial of the Telegraph, we can
not pretend to explain—for we will still main
tain the orthodox faith in which wo were edu
cated, that every thing printed in a newspaper is
true.
CHARGE OF BRIBERY
Against Mr. St nator Ruggles oj' Maine, i
We give below extracts from the affidavit
of Henry* C. Jones of Newark, which specify
the exact nature of the transaction in relation
to w hich the Senate are about institutin'? an i
I
enquiry. We learn from a personal aequain-
Lance of Mr. Jones that he is a man of standing I
and respectability and of unimpeached veraci- j
ty-
Onor about the 25th Jan. last past this j
deponent applied to the Hon. Henry L. ]
Ellsworth, Commissioner of the Patent j
Office, at the Patent Office in the city of]
Wash ington, and requested his opinion as!
to the sufficiency of the specification on
which his patent had been granted, and
was bv him referred to Dr. Jones ami Mr
Kellogg, whom lie found in a private a
partinent in the patent office, known as
the secret archives, and also a third per
son, then unknown to this deponent.
That this deponent then submitted his
patent and specification, to the three per
sons above mentioned, all of whom con-]
curred in declaring them to be insuffici
ent. This deponent thereupon inquired
for a competent person whom he could
procure to draw anew and correct speci
fication, when the person above alluded
to and who was then unknown to this de- 1
ponent, offered to draw anew specifica
tion lor the deponent, and on this depon
ent’s enquiring what would be his charge
for so doing, answered that “lie did not!
know, perhaps nothing; he would see
when it was done.” This deponent then
enquired for his address, and on its being
given, learned, to his surprise, that he
was the Hon. John Ruggles, U. S. Sena
tor from Alai no. This deponent by the
invitation of Mr Ruggles, called upon
him at bis lodgings on the evening of that
day, and also on the evenings ot the two
; succeeding days, and during those iuter
i views bad considerable conversation with
Mr Ruggl es respecting the Jock which
tliis deponent had invented, and for which
he was desirous to obtain anew patent. —
In the course of these conversations Mr
Ruggles spoke repeatedly and strongly of
the great difficulty of preparing specifica
tions correctly, and of the large number
of specifications that were incorrectly
made, and also observed that lie was
the framer of the present Patent Law,and
could therefore prepare specifications un
der it better than any other person. Dur
ing the conversation above named, this
deponent also expressed his desire to pro
j cure the adoption of his lock for mail
, bags, by the Post Office Department and
Mr Ruggles said he had considerable in
terest with the Post Office Department,
! and proposed to this deponent, that if this
i deponent would give him an interest in
I the profits arising from the manufacture
and sale of the locks, lie, (Mr R.) would
I use his influence to procure its adoption
by the department. Mr Ruggles at the
same time proposed that the assignment
of the interest in the lock should be made
in the name of (Mr Ruggles’) brother who
lived at Worcester, Massachusetts, and
requested this deponent not to let it be
known, that lie (.Mr R.) had an interest
in the lock, as if known, it might lessen
his influence in procuring it to be adopt
ed by the Post Office Department. This
deponent objected to making an assign
ment to Mr. Ruggles’ brother, without
having seen him, and Mr Ruggles subse
quently, in one of the Committee Rooms,
at the capitol, said that he would take the
assignment in his own name.
After this interview, Mr. Ruggles prepared
and tendered to Air. Jones a deed of covenant,
by which Mr. J. was to assign to the Hon.
Senator one fourth his patent right. In rela
tion to this Mr. Jones deposes as follows:
1 he deponent took the said paper, but
declined signing it at the time, saying
that lie wished opportunity to examine it.
.Mr Ruggles strongly urged deponent to
sign the said writing, saying, among oth
er tilings that he had discovered an im
provement ot the lock which lie would
communicate to this deponent, if he would
sign the same paper, hut this deponent
persisted in declining to sign it. In the
course of the conversation which then
took place, this deponent remarked that
he wished his lock to stand on its own
merits; to which Mr Ruggles replied—
“ I hings do not go down here on their
own merit, hut by pulling the right string,
and il you will make me interested, I will
pull the right string, otherwise I will have
nothing to do about it, unless you will
sign the paper before you go home.”—
I his deponent and Mr Ruggles then part
ed, Mr Ruggles taking with him the
specification and the old patent; the lat
ter, however, this deponent succeeded in
obtaining from him on the evening of the
same day, and having by tlie aid of real
friends procured anew specification to be
prepared by a competent person, succeed
ed at last in procuring anew patent,
without the friendly offices and assistance
ot the lion. John Ruggles, of Thornaston,
in file State of Alaine, and without sacri
ficing the quarter part of his earnings for
fourteen years to come.
IIENRY C. JONES.
Sworn to and subscribed the day and
year first above written, before me,
JACOB L. DOUGLASS,
Justice of the Peace.
How great a Fire a little Spark
kindi.eth. We extract from the National
Intelligencer, of the 17th ult. the report of the
debate—the result of which was the fatal du
el of the 23d. It will be interesting to all
readers as a correct report of a controversy
which cost a noble and high minded man his
life. It shows, too, after such a discussion in
which Mr. Wise had taken so active and bit
ter a part, the murderous impropriety, either of
Mr. Wise being appointed by Mr. Graves as
his second, or of his consenting to accept the
appointment. In fact, from Air. Wise’s own
showing in the statement, published with his
signature, Air. Graves was merely his proxy
in killing Mr. Cilley, while he stood by and
urged him on—refusing all honorable terms
of reconciliation; and in the rancor of his
heart, proposing at the third fire, that if that
was not effectual, the parties should be brought
nearer.
Air. Wise said, that “The Spy in Washing
ton” was an anonymous writer, and him he
should not now have to do with. The.charac
ter of the authority upon which the charge is
made is vouched for as respectable and au
thentic by the editor of the Courier and En
quirer, in whose paper it appears;' and the
House is called upon to defend its honor and
dignity against this charge. He should move,
j therefore, that a committee be appointed to in-
I vestigate that charge, and that thus this House
and the country may know whether it he true.
Here is an opportunity offered to the House to
show its willingness to investigate alleged
; abuses. For himself, he (Mr. W.) was not re
! sponsible for the truth of this accusation. lie
i hoped that it was false, and could not he prov
; ed. Ho believed that there was corruption
i and abuse, in many indirect forms, in the ad
ministration of this Government, but he could
not yet believe that any member of this House
: would offer to sell his honor and honesty for
gold. If this were indeed so, ho would adopt
i the sentiment lie had heard upon another oc
casion—Reform or Revolution? Liberty or
Death!
Mr. Wise concluded by sending the follow
ing resolution to the table:
Therefore, Resolved , That a select commit
i tee of members, with power to send for
! persons and papers, be appointed to inquire
[.into the r-h 'urc of corruption therein contain
i ed against a member of Congress; that as soon
j as the committee ascertain the name of the
j person accused, they give him notice to ap
; pear before them and attend such examination,
and that they report to this House.
! Air. Cilley said that this charge was very
vague, and made upon the authority of an
anonymous writer in the daily prints. The
{ charge, to entitle itself to the notice of the
House, should be under oath. He knew noth
ing of the Editor of the New York Courier
! and Enquirer, who vouches for the authority
t upon which this charge is made. It might be
! the same editor who once accused a certain in-
S stitution of buying up voters like cattle in the
j market, and had afterwards received facilities
from the same institution. The charge, such
as it appears before the House, is not worthy
.of ita notice. Let it be distinctly made
against an individual, under the solemnity of
jan oath, and then there would be a proper
time for considering and acting upon it He
hoped this House would not be made the are
na for Settling newspaper quarrels, and that
j the members of this House would not catch up
j every idle rumor, and bring it up upon that
floor for discussion. Every President of the
United States had successively been personal
, ly attacked in the papers of the clay—Wash-
I ington, Jefferson, Madison, and the two Ad
! ainscs; but the country, the People, had made
!up its verdict as to those charges for itself. It
j was giving to this attack too much importance;
! it did not deserve it, as it was clearly irres
ponsible. If the press does a person injustice,
the People will do him justice. He was'
! known to his neighbor, and, in th« end, if he
] be abused by the press unjustly, even the
press will be in his favor. He gloried in a
free press. Alen, even wrongly accused by it
: need not fear its operation, while they whom
it fairly criticises may derive benefit from it.
He said nothing against the press, nor would
he disparage it lie repeated that the au
thority upon which this charge now came be
fore the House was insufficient to warrant its
action; and he thought that the gentleman
movingtDs resolution would himself think so
upon reflection.
Air Cilley said that when he was up before
he had alluded to the charge now proposed to
be investigated as a mere newspaper para
graph, and that it seemed to be unworthy of
serious notice in its present form. He had al
so declared that it was an entirely novel case
to him, and that he would be willing to act,
in any mode, in reference to it, that the sense
of the House should indicate. The editor of
the Courier and Enquirer says that “the Spy
in Washington” is a respectable authority,
and the Spy says that his authority is another
respectable citizen. Now, that writer is here,
in Washington; why, if he knew of such a
flagrant outrage, and was so patriotic as to
wish it to bo investigated, did he not make the
charge to this House in his own proper name,
and in a specific manner? But now," because
he (Mr. C.) had stood up to defend the charac
ter of the House against this anonymous im
putation, he was to hear the basest charges in
sinuated against himself.
Air. Wise here asked if the gentleman
from Maine meant to say that he (Mr. W.)hud
made base charges in relation to himself?
Air. Cilley would explain. He did feel that
it was ungenerous for that gentleman to have
said that the presumption was rather that it
was he (Air. C.) than himself (Air. W.) to
whom this charge alluded.
Air. Wise had made no 'personal charge
against the gentleman from Maine, false or
true, none whatever. And lie again asked
that gentleman if he meant to say that he had
insinuated base charges against him?
Air. Ciiley repeated in substance jvhat; he
had before said.
Mr. W ise. Then the gentleman from
Maine designs deliberately to insult me?
Air. Cilley certainly did not: he had not
made any charge against the gentleman from
Virginia. He knew his rights and the rights
of his constituents on that floor.
Air. Wise understood, and did not under
stand the gentleman from Alaine, as disclaim
ing the charge that fie had made base charges
against tfiat gentleman.
Air. Cilley said that he had distinctly re
marked that the gentleman from Virgin
ia had said that he (Mr. C.) was more ob
noxious to the charge contained in the resolu
tion before the House, than he (Air. VV.) was;
and he could say no more. lie was in favor
of hearing the testimony of “the Spy in Wash
ington,” and of having him examined at the
bar of the House. He did not know that per
son. The gentleman from Virginia just re
marked that he had been informed of the
name of the member alluded to. Why not
disclose it ?
Air. Wise rose and said that he could never
again treat that gentleman with confidence
who could rise in his place and repeat to the
House what a member had said in private con
versation in his seat.
Air. Cilley had not intended to violate con
fidence. The gentleman from Virginia had
said openly in his seat that he knew the name
of the 'member meant
Mr. Wise. But it was in reply to an express
question of another member.
After some further explanation had taken
place between Mr. Cilley and Air. Wise, the
latter of whom made some remarks with re
gard to the difficulty of pursuing the investi
gation of charges against parties accused, on
account of the obstacles thrown in the way
by those connected with the dominant party.
We have given above the debate, of which
the deplorable result was the death of Air.
Cilley. We now present our readers with the
next stage of the proceedings which may be
seen from the subjoined note of Col. Webb:
Ga nsiiv’s Hotel, Washington, Feb. 21,1838.
To the Hon. Jonathan Ciiley:
Kir—ln the Washington Globe of the 12th
inst. you are reported to have said in the course
of the debate which took place in the House
of Representatives on that day growing out
of a publication made in the New York Courier
and Enquirer,—“He (you) knew nothing of
this editor: but if it was the same editor who
had once made grave charges against an In
stitution of this country, and afterwards was
said to have received facilities to tas amount
of some $52,000 from the same Institution,
and gave it his hearty support, he did not think
his charges were entitled to much credit in an
American Congress.”
I deem it my duty to apprize you, Sir, that
I am the Editor of the paper in which the lat
ter fromjthe “Spy in Washington” charging a
member of Congress with corruption, was
first published; and the object of this commu
nication is to inquire of you whether I am the
Editor to whom you alluded, and if so, to ask
the explanation which the character of your
remarks fenders necessary.
Very respectfully, your ObL Scr’t.
J. WATSON WEBB.
However much we may condemn the con
duct of the duel —and we do condemn it most
heartily—we concur in the following re
marks of the assistant editor of the Courier
and Enquirer in regard to Col. Webb’s posi
tion in this'aftair.
In the unfortunate occurrences which fol
lowed, no imputation can rest upon Colonel
Webb. Os his solicitude to prevent the
meeting, and his fixed determination to take
the place of Air. Graves ip the combat, it is
impossible to entertain a doubt. These facts
are established beyond cavil or discussion.
Such solicitude was natural—and whatever