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COMMUNICATION.
Ia these dull tim«Mt Mr. Editor, the casual
reader nay find a moment’s entertainment in
a glance at the times that have passed: the
time when we were a United People! When
base aspersions had anver.fceen uttered by the
longue of slander, or ineeribed by the pen of
the libeller against the South! When an inter
meddliag with Southern rights and Southern
interests 4«itol never been suggested, even by
the distempered and excited imagination of
the political demagogues, or the anarchy of
those momentous times, which filled the minds
of the humblest of mankind wi|h the loftiest
ideas of Liberty. I mean the time of
THE LIBERTY TIIFK.
At the time of the disturbances excited in
the American Colonies by the stamp act and a
trifling tariff on tea, a large Elm was used in
Boston, to hang obnoxious characters in effigy,
end to make known the intentions of the sons
of liberty, (as the patriots were called,) who
also held their meetings under it. The fol
lowing inscription was placed upon it—“ This
Tree was planted in the year 104(5, and prun
ed by order of the sons of Liberty, Feb. 14,
1760.” It was thenceforth called the Liberty
Tree , but in 1774, was cut down by the En
glish troops, by whom the town was occupied.
The example was imitated in other parts of
the country, most of the towns having their
Liberty Tree.
On the breaking out of the French Revo
lution' (1789,) the same emblem was adopted.
A Liberty Tree was planted by the Jacobins
in Paris, and many other cities followed the
example. The Lombardy Poplar was used)
but the French name of this tree, 7’ti i/ilier, af
fording matter of derision, oaks or iir trees
were afterwards used. Has the North forgot
ten these times? Hus it never occurred to the
seditious minds of J. Q. Adams and his asso
ciates, that we, too, planted a Liberty Tree,
and engraved upon every branch of it, u Con
stitution, which secures t® us certain rights,
and declares it treason to excite an insurrec
tion by word or letter among United States.
*f)oes tho North know, and knowing, will
they believe it, that this Tree has never boon
cut down by English Troops, as their tree was:
but that it flourished in perpetual verdure (for
it was the magnificent Laurel of the South,)
amidst the tempest that raged around, until
that tempest rolled hack on the stormy shores
of Europe, and never seemed to wither, until
the abolition entirts of the North, used Adams
and others, as Tools to hackle around it, that
it might tumble down and be demolished for
ever?
There is another Emblem, Mr. Editor, with
which some of our most pleasing associations
arc intimately connected, and from which an
instructive moral may be drawn. It is
THE LIBERTY CAP.
_ The right of coverinsr the head was, in ear
ly times, a mark of liberty. Stares always
went bare-headed, and one of the ceremonies
of emancipation was placing a cap on the head
by the former master. Thus the Cap or the
Hat became the symbol of liberty, and has
played a part in many Revolutions. The
Swiss owe their liberty to the hat w hich doss
ier ordered to be saluted as a mark of sub
mission. The arms of the United Swiss Can
ton have u round hat for a crest. In England,
the Blue Cap with a white border, and the in
scription Liberty, in letters of gold, was used
as a symbol of the constitutional liberty of
the nation, and Britannia sometimes bears it
on the point of her spear. The cap was used
in France, as the symbol of liberty, at the be
ginning of the Revolution (178i>); and its red
color was borrowed from that of the liberated
galley slaves of Marseilles, who went in great
numbers to Paris. The Jacobin Club of Par
is, afterwards made the red cap a badge of
membership, and it was therefore called the
Jacobin Cap.
It will strike your readers, Mr. Editor, as a
most remarkable coincident, that the very first
Cap of Liberty and Liberty Pole we read of
in Colonial History, was raised in Braintree,
Norfolk County, Massachusetts, the birth
place of John Adams, the second President of
these United States; the sire of this very apos
tate son, who now attempts to take off the cap
of Liberty his father helped to put on Free
men, and place it on their slaves, without their
consent. As well may we take his shipping
that brought them here, his factories that
clothe them, and his bank stock and merchan
dise that bought tfyem: lor these are merely
riches of the North* while uur Slaves and j
Lauds arc the riefie* qf the South, which w e i
possessed when we finrt planted our Liberty
Tree and put on our Liberty Cap, and sat
down in peace and harmony for half a centu
ry under its cadi, invigorating, comfortable
shade, and oo*»gning kmve, no recreant
son, no human hagd shall ever cut it down,
until this generation and tlie generations to
come have passed away. Then, and not till
then, will we yield our right to possess what
property we please.
Spirits of 1786 j arise from your mouldy sep
ultures, and SCTrirt:o»the w retches who would
plant the seeds of discord, to ruin our beauti
ful Tree of Liberty, and like the misseltoe, ’
sap its vegetation, that they may reap a \ ieioua
harvest!! GLYNN. ;
mGRAM— TO A WHISKERAhiDO. i
A man like thee Bcjiree eVy appeared;
• A plus like thine, where shall we find it?
fcurelv thos cherishcst thy beard
In hope? m hide thyself b-hind it
COL. PRESTON’S LETTER.
Columbia, September 3, 1838. 1
You say that “the Republican State J
Rights party” is in favor of an
dent Treasury: In* this it is utterly out of
my power to concur with them —I am op-'
posed to an Independent and in favor of|
a Dependent Treasury; dependent For its j
organization and control upon the law of 1
the land; dependent for its conduct and
administration upon agents as much re-1
moved as possible from executive control;;
dependent upon all the circumstances up
on which tlie general prosperity of the
country depends; dependent for its health j
and vigour upon the health and vigour of
the community; operated upon, intluenc-.
ed and controlled by all the great causes |
which affect the accumulation and dis
tribution of public wealth; dependent up
on the state of the country, and indicat
ing its condition with as delicate a sensi
tiveness as the thermometer does the state
of the atmosphere; dependent upon all the
great interests of Commerce and Agricul
ture; in a word, I would have the Federal
Treasury identical with and absolutely de
pendent upon the common destiny: sol
emnly believing that to put it on a dis
tinct footing, would tend more to consoli
| date the general government and seduce
it into despotism, than any measure that
| has ever been proposed.
“The '‘Republican State Rights party”
j is also in favor of a separation of govern
j incut from hanks. If by this, it is meant
that the Executive of the U. States should
;he deprived of all influence or control
I over these institutions, which might be
! abused for political and party purposes,
j I fully concur in such an opinion; for a
sad experience has admonished the coun
try that the party in power at all events is
i not to he trusted with the use of such iu
i rincnces; nor would I he unwilling to see
| the money of the government kept apart
i Irom the business ot the banks in such a
way ns not to he used for hanking pur
poses. If we could promise ourselves
that the expenditure ol (lie government,
and with it the revenue, could he reduc
ed to ail economical scale, no great injury
could result from either of these sources;
lor the lew millions ol government mo
| uey on hand at any one time, would not
!he .sufficient to confer much executive
■ patronage: nor would it disturb to any
great extent the ordinary hanking opera
tions. As, however, the appropriation of
thirty-nine millions of dollars at the last
session of Congress, notwithstanding the!
creation of a national debt for the pur-1
pose of raising the money, warns us that
as long as our present rulers are in power,!
j any reduction ol e\|. t niViture is i, l
hie, it would he desirable in the arrange
ment of the treasury to guard against the
mixing of th.i public funds with those of
the hanks, thereby authorizing the use of,
them, as so much hank capital.
# # # # #
1 cannot conceive of anything more;
preposterous and revolting, than that the.
Government should have one currency
and the Feople another. Until the pres
ent period ol intrepid speculations, such
a notion lias never been avowed, much I
less been aeted upon, in the whole histo-j
tory ol the world. .No Government, bar
barous or civilized, has ever pretended to
separate its currency from that of its cili-,
zens or subjects. Such a project would
lean been considered equally preposter
ous and dangerous, even in those times I
when Government was regarded as some
thing sell-existent, independent of the
People, belonging to a superior ami priv
ileged race, and having rights and inter
ests in opposition to those ot the commu
nity at large. What, then should be
thought ol it when Government is under
stood to he hut an emanation from the
People, and governors hut their serv
ants !
It is admitted on all hands, that there
; cannot he in this country an exclusive spe
; <*»o circulation.—Paper credit is our cur
rency, and its destruction is not the avow
-led purpose ot even the most infuriated
partisans of the new theories of finance.
; Their declared objects is to leave all the
vast moneyed transactions of society to
lie conducted by paper, while the Federal
Government is to protect itself bv the use
ot a peculiar medium, in which the citi
zens do not participate. Does the Gov
ernment withdraw itscll from the curren
cy of the country because it is not good
enough for it? Is the Government better
Ilian the People? Are its interests and
success more to he consulted than theirs?!
Is the Government to have one interest
and the People another? Shall the Gov
ernment prosper while the People sutler?
These are questions which ought to be j
answered. In mv opinion, the Govern
ment and the People should lie bound
ti|) in the same destiny for good or evil; ,
or if we must discriminate, save the coun
try and let the Government perish.
* A * « * „
ll the policy of exacting specie he |ust,
or any oi the arguments used to maintain
it be true, in regard to the general gov
ernment, they are equally applicable to
the State governments, and the experi
meut can he most safely tried upon them.—
Let the divorce, then, of Bank and State,
begin m the States, where tiie success
and phenomena of the experiment upon
the wealth ami property of the country
can he uiimiteh- watched.
* * ' * * ‘ #
You say that the gentlemen who you '
represent are opposed to the establishment !
of a National Bank. 1 concur with them*!
I bc.mve such an institution, underpres-eiiJf
BRUNSWICK ADVOCATE.
circumstances, iudspedient and impracti
cable; nor do I believe its establishment j
will ever be otherwise, unless the destruc
tive principles of the ruling party continue
so to harass the country that it will he driv
en to escape from anarchy at the risk of
despotism. In 1810, inexorable necessity
forced the Government upon the exercise
of this very doubtful power —a" necessity
superinduced by the events of the war.
No such necessity can again he created
hut by the folly or wickedness of a blind
infuriated party, which for the sins of the
country, at present controls its policy. —
There is not one of the gentlemen whom
you represent, Sir, who will do or suffer
more to arrest this disastrous career, and
: avert the necessity which may drive the
country upon a National Hank, than I; and
1 declare with perfect confidence, that if
. the Administration will pause in its mad
! carer of violence and ultraism — or if, what
is more probable, it he beaten down by the
sober intelligence of the country —there
, will be no National Rank established. If,
I on the contrary, they continue to insist up
i on their exaggerated theories, and ire not
rebuked by the moderation and practical
good sense of the people, a National Rank
[will he the inevitable consequence. To
| wards this institution the public mind is
( obviously impelled, by the efforts of those
; who would persuade us that the destiny of
j this great people and of their free institu
tions is reduced to the alternative of a .\ a
j tion.il Rank or an exclusive exaction of
I gold and silver. Ry this mode of stating
j the argument, all middle ground is exclud
ed. They present Scylla on the one
ham] and Charybdis on the other, and
I denying any passage between them, leave
us which of the two to choose.
i ****-**#.
The present Congress lias, hv a most
] decided vote, rejected both branches of
j this illusory alternative.* It has expressed
I its disapprobation of a.National Rank, and
j has most emphatically rejected the specie
j exacting Sub-Treasury. Indeed, this last
I measure has received its doom in the most
| decided way—it was rejected iu the Sen
late by a majority of fourteen. In Con-
I gross between the extra and regular ses
; sion, it lost in the Senate from a majority
I ill its favour to a majority of nine amiinst
j it; and in the House from a majority of
j seven in favor ot a postponement to a
! majority of fourteen for total rejection.—
1 he fate ol the Sub-Treasury without the
I specie exaction, was very different—it
| passed tin: Senate, and failed in the House
by a majority <>f hut four. Thus it is ap
parent that a Sub-Treasury with the re
ceipt of the hills of specie paying hanks
is a more favored measure than either of
> air'wHiAt bavu mo vj»> , 1 ,
insisted upon as our only alternatives. It
is a known tact that the hard money clause
and its advocates destroyed the Ind pend
ant Treasury; which, but for that feature
and its friends, would have been the law
ot the land; so that they are responsible
for the failure of a Sub Treasury system.
* * *= -;#*’*#
1 beg leave to assure you. Sir, and the
gentlemen you represent, of the perfect
coincidence of our opinions iu opposition
to the Federal party. For the sincerity
ot this avowal, my friends, and neighbors,
will give me implicit credit, when they re
member that I first came into their service
a State Rights politician, of the straight
est sect ot the Jefferson and Madison of
118, of the Win. 11. Crawford of 181(5, of
the John Taylor and Judge Smith school
ol 1822, and that, following out the prin
ciples of these men, 1 was a Xullitier of
1832, —without having aught to forget,
deny or explain, in my past history. Alv
career has been humble, but it has been
uniform. It it has not been signalized by
distinguished abilitv, it has not imposed
upon me the painful task of vindicating a
doubtful consistency. When, from the
honorable service of this district, the
kindness ot the State placed mo iu a
more extended sphere, it was, unquestion
ably, that I should act there upon the
principles which had gained fuor for me
here. My course required deliberation
to determine upon it. I found the Gener
al Government administered upon princi
ples Irom which even Hamilton or Pick
ering would have revolted, and in posses
sion ot a party autlaciouslv avowing doc
trines so anti-Repnblican as to procure
ior them the designation of '“the Royalist
party."
1 toiuul that party avowing and acting
upon the principles of the Proclamation
against South Carolina, and of the Force
Bill.
They had passed the* Tariff of 1828,
and had onposed the Compromise of
1833.
They had seized upon the deposites in
tiie Lnitcd States Rank, and held the pub
lic money against law.
They claimed for the President all ex
ecutive power, without reference to the
Constitution.
They avowed the principle that the
spoils of government belonged to the vic
tors in a party struggle, and boldly used
office and otlice holders to perpetuate their
power.
Their President openly employed all
the power ot the Government to appoint
his successor, and they expunged the
Constitution to perform an act of syco
phancy to him: the most guilty mid igno
minious act that has sullied our history.,
Such were the principles and practices
of the party in power—not only clnrac-j
terised by every quality which coed de-,
fine Federalism, but going beyond all
that the wildest enthusiast for a consoli-i
dated government had ever i.nn-med—
and there enormities were perpetuated in
■the name of Republicanism and Democ
racy!—which names they have recently
again desecrated in a hollow and hypo
critical address to the United States, full
of those professions which they made and
violated every year for the last ten. The
old federal party was honest, though mis
taken—the new party have acted upon,
while they denounced, their principles,
and used them to gratify the lust of mon
ey mid office.
I went into Congress in opposition to
this party. I stand iu opposition to it yet.
1 stand iu the same rank—shoulder to
shoulder with the same men now as in
1834—and driving the storm of opposi
tion against the same profligate party. I
trust and hope, sir, the Republican State
Rights party does not differ any wise from
the State Right Whig party, in stern un
compromising hostility to the present Ad
ministration; and, if so, I, for one, pledge
myself to he ready for an equal opposition
to any set of men who came in imitating
their practices or sharing their princi
ples.
In conclusion, Sir, I offer you this
toast:
i The Van Buren Party.—Let us never
forget the words of Air. Tazewell. “They
have deceived us once, that was their
: fault—if they deceive us again it will be
, ours.”
With many thanks, Sir, to those whom
you represent, for the honor done me, and
with the highest personal regard to you,
1 am, dear Sir, your obedient sevant,
VVM. C. PRESTON.
Trial of Slaves for Murder in Vir
cixiA. The Court of Oyer and Terminer .
; was held in the county of Bath, on the
'22nd August, for the trial of Andrew, l
Lucinda and Caroline, slaves belonging to
George Alaysc, Esq, who were charged’
with the murder of Margaret and Mary]
I Mayse, the daughters of Air. Mayse.— !
Nine Magistrates on the Bench.
The billowing evidence was introduced
in helialt ol the Prosecution:—Caroline,
the slave ot Air. Mayse, testified, that on
the 10th ot August, the two prisoners (An
drew and Lucinda) told her they would
show her a good blackberry patch that
evening, and Lucinda told her she must
bring Alary and M argaret Mayse with her,
and she would show them the blackberries.
: Whilst on her way to meet the children]
returning Irom school, she (Caroline) met]
! with Andrew, who told lit*r to make haste
I and bring tho children up to the Big Gate,
, and lie would show them the Wackberrics. ]
She went on and met the children, and
.took them on with her, up a short distance J
, Irom the unto- :i route different from licit
on which they had usually returned from
school. They met with Andrew and Lu
cinda— Amlrew leaning against the fence
on the side next the road, and Lucinda
, standing near him. The w itness then ask
ed Andrew, where the blackberry patch
j was. ![e made no reply, but seized Alary, !
and Lucinda, coming up, took hold of
Alary by the head, and stood behind her,
whilst Andrew stood on one side and cut
her throat w ith a now looking shoe knife.
I he poor little girl staggered around and
tell down—w hereupon the other little girl
Margaret started to run, but Andrew soon ,
caught her and brought her back—and
Lucinda held her, whilst Andrew cut her
throat in like manner. After the mur
ders, the prisoners got ofer the fence into]
the hushes—while the witness ran towards
the house; hut becoming exhausted, she!
i was compelled to stop, and Andrew pass
ed her, with his shirt sleeves rolled up,!
and went on to the well on t he opposite]
side ol the yard, and washed his hands
and arms. The witness declared that
she was prevented, by her (ears of being
murdered herself, from disclosing the .
event .to her mistress immediately upon
getting to the house. Lucinda is her
mother, and told her she would be hung if
she told any thing about it.
Wilmington, Sept. 11.
Sixty mills ok Staging savei>. —An-
other section oitxtd rro.v this knd
ok tiie Wilmington amj Raleigh Rail
Road. —The Wilmington and Raleigh
Rail Road Company have opened anoth
er section of their road, and the cars now
run (A.* miles) to the Dublin Depot; this
with S miles in use from Halifax to Wel
don makes the entire distance opened (>)3
miles. During -the 'first week in October,
we are officially assured, that the seetbn
between the Dublin depot and Fai»>u’s
will be travelled over: and by the Dth of
December, So miles at this end aid twen
ty at the other—making Toe efforts)
of this company to expedite hie traveller |
and to lessen his fatigue arc rapidly tel
ling, and deserve all commendation. That
a little community of /000 inhabitants’
should project and j?x cutc a continuous
line of Rail Road of 173 miles is worthy l
of the highest pr.se, and is without a
parallel.
77ie stages ordered sonic time ago hare
been received, and in October, a daily line
trill be ran f rom Wilmington to Halifax,
j and the tce/m boats between (his and
Charleston, four times per week.
The tide on Thursday night was two
feet ligher. at Wrightsville than an ater
age Spring tide, hut two feet lower than
'during the August gale in 1837.
Resumption. At a meeting of the
Presidents ot the Banks ol New Orleans
held on me Itttli inst. it was unanimous
ly resolved that the said Banks resume the.
payment of specie on the first Monday in
vtnmiry. ?S3‘J
GENERAL LAMAR.
- We make the following extract from a me
moir of Gen. M. B. Lamar, lately published in
the New York Spirit of the Times. Gen. La
mar is now without doubt President elect of
Texas:
| “On reaching the first years of man
| hood he exhibited three opposite phases of
] character, which are seldom combined iu
1 the same individual—a burning thirst for
j military glorv, and the most uncompromis
ing and enthusiastic politician in his State.
: The indulgence of the first was hardly
possible in a time of profound peace, and
jit effervesced in the meagre honors of
I some militia distinctions. Ilis love ol
literature and poesy was more easily in
dulged in,and many were his contributions
to the leading journals of the day, for
I which he obtained the meed of praise so
! grateful to the mind of youth. But it was
as a politician that he become most conspic
uous in Georgia. Having been for many
vears the confidential secretary of Gov.
Troup, he was deeply impressed with the
value of those lofty principles on all poli
tical subject w hich have rendered that dis
tinguished statesman the model and admi-
ration of his parly.
Thus imbued, he frequently represented
iiis fellow citizens in the State legislature,
and was among the most eloquent and ac
tive leaders of the State Rights Party.—
He was afterwards a candidate for Con
gress, on an independent ticket, running
in opposition to both parties, and had the
satisfaction, though defeated, of learning
how extensive was his personal popularity
throughout his native State. At this period
tlie subject of colonizing Texas began to
occupy the attention of Southern capi
talists, and the tide of emigration was just
beginning to move in that direction.—
With a view of inspecting the country and
learning its resources, Gen. Lamar employ
ed a year in traversing it in all directions,
and after encountering serious hardships,
and many most singular adventures, he re
turned to Georgia, was partially influential
iu inducing those adventurous spirits to
leave their native States who afterwards
were sacrificed in cold blood to the ruth
less vengeance of Santa Anna. On the
occurrence of this event Gen. Lamar, hith
erto a traveller only, joined the Texian
army as a volunteer, with the hope of a
vrnging his slaughtered friends and
countrymen. The day previous to tlie
battle of San Jacinto, Lamar, though
merely a private, distinguished hiuself in
an extraordinary feat of personal prowess
and daring in the presence of the army. —
Such was the effects of his manifestations
of courage and gallant bearing that, on
♦ho very eve of that most remarkable and
decisive battle, Lamar was demanded by
tiie acclamation of the soldiers, to com
mand the cavalry. The request was
granted by Gen. Houston, and the event
of that victory evinces tlie spirit and intre
pidity of those whose admiration he had
so fully won. The horse led the charge,
and in seventeen minutes the entire Alexi
cau army was routed, and dreadful was the
vengeance that day taken for the murders
nt Alamo. Subsequently, under Burnet’s
administration, Lamar was created Gener
al, and Secretary of War, and when the
Texian government went into operation
under tlie Constitution, lie was elected
Vice President of the Republic. This sit
uation he now holds, and is the most con
spicuous candidate for the next Presiden
cy, an office singularly enough limited to
tlie period of two years.”
When tlie Missouri question was agit
ating tlie Union from one extrernitv to the
other, as with an earthquake, and t’ie Union
of these States seemed to be held togeth
er hv a single hair, Mr. Van Boren’s
Resolutions in the Senate nt New-York,
were as follows: we call u/>on the citizens
of Georgia, to read then., and weigh the
claims of this man, for their support, for
the Presidency, and wliich this Democrat
ic address is put fifth, if possible, to se
cure.
i These are tb Resolutions:
j “The ('nns'itation of the United States
clearly give- Congress the right to require
! of the ne'i states, not comprised within
i the original boundaries ot' tlie United
i States, the prohibition of slavcrv, as a
condition of their admission into the
1 U'/ion. Therefore,
! “Resolved, 'That our Senators he in
structed to oppose the admission, as a
State, into this Union, of any Territory,
not comprized as aforesaid, without mak
ing the prohibition ot slavery therein, an
indispensable condition of admission.”
[Southern Recorder.
i Fxtiiaokuixaky Instance ok Memory.
The Louisville Journal of the oth inst.
says: —'Fhe Gubernatorial conflict in
Pennsylvania becomes more and more
j amusing. Fhe Porter men are getting
affidavits against Ritner, and the Ritner
. men are getting affidavits against Porter.
Just now the Ritneritcs are in the ascen
dant. 1 hey have an affidavit from one
‘‘Rebecca Beatty,” which the poor Porter
ites find it hard to match. The latter are®
■ astounded for the present, but possibly!
they may rally by and by. A portion of
Rebecca’s affidavit is in these words:
“I hod a daughter and a son by him
(» orter,) the latter is now a boatman, liv- ;
ing along as well as he can, for the truth,
is his I ithcr never gave him a cent to sup
port. bin in his life.
‘I now declare before the all-seeing!
God, that the children were both David R.
Porter s. It is now years since all this took
place, but still, 1 hare it fresh in my man - 1
1 - mackerel fishery.
j Our ‘oldest fishermen’ have never known
the season when fat mackerel were so
plenty about our shores as they have been
for a week or two past.
Mackerel. The fishermen have brought
in large fares the last week. The ves
sels that have cruised round the shores of
I the Cape, have taken from 100 to 150
.bids, during the last four weeks. The
I' essels in the Bay of I’undy are reported
doing well; those off Mt. Desert and the
eastern shore have taken very few fish.
[Yarmouth Register.
! We learned at Plymouth thaflgoat fish
ing had been very good business for the
last week or two, some individuals clear
ing 830 per day each. The mackerel
taken are of the best quality. The fleet
above mentioned bad been lying off Ply
mouth several days and must have had, it
I was thought, tolerablfe luck.—[Hingham
| Patriot.
( f, ,tov •‘Xcetown, Sept. o.—The macker
iel fisher.nen are doing well. It is estimat
ed that 3000 bbls. were taken in Bnrns
; table Bay on Friday last. One vessel took
I 70 bbls. that day.
Sun- Treasury Operation. We un
derstand that the citizens of the Chero
kee counties, have recently had an oppor
tunity of w itnessing and feeling the prac
tical operations of the Sub-Treasury sys
tem, iu a manner quite calculated to pre
possess them in its favor.—The troops
! which had been engaged in collecting the
] Indians for removal, having been disband
ed earlier than was anticipated, it became
] necessary to sell the corn and bacon, and
I other provisions which had been procur
ed lor their use by the Government offic
ers. The sales, says the Southern Whig,
| “were duly advertised—but lo and behold!
when the goods were placed under the
j hammer, the wonderous workings of the
j Sub-Treasury system (which Mr. Cam
jbreling declares is now in successful op
eration,) would not suffer any tiling but
Treasury notes or specie to be received
in payment for them. The consequence
was, that the goods sold brought about
one fourth, and in many instances not one
] tenth oftheir real value, and were bid in by
■ government agents and favorites, who sold
; them to the citizens at enormous profits,
for the very money which tho government
officers had but the day before paid to the
people, and were then paying to the peo
ple for all contracts with them. And vet
■ this is an administration which finds zeal
! ous supporters in Georgia, and among
] those too who witnessed this most stupend
ous fraud, not only upon the government,
lmt likewise upon the people in that sec
[ tion of the State. There were large quati
, tities of good bacon sold for 4 to j cents
, per lb., which commanded forthwith from
tlie citizens three times the amount; while
[ corn, for which the Government paid one
dollar and fifty cents per bushel, was sold
in many instances for one fourth the sum,
which was bid in by those favorites who
could procure the Treasury notes or spe
] cie, and instantly sold to the people for
! the money which the Government had
] paid its debts with, at prices three or four
1 times as great.” —[Augusta Chronicle.
Facts, Facts. By the Report of tlie
; Charleston and Hamburg Rail Road Com
pany, we perceive that since the first of
January last, and up to the first of July,
die number of passengers passing and re
passing, is '23,008 —number of bales cot
ton, 17.972!! The whole amount realiz
ed during those six mouths on passengers,
freight, &c. 8104,231!! During the
last year, 34,395 bales passed over this
road! And yet we are told by the en
emies of Internal Improvements that a
Rail Road can never be adapted to the
transportation of Cotton! If this road, ly
ing almost parallel with the Savannah
river, can divert such an amount of Cot-
ton —the distance being as ONE MILE
to THREE—is it not reasonable to an
ticipate that the Brunswick Road will
meet with equal if not greater success,
when the distance is as one to four? and
the risks by the circuitous route incom
parably greater? [Columbus Enquirer.
Yankee Shrewdness—Coming it
over tiie fifteen GALLON law. — We un
derstand that previous to the Division
Alusier at Dedham, a shrewd one hit upon
the following novel expedient to evade the
license law. lie made application to the
Selectmen for a license to exhibit a
striped pig during the parade day, which
' was graitte'd. He accordingly procured a
pig, and with a brush painted some stripes
on his back, and liail a tent erected on the
field, with due notice on the exterior, that
a striped pig was to be seen within; price
of admision six and a quarter cents. The
rate being so low, numerous visitors were
induced to call upon his swinish majesty,
and every one on coming out appeared
highly gratified with the kind and courte
ous reception he met with from the keep
er of the remarkable pig, for eacli coiner
was treated to a glass of brandy and wa
ter, or gin, or, whatever liquor he might
prefer, without any extra charge. Some
were so well pleased, that they were in
duced to takerti second look at the animal,
and were as kindly and liberally treated as
at their first visit. At the last accounts the
exhibition was driving a brisk business,
and was likely to make a profitable day’s
job in exhibiting his “stripedpig.”—[Bos
ton Sentinel.