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MUSES RETREAT.
ANAVAL S O ]VJ G,
By David Humphreys, ef quire , minister
plenipotentiary of the United States at the
court of S/ain.
I.
CjrAILY lads • our friencta we're leaving,
Honor calls us to the main :
Sweethearts! what’s the life of grieving,
We but part to meet again.
11.
Soon aveng’d our country’s quarrels,
What delicious joys we’ll prove,
Sweet reposing, crown’d with laurels,
In the arn.s of those we love.
111.
Love of country, love of glory,
From our mother’s breasts we drew,
Our forefathers fam’d in story,
Give the great example too.
IV.
Hail Columbia’s hardy fearnen,
Bravely bred on boift’rous waves—
Faithful to ourlelves as freemen,
Not the world can make us Haves.
V.
“ Arm our floating tow’rs of timber”—
Congrcfs bids—each pulse beats higher,
Shew the world our joints are limber,
Nerves of Heel and fouls of fire.
VI.
Now our breasts with ardor glowing,
Feel our bold forefathers’ flame;
Thro’ our veins their pure blood flowing,
Can our deeds disgrace their name?
VII.
Hade then seize each plund’ring corsair,
Where the waves insulted roll,
Trade protect in cv’ry quarter,
From the Tropic to the Pole.
VIII.
Thence to the wide world’s wonder,
Matters of the mighty deep,
While we guard our coast with thunder,
Ye at home may fafely deep.
* IX.
Let us live a band of brothers,
Whether on the land or sea ;
’Tis our strength and not another’s,
That would make or keep us free.
X.
Never fearing foes or weather,
Union being still our boatt,
Free we’ll live or die together—
“ Union,” boys! in bumpers toast.
EPIGRAM.
AS TLb with lYienJ Jack fat over their glass;
They talked of their loves and amours,
Bob, “ I'm in love with a beautiful lass,
“ Who’s coijucttiih and well knows her powers.
But here hes the devil,” adds lie with long face,
“ Which makes my heart olten full fore ;
“ I've at least twenty rivals, and am in disgrace,
41 And perhaps theic may come twenty more.”
“ Oh 1 be notdifmay’J, tho' there be such profufion
44 Os rivals,” fays Jack, you’ll be firrt ;
“ For when e’er a girl has so m iny to choose on,
44 She generally chooses the woilk.”
ANECDOTE S.
Mr. FOX, on his late canvass, having
accofled a tradesman, whom he solicited
for his vote: the blunt eleftor replied— 4 /
cannot five you my supper t\ I admire your abi
lities, but d—n your principles ! Mr. Fox in
ttantly retorted— My friend, 1 applaud your
Jtacerity , but d—n your manners.
THE Revd. Mr. B r, a man of con
fulerable humour accompanied with great
formality of manners, in a convivial par
ty, where the late lord Kelly fat at the head
of the table, was alked to ling, but would
not comply with the prefling folicitatioh
of the company. At last Lord Kcllv said,
% mutt either sing a lbn*, tell a ftorv, or
drink a pint bumper. Mr. B r being
r,n abflemious man, rather choose to tell a
•story than to pay the forfeit. 44 One day,”
find lie, in his pompous manner, 44 a gen
tleman, bv prqfeffion a thief, in the courfc
of his round, saw a church door invitingly
open; he walked in, thinking that even
there he might find something ufeful; hav
ing fc cured the pulpit cloth, he was re
treating* when 10, he found the door flint.
He took the only means left for his eleape;
he let himfclf down by the bell roue; the
be.l of courie rang, the people were alarm
ed and the thief caught. As thev were
dragging him away, he looked up empha
tica.lv addressing the bell, as l now addrcls
your lordflijp, •« had it not been, fa id he,
lor your long toßgue and emptv head, I
iud made mv clcape.”
7*" V A R I S, July 17.
TALLEY RAND'S DEFENCE.
Citizen Talleyrand has just pub
iifiled a vindication of his conduct, in an
swer to the adulations preferred against
him in several pamphlets and journals:—
He begins with remarking, that all his ac
cusers are themfeives ex-priests or ex-no
bles, and, even princes or foreigners, who
having firft introduced themfdves to no
tice with cunning and dexterity, soon as
sumed, with audacity, the privilege of in
ttru£fing us how we fliould be free in our
own country.
“ What then,” continues Talleyrand,
“Do these men urge, who are not French
men, whose integrity they have succeeded
in corrupting r That I have been one ol
the Conttituent Airemblv ? Yes, I was ful
ly convinced that they could never forgive
those whose names are illuftrioue among
the founders of liberty. I was fully con
vinced that men who had never experien
ced the firft sallies of the French people,
in 1789, who indulged in fhameful raille
ry on the fublimeenthufiafm of the nation,
and who, unable toprevent the revolution,
exerted themfeives to render it odious,
were in secret enraged against the aflem
bly which firft proclaimed the declaration
of the rights of man, and were more fa
vorable to the anti-revolutionary part ol
that aflembly than to the part which pro
duced the revolution. But I was ignorant
that they could carry their audacity so far
as publicly, and without any mark, to re
proach a citizen with having been a mem
ber of the Conttituent Aflembly.
“ In the present agitation of the public
mind three suppositions are alone poliible.
The republic will consolidate its strength
in the midst of so many events ; we lhall
be overwhelmed in the confufion and de
ftru&ion of every kind of authority; or
royalty will be restored to oppress us with
increased fury ami tyranny. Every other
supposition is to me a chimera, and I have
unquestionably given fufticient pledges of
my zeal against the two last systems. The
fate allotted to me by both the one and the
other of them, isfulficiently known, as well
as thekind of preference which they would
grant to me. It has been a thousand times
demonstrated, that I can have no other de
sire but that of consolidating the power
and eflablifiling the glory of the republic.
I did no!, indeed, expeA, I confefs, to be
reduced to the neceflity of proving, in the
7th year of the republic, that I am not an
emigrant. A proof rendered unnecelfiry
by the unanimous declaration of the Na
tional Convention, which ordered my
name to be erased from all lifts of emi
grants, and repealed at the fame time, the
decree of accusation which had been
brought against me.
“ But it is asked by my accusers, What
are the motives which caused the Nation
al Convention to erase the name of Talley
rand ? The arifwer, however is Ample, and
undoubtedly decisive. I was sent to Lon
don, for the second time, by the provision
al executive council, on the 7th of Sep
tember, 1792. I have in my poflfeflion
the original pa Apart delivered to me by
the council, and which is signed by fix of
its members, Lebrun, Danton, Servan,
Cla viere, Roland, and Monge. It was
transmitted to the convention, when it
thought proper to take my case into con
sideration, and I will produce it to any
person desirous of feeing it.”
Talleyrand denies that he wore the white
cockade in America and at Hamburg, and
appeals to the testimony of the envoy and
oonful at that city.
With refpeft to the reproach of having
lufFered the new coalition to be formed,
he vindicates himfdf by quoting his opin
ion, which was decidedly given in favour
of an honorable peace, and makes the fol
lowing observations: 44 when it is con
sidered that those who dare to accuse me
of wiftting for the continuance of war are
the very persons who stirred up the fire of
difeord, invoked with the mod ardent
prayers all the fury of war, were eager to
excite revolutionary movements in every
part of the world, abused every power in
the moil insulting and impolite maimer,
threw obstacles in the way of every nego
ciation, and propagated in the public jour
nals the aflertion so fatal to the tranquility
of Europe, that republics and kings, are
neceflarily in a state of hostility—when it
is considered that I have been conftuntlv
engaged in repairing the mifehiefs produ
ced by so many inconsistencies and follies,
and in claiming the apprehensions of the
envoys of neutral and amicable powers,
every one mail be struck with aftonilh
ment that these men rtiould accuse me of
co-operating in producing the coalition,
and that they lhould themfeives be igno
ranton how many accounts the accula ion
applies to their own conduct. I have alio,
in a detail which has been noticed bv the
legislative body, pointed out the principal
and more immediate causes of the coali
tion, and I may be allowed to cbferve,
that my observations have been received
by the national reprefen tat ion, with a de
gree of interett which it only confers on
acknowledged precificn and truth.
“ It is known that Austria, even from
the figningof the treaty of Campo Formio,
however favorable that treaty might have
been to it, having recovered from the ter
ror inspired by our arms, began to medi
tate projects of greater ambition; that it
was then encouraged by England and Rus
sia ; that the events in Rome and Switzer
land became new motives and pretences
for its actions; and that it fought every
where, from that time, for a few allies,
whtch it did not find difficult to obtain, in
conftquence of the principles of the re
presentative system which (truck at all ar
;ftocratic establishments, or by the natural
effeCt of the oppreflions exercised bv fume
of the French agents, unworthy of that
name, even in friendly countries, or prin
cipally in consequence of the impression
and by the engagement of Aboukir, which
in giving us an add.tional enemy revived
the audacity and hopes of the others.
“ At the commencement of lalt Bru
maire, the end of October, when gen. Jou
bert set out for Milan, about five months
before the Ruffians entered Italy, I had the
good fortune to procure the plan of attack
which had been combined between the
Ruffians and Austrians, and I gave it to
him myfelf. He has since declared that it
proved highly ufi-ful to his operations.
Every thing relative to the great changes
in Switzerland and Italy, was never either
difeuffed or decided upon by the Diredo
rv, in my presence. The alterations in
the Cifalpine republic, are totally without
mv knowledge. I was merely acquainted
with them in coniequence of their execu
tion ; so much so, that when citizen Ri
vaud was sent ambassador to that republic,
I was applied to for blank letters of cre
dence, and I was totally uninformed with
refped to his embassy, until he had been
employed for a considerable time. Here
I know, it is objected to me with severity,
that I fliould not have hesitated to have
given in my resignation—and is it imagin
ed that I was not disposed to that measure?
Can it be thought that such an idea was
not gratifying my independence? But
I confefs, I was prevented by that desire,
that indefatigable hopeof peace, from which
nothing could detach me. I forgot my
fclf entirely in that sentiment, and to that
I facrificed my personal uneasiness, my re
pugnance as an individual.
“ I am accused that an attack was not
made on Portugal. But if such an attack
had taken place, and had been violently
opposed by Spain, would they not have
thought themselves juftified in blaming a
condud which would have irritated this
latter power, whose alliance it was so ufe
ful to cultivate? lam reproached with
not having fufficiently encouraged priva
teering against England, but if it had been
encouraged without any bounds, with
what vehemence would they not have in
veighed against the want of precaution, or
the stupidity of ministers, who allured, that
545 armed vessels for cruizing had been
captured by the enemy from the begin
ning of the war to the end of the 6th year,
that the number of our prisoners now in
England, amount to more than 30,000 for
whose subsistence the Republic is at the
yearly expence of 15 millions, and that it
is principally to privateering such a result
is to be attributed, might have dared toex
pofe the nation to the repeated hazards of
a game, the losses of which are so sensibly
felt ?
“ I am reproached with the expedition
to Egypt, which was planned previously
to my administration, and had in no ref
peft been determined by me. But if that
expedition in which the genius of Buona
parte, in which his glory, and that of his
invincible army rendered certain and Hill
renders certain, so many successes, had
notLeen effected, and it could be proved,
that I had opposed the projeCt, with how
much acrimony would not these fame per
sons have said, that I was influenced bv
secret and improper views, and that I wilh
ed to deprive the Republic of the moll
magnificent establishment in the world,
which was to strike a most terrible blow at
the Britilh power in India.
“ They complain of the cold indiffer
ence of the Swedilh government, but how
much more would they have to complain,
if in order to prevent it, the Republic had
given way to demands incompatible with
her dignity? They also objeft (could it be
imagined) that men of the best characters
as Republicans have been entrusted with
diplomatic millions, with an intention,
they fay, of getting rid of their observa
tion at home. But if others who were
not Republicans had been entrusted with
business of that nature, would they not
have had more reason to complain, and
would they have been silent upon so fa
vourable an opportunity ?
“ The Journal desHommesLibres main
tains, it was Talleyrand who procured the
return of Malmetbury, after the latter had
been dismissed by Charles Lacroix. But it
was not to Paris, that was no longer neces
sary, but to Lille, even in the of
our military bulwarks. Is this point clear
ly made out ? There never was an impor
tant fact that carried conviction with it
rr.ore ftronglv. On the igtb
when th.e conierences began. “ j m
Minister; it was only the 28th
I was appointed by the Direclorv’.ltß
(hort every thing which has been d W
’ either within or without the
imputed to me; and 1 am
the Grand duke of Tulcany
as a hostage, as if it were my p rov j t .
give inftruXions to the Generals.
have the effrontery to afle-rt, that it
who alienated from the Republic the TV ■
ted States of America, at a moment *•*' I
they know that American negotiators |,f 5 B
arrived in France, and they cannot l> !, ■
norant of the share which I have ■
that event, on account of the lano'nJ®
full of deference, of moderation, antfl
be bold to fay, of dignity, which I addm I
fed them in the name of the French oil
vernment, while those who now att L* 1
me were desirous only to convey to t > I
exprelfions ievere and irritating.” 1
Talleyrand concludes his vindicate I
by accusing his afTailants of ignorance 1
malice and the basest designs. ’ I
OBSERVATIONS I
Os Charles Delacroix , upon the ReflePl'ms I
publijhed by Talleyrand Per fid. ’ I
As I have been named, or referred ta I
twice in the reflexions which citizens Tab
ieyrand has publillied, I owe it to truth
and to my own charaXer, to establish those
faXs wi,h refpeX to which I have been
alluded to in this work. It is true, as citi
zen Talleyrand fays, that it was me of
whom lord Grenville demanded a passport
for lord Malmefbury ; that it was I who
forwarded it; that it was during mv Mi.
niftrv the negotiations were carried on
and Anally, that it was I who pointed out
Lisle, in conference of the express orders
of the DireXorv. Ido not fee how these
faXs can excite suspicion; but if it was ne
ceflarv to juftify them, I would fay that
the facility of telegraphic communication,
and the recolleXion of the intrigues of
lord Malmefbury, at Paris, during hisfirft
million, where the principal motives which
determined the D reXory in prefering the I
commune of Lisle. “It is well known”
fays Talleyrand, “ that the expedition to j
Egypt had been prepared before the period
of my Ministry. It is a certain faX, that
citizen Magailer, consul General of the
republic in Egypt, after a great number
of memorials he had sent relative to an ex
pedition against Egypt received, previous
to my entering into administration, leave
to return to France. It was in faX, and
it could not he otherwise, my duty to give
information upon the fubjeX of his memo
rials.” It would seem from this paiLge,
that it was I who cd the expedition
to Egypt. I owe it to truth to declare the
faX, without attempting here to judge of
the merit of the enterprise. It is very
well known that different projeXs, parti
cularly under the ancient government,
were propoled relative to Egypt; but what
is not known, yet is not the less true, is
that these memorials remained wholly neg
leXed during my miniftrv.—That nei
ther myfelf on the part of the DireXory,
nor the chief of Division, paid any atten
tion to them ; that I had not any idea of
the contents of the memorials of citizen
Mageller. That his memorials in no ref
peX influenced the permiflion given to
him to return —but on the contrary, it was
granted on the ground of his ill state of
health, and the danger he was in of dying,
if iie remained longer in Egypt. Let ci
tizen Talleyrandrefertotheaccount which
I have given the DireXory of the opera
tions of my administration, on the nth
Thermidor, under the article Ottoman
Porte. He will find there is not a word re
lative to this expedition, and that through
outj it breathes the d fire and the hope, of
promoting and afliiring the mod perfeft
harmony between the two powers—Citi
zen Talleyrand may recal to his mind, that
in the firfi conference I had with him, af
ter my return from the Batavian Repub
lic, having for a long time difeourfed up
on the fubjeX of the horrible counter-re
volution, which had destroyed in one day
the fruit of fix months labour there; and
the outrages committed against the French
republic on my person; 1 spoke of the re
port which was then just circulated, that
Egypt was the immediate objeX of the expe
dition of Buonaparte—“ I would not at
tempt [faid I] to steel the secret from you;
but Ido not believe the report. Fie is
gone to destroy the settlements of the Ruf
fians, who are -to declare war against us;
to restore Poland to its rank as a nation, to
keep the House of Austria in check, and
command a difinitive peace. If you have
any ulterior designs against Egypt, the
Porte in gratitude for the important service
you will have rendered it, will willingly
lend its afliftance to reaiize them.” Citi
zen Talleyrand left me to enjoy the
iilufion which events have but too soon
destroyed. My regard for truth has im
posed on me those fliort observations. R
will plead my excuse to citizen Talley
rand. ‘ CH. DELACROIX.
Ckarentcn, zyth Mejidor, July 15, 7 tkyear
r s the French me and indivifiblc .