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FORIBON
'From the London, Guardian of July 2.
V THE QUEEN.
The House of Commons, by its com
tnanding' mujovily upon Mr. "Wrttreifm'ceV
conciliatory proposition, declared that tli«-
proscc tion of an Inquiry into the
conduct of the Queen, would be derogato
ry front the dignity of the crown,& injnri
' Sous to the best interests of the Empire
ills Majesty’s Ministers.supported this res
olution with a fearless cincerity, which
proclaimed the consistency of their en
deavors to consign this most unpleasant
■subject to its own proper obscurity—-to
leave me Queen’svpast and future repu
tation to the Sole arbiter of popular opin
ion, provided that reputation did not in
vwvc the honor of the crown or the char*
a«er of the country. Any concessions
'which might have placed the Queen in
full possession of her legal rights uud dig
nities, or have recognized as the proper
head of female«ociety in Great Britain,
would, have invested her reputation with a
.possibly dangerous influence over tije
regal orr.ational Iwnour. Those conces
sion* were not made. It was in snp|x>rt
of a motion which implored the
upon the principle of expediency, to
wave her pretentious to the inost solemn
incognition of her purity, licit 'Ministers
declared duet the inquiry would be derog
atory from the dignity of the Grown, and
injuris'ns to the best interests of ike Em
pire.
This admission or declaration has been
enlist extraordinary—the most oxttaor
. dinavy thataiyy minister ever agreed go.—
'd as it tlren new ground for his Majesty’s
ad sevs ro take.—Was it a principle only
discovered and acted upon on the night of
Mr. W.iberforcc’s motion?—What, , we
would ask, icd to the first correspondence
with the Queen's Attorney General? Wuat
h» the proposition at St. Oiners? —What
to the repeated delays in the .prosecution
of the inquiry ?—\Vhut to tbe more solemn
negotiation-in Eonuon, —but a b-lief that
the i nquiry would be ‘derogatory tr-in
the dp-;;lily of tin- crown, and injurious
■Vo ibd best interests r of the Empire.’—
"With the most astounding accusations
blow; fi nr I.Hiy by every gale—With
evidence tending to give a form
■ un .ba!.l •to tins current rumours—
would any administration have hesitated
onre to put those charges in the most
distinct and open shape, had they not fell
hs statesmen and as moralists, that it was
one thing to separate, indirectly, but yet
decisivclv to separate the subject of those
charges from the English Throne and Na
tion; and another to sc-,k a more formal
s and complete degradation, by expositions
which might pollute the stream of public
morals, abate the general principle of re
spect for exalted station, and call op all
the malignant passions and prejudices to
rally round a new standard of laetious
-discontent.
Having carried this principal of ex
pediency to its utmost limit, (and there
Could be no honorable limit beyond Mr.
Wilbefforce’s proposition,) would it have
been occurred by any one but the most
quibbling casuist, that the rejection of
this propos* ion would involve Ministers
in tbe dilemma ofsuspi ndmg the inquiry
altogether? Who It to be supposed that
•the possible rejection of the advice of the
>Jousi of Commons never entered into
(■heir contemplation? 1 hey might hope
i ulued to have said of the Queen’s -ndvis
♦ ;s, “oecnritati potiu guam poleiitiu coisii
• i hantS’ but tlvy dciv wit was po.-.s hie
that the same advisers mi In spt c date up
on the principle that “an dace 3 Jnrinnq
j ivnt ” They \ere prepared for this
% -x' mity, and with a consisleiggy which
imblcility only would have foregone, they
called upon Parliament to go On with the
proceedings. If the prosecution of these
might be “derogatory” to the dignity of
the Crown, they knew and f it, that it
would be mows “derogatory” to shut their
ears to the rumours of all Europe—false
possibly, altogether or in degree, but yet
proclaimed as notorious trie bs. Wre
there no stronger evidence than the cir
cumstantial scandal which has travelled
across the Alps for the last four years,,
it must be conceded that the admission
of-the Queen to the first place of llritisb
society, and disproof of such scandal, were
incompatible. If the Inquiry might prime
Vi: jurious to the best interests of tlu
empiie,” would it have not been ten times
mire injuri -us to have dropped that in
quiry—and to have retracted the pivsump
-tlons of guilt—to have given a colour to
the infamous charges which sedition blurts
ottt in our streets of conspiracies against
unsullied purity—of power arraying itself
against innocence, to blacken by its mal
ice and overwhelm by its strength. The
Supposition was jnonstreus; and could on
ly nave proceeded from that blindness of
party which mistook delicacy for fear,
and prudence for concession.
Without attempting to prejudice the
question in that most serious stage of in
vestigation to which it has at length arri
ved; without being desirous to question
the general application of that glorious
principle of our laws, that every one is to
be held innocent (ill the proofs of guilt arc
established—it is our duty, however pain
fills In insist that there is a broad line ot
distinction! between a female labouring
under a general suspicion of impropriety,
and one who is privately charged with
such impropriety, but whose habitual de
meanor repels the assertion, it is in tins
broad line of distinction tiiat the defene
ofhis -lajesty’s Ministers for the exclusion
of the Queen’s name from the Liturgy, &
in other points of conduct preferable to
the same principle, imlst Ultimately rest
It is not on the final proof of guilt or in
nocence —it is not on the probability the
Cohesion, of the private evidence which
.may have been offered to them—Ahatihey
may found their claim to the good opin
ion of their country. It is in the publicity
of the accusations against the Queen- the
stories that men of all ranks arid countries
have heard and propagated—that they
must find their justification for withhold
ing those recognitions which would have
proclaimed alt siicu assertions to be un
qualified lies. We would ask, what is tin
conduct in parallel casts of private lift?
If a female is surround.. d with exception*
able coinpunions-if lenti.** obtrude them
selves upon the public gnat-—and if mal
ice builds upon vh s her tale of infamy—
do we not abate sqincllung of the open
respect for particular station- do we noi
withhold th<* sanction of former uua na-v
—do wo not ciuim Uuu the calumnies shad
be disproved or explained away, before
the object of them ia admitted to the hon*
ors of unimpeachable society ? The with
holding these honeys is the assertion which
decency makes of her own rights; a“d
though the rule may sometimes lead to
uncharitableness, it is far better than that
the exception should tempt to crime.
No saying of antiquity has acquired
greater vogue among the moderns than
that attributed to Cxsar—“ that his wife
onghtSo he, not only pure, but even un
suspected.”
Few, perhaps, of the persons who
quote this phrase, attend to the full force
of the expression, and to the various cir
cumstances which constitute its peculiar
propriety. A few observations on this
subject cannot, therefore, lie improper at
a moment when so many people who
have, all their lives long, quoted this say
ingasa kind of proverb, are now inclined
to make an idol of “ Gtc-ars Wife,” for no
other reason, than because her purity is
suspected
Thai the purity of Gxsar’s wife ought
to be above suepicionr, is, let us first ob
server-true of every .man’s wife. Chasti
ty is so peculiarly and essentially the
foundation of all that is..valuable, in the fe
male character, that, iu this' sense, the
adage has met .universal assent —and very
justly; for it inculcates that a woman, e
v„i-n without being guilty of the last de
pravity, nay, by light and indecent conduct
forfeit that purity'of character which is
eijSeniial in a wife; and it further teaches
that if a woman givesw pernicious exam
ple and occasions public scandal, she is,
as far as regards her own husband, and
soci-ly at large, nearly as guilty as if she
really were what she gives the world rea
sjii to suspect her to be.
And this is (bunded in a deep knowl
edge of human nature. Contemptu fima,
comeinni virlutcs —The man, and still mote
• the woman, who does not shrink from the
appearance of crime, will .0011 cease to be
veiy scrupulous about tile crime itself—
Contempt of public opinion, and tarailiari
ly with me lorms of vice, will by degrees
harden, and at-last corrupt the heart.
“Vice is a monster of so frightful mein,
As to ire hated, needs but to be seen;
Vet seen 100 oft, familiar with her face,
iVetiisl endure,then pity, then embrace!"
It is therefore, with strict justice, that
the laws of social life look, in eases of tins
nature, upon appearances, as realities —
that juries find verdicts on mere circum
stances; subh as a wif’s being lock’d up
i-i a room with a stranger—that even the
word demirep which’ now means a pros
tiiuje, ism tact only a contraction of derni
, reputation; that is, a woman who is con
tent to have had a character.
No wonder then, that by the universal
consent 01 all men and of all delicate wo
men, the words “character” and •‘repu
tation” are synonimous with “virtue” and
chastity:—and if ail this be true, as un
doubtedly it is, of any man’s wife, how
much more so must it be of Caesar’s?
The station which Caesar held, & which
ol course Ins wile in some degree shared,
rendered her conduct peculiarly nnpor
laiu. 'As the Sovereign ol a great ami
generous nation, the public honor was in
volved in Cscsar’s; and however little it
might have concerned tils empire at
large, whether Julia or Tulla, the' wives
of.l Quaestor or a Cent, non, had degra
• lied then-husbands in the-narrow co de of
their own society, it would luwn- ••
: aih.--rt.nt mutter, if all Italy were to ring
with the dishonor of the Sovereign of die
lust people of tne earth; ami it, after hav
ing carried the glory of their arms from
►the distant shores of Asia ami Africa into
dm very lb art of G.ml, they should find
iliemselvesbecome, tiirmgh tae indiscre
tion (to suv no more) of Cic.iai’s wife, the
bye-word and laughing stucit of the nations
they had redeemed, and of the nations
they had conquered.
From this, 11 follows, that even those
levities in which a private woman might
have indulged, are forbidden to-the «he
of the Sovereign; and further, tiiat things
w iich the wife ol the Sovereign might
venture to do at home, assume a more
criminal character whim exhibited abroad,
and made die 111 icki-vyot foreigners.
Again—every woman of feminine deli
(}«cy shrinks t'-om imputation for her own
sake: but how muon more ought this no
■ bio feeling to operate on Caesar’s wife,
whose conduct, 11 oiii the eminence on
which she is placed, must be observed by
innumerable eyes, and canvassed by Count
less tongues; and who* is not only the
guardian of the honor of herself, of her
1 husband, and ofhis people, but is also, by
the influence cfher high example, charged
with a deeper responsibility to the whole
'if her own sex.
1 “ ’ ris from high life high characters art
. drawn:" and what is true of virtues, is, in
this respect, true of vices also; the effects
llity make on the public are proportiona
ble U> the heights from which dicy come.
There is another allusion in this celebra
ted adage, which probably Caesar inteml
-1 od; which, assuredly, all mankind will
nOw-a-days recognize. (Jxs ir luipt d to
make his sovereignty hereditary; and,
Vherever titles and property, and still
more, where thrones are hereditary—in
all noble families, and chiefly in all sove
r- ign houses—it is of the greatest private
and public importance, that the character
of I lie wife should leave no doubt as to
die legitimate succor.
In private life, what injustice, what d'.s-.
semtions, what litigation, what ruin, does
not the doubt aslmWie legitimacy of chib
dren create? In slates, what bloodshed,
what confiscations, what wars, what rev.
olmiohs, -what various and dreadful and
unlimited inflictions? These, if the - ie
succession be contested;— : but even wuore
it may iiotbe Contested, what indignation,
wnnt intrigues, what contempt of authori
ty, what deterioration of principles, are
hot certain to ensue? We need not dvvel
on these topics, but it i# in tins sense, per
haps, above ail otheis, that we are incli
ned to insist that Oac-ar’s wife ought not
to be suspected
Nor has it impaired the currency and
authority which this phrase has received
in the whole civilized world, for eighteen .
hundred years, that historians tell us that
Cxsar'a example was not so correct us his
precepts ; and that he seems to have had
one rule for himself and another for his
wife. Caiar’s gallantries are as well
known, as those of Henry IV or Chat*
le- 11 ; and yet no author that we have
ever read, and no person whom we have
ever hoard, have attempted to invalidate
the truth and justice of his rule with re
gard to his wife, hv any arguments drawn
from his own. behaviour. Without enter
ing, therefore 1 into any examination of the
difference which nature and custom seem
to have made in the feelings of man and
• >
woman on this pwt'icolar point, it U en
otlgh (o say that such »difiere.ice hur
been always admitted to exist; and- tha
men are and have been in all ages and,
countries,forgiven for an offence, the ver
suspicionof which drives a «.>tiun out o
society..
The grounds (we cannot call them the
reasons) of this indulgence to man, arc
perhaps to be found in some considera
tions to which we have already alluded
Chastity is not, in so peculiar a . degree.,
essentia! to male as to female character •
the infidelity of the man (deep and de
plorable as the ptfenos; must be in the eye
of the moralist and ihe Christian.) does
not produce such dde.terious effects on_
society 5 it introduces no bastards into
the succession vs private families; and
raises up f> pit tonflera to the throne oi
nations. Fir be it from (is‘ to counten
ance, to extennae, or to defend the laxity
with which the male sex thus interprets
the law in its own favor'} bnt *o it is, and
as we are now looking at this question,
as it involves the public interests, we
must take, as we find it, the general feel,
ing & practice of the world; and. accord
i igly, i lus general feeling St practice, have
prevented Cxsar’s apothegm from being
turned round aga'mst himself; ami though
the m isrondnet of Henry IV. orCharlcs II
might have been very justly quoted as
enhancing thb merit of good coiidnct in
Mary of Medici*, and Catharine of Tortu
ga], every body knows that a failure in
these ladies would not have received any
excuse from the impropriety of theirhus
hands. Indeed, the law of England- falls
into the same distinction ; for, though in-,
fidelity be no legal offence whatsoever in
the JCtsg of these realms, it is High
Treason in the Qirrm and she would, by
hw, suffer death for what, in other women,
can only be punished by the frowns of so
ciety. From these considerations it seems
to ns to follow that the levity of the
Queen’s conduct, rupposing even that
there were nothing but levities to object
to her, constitutes in her ciuse a most se
rious offence, an 1 renders her unfit to
stand at the head of the female society f
ibis kingdom of which the Queen —still
more than Ca*fcr’» wife—ought to be of
unblemished and unsuspected purity.
See'then what the Queen’s case is in
its most favourable' vL w _ Not once, nor
tseice, hut at tuhki'. several periods, her
coiidnct has been publicly ques'iyied;
t rice, it has been to a certain extent in
vest'gated, and on both' occasions, s me
circumstances of that conduct hav,- been
censured as at. least indecorous; and one -
the Sovereign himself, the good,-the gra
cious, tlie indulgent and virtuous George
111. was obliged to reprimand' her for the
conduct which had brought her purity in
to suspicion.
Again ; when the Princess of Wales
lef Engfa: d, she was accompanied by se
vet al respectable pe sons both sexes,
British subjects ; tliey all, we believe,
without any one except ton, hut that of the.
too celebrated William Austin, have suc
cessively ret ired from her service ; and
their places have been supplied—by
whom ? by footmen and couriers, taken
out of livery to be adorned with the star
f Saint Caroline, and promoted from be
hind her chair 19 be seated at her side as
the cainpanions of her amusement.
Again—The Queen’s Ilauoveria>» —*■
English enemies which she talks abou .
irio'ht excite false rumours or suspicions
of In-r conduct, among those who were
not witnesses of that conduct ; but could
they have poisoned the minds and deceit
ed the eyes of the peasantry of the Mi
lanese, who saw the Queen every d»v,
and who never, probably, had heard tbit
she had any enemy >
All these observations have proceeded
on the supposition that the Queen is inno
cent of the last offence, and we think w
have shown that innocence of that kind is
not enough, and that tire scandal which
she has unfortunately occasioned, is of it
self a moral and political offence suffici
ent to justify her removal from that sta
lion which contributes, in some degree,
to tlnf ottencc itself.
But,we beg leave not to be understood
as asserting the wieen’s inherence, even
in the meaning above alluded to. W.
really know nothing ol the matter. We
have seen, of course, none of the evi
dence ; but from all we have heard fy-m
Italy, we see reason to tremble at the 11a
tore of the charges which may be pro
duced, and to wonder at the folly and
rashness which has involved the Queen in
such an investigation. But, we repeat it,
we do not think-that the fact of adultery
is necessary to lie proved; indiscretions
and levities and a flrud-repulatiou are in mir
pinion quite enough to justify the meas
ures which are said to be iu contempla
tion ; ami if this be so, is it not still pus-,
s hie.to save public morals and decency
Inna the shock which an enquiry into all
the supposed details of this afflicting case,
is too likely to give ?
1 h.s would be our wish: but if the
Queen stands on her right and her inno
cence, and insists on a trial—o trial she
must have! But surely such a trial need
not go into all the uetails of her four years
peregrinations; and, we should think, as
much as jqstica would require, might be
1 produced without any very serious of
fence to (Ulicacy—not more so, certainly,
lha:i an oiUinary Grim. Con. trial. For
instance, sijppi.se it were proved that an
Indian lacquey, called Bergamo, entered
the Queen's service as a livery servant,
and that li ■ soon afterwards appeared in
the quality of her Chamberlain, and be
came the ultimate companion of her do
mestic society; would not that be quite
enough to found a bill of separation upon;
ana such a fact is this can be inquired
into—p.oveji or disproved—without any
Ve.y indelicate disclosures. But even if
this, or sorae such fact, should not he
enough, tluge arc oiher circumstances,
currently reported in Italy, which would
he abundant proof before a Jury in an or
dinary case, and which might be asserted
or disproved without any gross indecen
cy.
SVe have known Judges, on the Bench
tell Counsel in Criin. Con. ca.u-s, that
they had gone far enough, and we have
known Counsel sponunijnsly restrain in
decences when they thought enough
nad been proved. Why should this wise
and decent principle not be extended in
this case? W’e see but one reason' against
such a course; and it is this, that the ig
norant, and foolish and factious partisans
■if the Queen, (whom Hiey hate as Queen,
though they extol her for the sake of
mine-fief) mil, to serve their own purpos
es, clamour fur what they call a lull and
Ikir trial—iu other word! for in entire
•I V ■' ■ ■ ' Ui'lMr ■
exposure} which we think can neither be
necessary to the case, not, whether she be
innocent, or whether she be guilty, ad
vantageous to the cause of the Queen.
Again and again we beg it so be reni.nn
iered, thattlris investigation is of the see
ing of the Queen herself and her advis
es—on them now lies tire whole respons
oiliiy; and unless all that we have heard
ie disproved, or explained in away which
re-do not now foresee, a most iuieaueui.
HEsroNSimi-iTY it is!! !
Female Influence.
It is well known that the Task, the most
classical and most admired of all Cowper’s
works, was written at the particular re
quest of as- - male friend. Perhaps it is qol
so generally known, that to the same source
we are indebted for Milton’s sublime poem
of Paradise Lost. Milton, when a student
at Cambridge, was extremely handsome—
One day in the summer, overcome with
heat, and fatigued with waiting, he laid
himself down at the foot of a tree and slept.
During his sleep two ladies passed by ma
carriage. The beauty of the young stu
dent, attracted their attention ; they got
out of their carriage, and after having'con
templated his beauty some lime withim l
his waking, the youngest lady , who was
very handsome, took a pencil from hei 1
pocket and wrote some lines on a piece of
paper, and tremblingly put them into bis
hand. The ladies then returned to their
carriage, anti passed on. Milton’s fellow
students, who were seeking for him, ob
served this silent scene at u distance, with
out knowing it to be him who was sleep
ing; on approaching and knowing their
associate, they waked him, and told him
what had. passed. Me opened the paper
which was in ins read, to his
great astonishment, these hues from Qua
rina;
Occhi Stella mortal!
Minis)i i de niici muli,
Ic chinsi m’ucedite,
Apperii che (arete?
Which may be thus translated—" Bea
utiful eyes! mortal stars! authors of my
misfortune ! if ye wound, being closed,
what would ye do if open ?’’
This strange adventure awakened Mil
ton’s sens'bility; and from that moment,
full of the desire of finding the unknown
fair, he some years afterwards travelled
through Italy. His ideas (if her (says our
author) worked incessantly ou his imagi
nation, and to this incident is England
chiefly indebted for Paradise Lost
CRRONICLE. *
.YYtiXJftTA,
Tuesday Mohnino, SF.PT. 12, 1320
For the Chronicle.
To Thos. Tv. Cobb, Esq.
Sin,
IT is with no considerable degree
of reluctance that I address you in this
1 public mariner—in fact, it is much again*' l
my 'inclination to d<r rt at «i» i more parti
•uWj when tlie- subject is of a political
nature; but the circumstances which call
, me forth are such 1 cannot withstand, and
I must -e’en do it “with what appetite I
may.”—For I cannot look tamely on, and
see you again a candidate for .Congress, and
not use every exertion to thwart your
views. I declare to yon, I have no per
sonal prejudices to gratify—no interested
natives in assailing you—for l am not \ our
personal enemy—nor by declaring myself
your political one, Can 1 serve myself or
fiends. With your domestic character 1
uiye nothing to do; nor will I advance one
1 charge against yon in which your private
feelings might be injured. My accusations
are of a public nature, and as’such can be
easily substantiated—and, those facts
known,. 1 am fully persuaded tlie people
’ of Georgia are too enlightened to support
a man whose political sentiments differ as
i much as yonr’s do, or appear to do, from
1 a true Ifepublican form of government.
The charges that I shall bring against
yon, your supporters may alledge are bv
this lime out of date ; but let nie remark
1 to you that no palliative, but a change ol
principles, can avail you—and vim nothing
but a revolution of your whole system of
1 politics can you hope to regain the height
1 from which you have fallen.' You have
, fi y ed long enough in the world to know
- that there is generally no medium in puli
i deal judgment; and that it is allowable to
• put the worst construction on the public
. acts of men, and paint in its most hedious
. colours the motives which have influenced
. them. Hut.str, I shall depart from that stan
dard, Sc view with as charitable an eye as
1 possible those parts of your conduct which
, 1 shall -animadvert on.' Before I proceed
further, let me ask you a few questions
though somewhat foreign to the main sub
. jeCt,
1. Have you not, at different times, in
1 speaking oj the military character of the
i Estate, mentioned our voluiltee soemtions
t contemptuous uml * ' nvuiti#)'•
; implying Ly your -words ana .nuer that
toey -werlmiot such soldiers as could hope to
, face an enemy with honor ?
2d. Have you nut explicitly said there suns
1 too much military ardor iu the Slate, on
1 pahAiiu 011 oun ns— but, 111 fortunately fas
you observedJl/uit ardor was curried no fur
-1 ther than parade grounds ?
Lastly. —Have you not e.i ulliugiy boasted,
in your oson elegant and forcible language,
1 “ that you could remain at Athens, and
■without an effoit be re-elected to Congress
1 That you had Georgia under your thumb,
and, that ere long she should be under now
■ FEET”? 3
And now, Sir, to the point The open
, a.id avowed stand which you have took
1 against the hero of Orleans, during tlie
. kite discussions on the subject of tlie Semi,
note tVdr, in the Hall of Congress, which,
ihougli it forms a prominent feature in
your political life, and is well known, yet
your motive for so Using is a mystery to
many—hut to those who have heard your
private opinions on the subject it is none—
it is the main' spring of your life ; it is the
polar star ol your existence —an inordinate
yearning after a time serving Popularity •
1 How, (you may ask) could your being
, an enemy to the Protector of the frontier
of Georgia, raise yon in the esteem of
1 your Constituents ? I will answer you—At
the time of the conjunction of the Geoi -
gia and Tennessee troops, it was whisper,
ed, (but I cannot say how correctly) that
lucre was an evident partiality ahuwn by
tittu. Jackson to the troops or Ui» Ist.or
state; and in a Few It created a dislike to
the man, whom a few days before they
cried up as a deity,—but by those who con
sidered the subject properly, and admitted
the report to be true, no blame could be,
or was attached, to him. Those troops
'had followed him more than once to'the
field of battle—they had been taught by
him to compter or die—they v r ere the sol
diers who had procured him the laurel
crown—and they were the heroes by
wnose valor he had subdued the. toes of
his country. Imprest with these ideas in
their favor, is it io be wondered at, that
he should evince a small degree of parti
ality to them ?—Certainly not. IS.it your
conclusions were drawn from what would
be its consequence on your o\vii mind---
you considered that it would render him
unpopular with those Georgia’Troops un
der his command; and who, drawn from
the different parts of the would on
their return home spread wide their disaf
fection. Had this been the case, yonr cal
culations would nave been just, lint
were deceived —the oasis of four argu
ment was wrong, and yonr deductions, in
consequence, incorrect.
Th r people of Georgia possessed more
«ibeiality of sentiment- T/ieyi could not
hale a man fora iiUfe allowable attach
ment to troops under such circumstances
—and that man, the one w.ljo li-.d healed
the wounds of their bleeding frontier- —
hud saved hundreds of families trom per
ishing by the blood thirsty' tomahawk of
their merciless foes —it was impossible —U
was unnatural !
It was not therefore, the Spirit ofFatrio
tism that made you rally on die side of his
enemies.—lt was not the fear of the Con
stitution being in danger that sp.riicd you
, up to attack him—No, sir, it was neither.
It was the love of popularity. —It was the
wish of ingratiating yourself with the citi
zens of Geoigia, and thereby securing to
yourself a return to Congress And, to
show more fully that this was the case, and
that you could have no olher motive for
your conduct, I leave only to remark, that
before your starling for Congress, and I
suppose, before yon had heard that Jack
son was biased towards his Tennessee
Troops, J’ou declared freq icntiy, mat he
hud acted perCec Iy co. rect, aVI that he
deserved the thanks of the Slate, for Ins
great services. If such w.«» your opinion,
what Sir,could have in ’ucedyou to alter it?
It wo J(!d he needless to enter into a dis
cussion of the principles on >vlhch you
took your stand against ilie “ Man of Or
leans.’ 1 Your arguments have been f liy
refuted before; and his conduct has been
successfully defended by abler ptpis than'
mine.—lt is the motives of your conduc 1
am enquiring into.' On your return, find
ing _your conduct had created a genera
sensation of dislike, which, to tin
former one on the subject of the Com
pensation bill, precluded the idea of your
returning, at least till the fermentation ot
the public mind had subsided—you de
clared you would decline a re election—
why you have altered your mind is not
worth an enquiry—hut I suppose, you
thought your former conduct was like a
“ tale of other times,” forgotten. But as,
precursor to your offering yourself- a
candidate, you considered something was
necessary to bring vaur merits in full view,
hu-t'rx, -.1.- viose of tbi! late session ; and
as nothing better o fie led, you were induc
ed to bring, forward tne long neglected
Claims of Georgia on the General Govern
ment, and move the appropriation of cer
sums. &c. for the purpose of paying llu
purchase of Indian Titles to lands belong
ing to the State. This was, no douiy, til.
most likely thing to bring you forward—
hut why was the subject left till almost
the last day of the setting ?—Was it no;
that it might be fresh in the memory at
the coming election, which made you de
fer it ?—Alas, you are unfortunate in ail
your ma tttnvres. The wreath with which
you expected to encircle your brows, mu.
like to have been snatched Irom you
Your long anticipated harvest had like u>
have been reaped by another band—for i
was not’till Governor Clauk, who had, no
doubt, wailed patiently for the motion,
had forwarded his communication to the
Fresident on the subject, that you were
f weed, even at that late day, to bring it
before the Mouse—and thereby saved yom
distance by a few hours. That this wa:i
the case, you cannot have the hardihood
to deny—and that you were actuated by
motives of political dishonesty, no one can
have the least doubt. If you hud wished
those claims to be satisfied, as a r of
interest to the Stale of Georgia, you had
merely time enough during this tong ses
sibn'io bring them forward; and would
have had ample room to have displayed
your material powers—to what advantage
those in the habit of reading your sjreeclis
need not be told. Had not inis been the
case, I believe even yonr best friends will
allow you would let an opportu
nity pass, so long, to the detriment of that
talent you are so vain of; and which, on
more than one occasion, you have taxed
to so bad a purpose. 1 will not ai this time
aiiirtiadverf any further ou your eventful
Congressional career—it lias not been
such as could meet the approbation ot
your constituents. I would thereto]e ad
vise you to withdraw your name—nor seek
lor the honors of a worsted candidate—to
lay aside those gaudy hopes you have fos
tered, and seek in comparative obscurity,
the only means you have of being remem
bered as a political character without
hate tmd disgust. Before 1 conclude 1
must repeat to you, that 1 am not y our
personal enemy ; and it is only for the po.
liiical honor of the State that 1 wish your
seat to be filled by one who will, at least,
possess more consistency of character than
you have shown—and act from worthier
motives than those I believe you have been’
inspired with. For I contend that the
man who could wish to sink the high chi
valerous character, and splendid talents of
General Jackson —and who could condemn
trim for the efforts he made to place our
bleeding frontier in safely— merely ur
gam himself popularity by Haltering the
supposed illiberality of his constituents is
not the man wiio can represent the high
minded and independent Georgians in o ur
National Legislature.
__ _____ <*•
Tennessee. —‘•Fending the discussion of
the Loan Office or Bunk Bill, during the
Legislature of Tennessee, u memorial w.f
presented fiom a number of citizens oi
Tennessee; among whwin was General
A Minx w Jackson. The memorial was so
pointed, by an allusion to the oaths of the
members, as to offend a, majority of the
legislature, which was sht wn,hy a >ote of
the Senate A bill establishing a town
1 1>> the ntae of Juthm, wm ummuM by
the petitioner?? il ° f J t O.S
treatment this
high-handed breacW ?***l
nghtm petition and ! the
legislature. U IXrr HiiiJ
11)6 above
‘ho Na ! ion:di,Sy fwe |
opportunity to correct ff M
Messrs. Gales & S e -n* an er *>«
gislature of Teime,
ced in the lion S( . ’ ulil ß
which there was m. /fl'J
111 die progress* Mr*.'! 1 *** V
was Ailed in S Se f n t ,e Mill
«* “• mini nife; '[■
ber. stated that “thV ! , h *
General Jackson (Wsm-l! r ,«
lature of Tennessee *)., '1
power to perpetuate h 'll
I town the bill froiid.jJl
h orn .t. situation, never C J
place of importance; and t ■
wished to reserve the n "■
so that it might be
a hose advantage,,,,, I
down to posterity, ll, en "■
who had rendered to i.i 8 , I
importantk.-rviees-l.; S*
Unit Jackson be stricken ■
dotal Fort be ,insert,-d -V
llie vote of the house ,s i
Urn b-II was sent to the
its third reading there, dm*
understanding why t , e ,■
burn made, reinstated Jadol
a message from the liwis/B
reason of the ah; *. ion,
ml therein di J
. bill, as amended, becam- I
is the slate of the case, el
gathered from a perusal of|
ings ot the Tennessee legishl
A/|
Mrs. ALLS TON.—In the 1
ume, page 311, we copied fj
pap, j lp |
ludy, said to haie been yiv-1
under tile sentence of death I
Accounts from that city nowa|
no such confess,on ever vasal
L-d'-ed, soon .-fertile pidvJ
-tale we though' it untru-.froml
staled by a mueli esteemed isl
fortune it was to be a prisoner!
Vdmiral W.ipi.n’s ship, rl
m’. go. I believe)
While On board, he frequent]!
oHictrs spi ak of Mrs. a thiol
toe admiral had given up his I
that slie was extremely glad «
man on board the ship, a
wife, w ho whs ordered to r litß
hat a female'dumestic who I
her. was afraid to have the pjl
the officer who had charge I
was much joked with an r.cc- il
Not being particularly iateJ
case, he made no special erql
certainly appears that the pil
captured by 'he British, ami I
■ly was treated with great ■
sent away, after being si me til
tlie Admiral’s ship. This all I
the matter; but it is s’ttKcu J
Hie story that the crew of tlul
after being “ two or three ill
rose upon the captain, &c. A|
lie lady may have a refeiencl
i lemau alluded to, through (I
his paper. .Vile’s lIM
Mr. Samuki Rkicili.xsich.l
deman,.arrived at tins place!
since. Wc understand lie is!
Company in Switzerland, taa
here with the intention of ul
large tract of land in this 11
ie purpose offoiniingiiStfisA
,He contemplates making a I
Winter’s Grant, on the A kail
rib can ascertain the title to!
As soon as lie can edict a si
chase,.we understand he «■
from 1 oto lOuU fatrilies !
hrelliren, Jrkm
SPI HIT 'OFMOBOCm
We understand that dutil
session of the Circuit Court il
Coiistt, many of the peupll
strong disposition ft) resist 1
rather the decrees 041o 41 die fl
circumstances of the cus '-' a, |
been related to us, are brunyl
The Circuit Court fur AJ
cnnnnenced its session at Rl
that county on the day ot t;w
lection. During the two rl
Court sat but a small pari -I
yielding to the pe-iplt the re|
lime to conduct the eie-tuurJ
day while the Court w-sui
cecdings were internipted
rums riot or afli , .iy,.m whiciial
ble number was engaged. I
In the course of the v’cekj
found against the most ac V v Jl
.of them were tifraighvd, tn'<>l
guilty by'the jury, wh-nt j»il
inclined to assess their u|ie s l
pably below the magnitude at
oiie of them not being my'^ 1
, His honor Jwige Sart-ihh c ' ll
lines inadequate to the c , n ' Ht
the prisoners to 30 days i "P r
; the goal of Fr,ml.lh' coun’y
tence WkS ianuediately rain
cution. .
After the prisoners were
large col led ion of people
near the Judge’s quarters, P h
ingu*ie.ermination to ,co m
lent Outrage ; and by tlv 11 '
lilude and turbulent condu
of the Judge or*' the log 3 ' ll^
agaol was supposed to e
their vengeance. ,
. ver, w ithout moving from ■
ing position, sent in a nics
inflammatory petition' 0 * C J
linp.ur r»thirdemam|mg
none... The Judge .mn-ej*;
back the petition to y* e ' J
presented it,‘and mf un " ,
shoutd not interfere "'*['.
tliu court, intimating
buna! for the fii?nt»* ol ’ .
appeal to, would be twg
mg the funciious °F
r * n a
continued until a
( diatierard without comm'*
1 fence. The
covered tne aoor of A
broken open during '
ufa •*" *SU «
large. When ‘fi'*
knowledge of ,1 | e f .
write to be J® .
I end wiM» Wl«b wbf