Newspaper Page Text
BY AUTHORITY.
TAWS OF THF. UNITED STsTKS PASSED AT THE
FIRST HUSSION OF THE TVVE.NUr-SI-.OOMr
CONORESS.
I
[PIIRIJC \o, 10]
AN ACT to authorize the Pinxident to j
raise mounted volunteers lor tiie dc- »
fence, of the frontiers.
}ic il enacted by the Smote and Ihvse of
Jhprescntiilicrs of the (holed Suite* of .hue
ricu, in Uongretts asserohfeik 'I tint the )V<*
si ! at of tiie United stales be. ami In- in
hereby, uul liori/eil to raise, either by the
tjeneplitnee of votvnleers. or enlistment
lor ,me year, unless sooner dischnrjfed,
six hundred mounted Rangers, to he
nr,Tied ei|iii|>t, mounted, and organized
in such manner, and to he under sue.b
ivgulations and rest net ion*? us the nature
of die service may, in hi.* opinion, make
necessary.
Sue. 'J, Jlu I he it further marled. Thai j
oaeli of the said companies of Rangers j
shall eonsist of one Captain, one first, j
one second and one third SJeiilenaiil : j
five Sergeants, live Corporals, and one)
hundred privates; the whole to firm n
battalion, mid he commanded hy u JJa
joe.
(SU(; tt .lad hr it further enacted, That 1
the hi id umi eommi sioned otllc.fH and I
pi iv ate-, hall anil and eijuip Oteinselv es
unless odierwiao ordered hy I tie I’rwt I
dent, and provide their own |
shall be allow ed each one dollar per day |
ns it lull compensation fur their serv ices i
and the use nl’lheir arms and horses.— ■
'i'lio eommis-'ioiieil olllceiM shall receivi
the Mime pay and emolnmenl-i as olio err
of the same grade in the army oftlie Hail
ed Slnles, and the olllcers shall he allow |
ed forage lor their liorsAn, and heeatilleil
to the same rations as those oftlie same
grade in tin army of the t inted Slates,
respectively.
Mr:e. 4. find he It pi ether coach d, That
the ollicers, non-commissioned oliicefs.
and privates, raised pursuant to this net,
shall he entitled to the like compensation,
in ruse of disability hy wounds or other
wise, incurred in the service, as has here
tofore been allowed toollieers,non-com
missioned ollieers, ami privates in the
military establishment of the United i
•Slates; and shall ho Subject to the rule- j
nml nrticlesof War,and sueh regulations
ns have been or shall he established ue
cording to law Jor the government of lie
army oftlie United States, ns far as the
name may tie applicable to the said Ran
gers within the intent and meaning o!
this act, for the protection and defence
of the North Western frontier of the
United States.
Si;e. li. olnd he it farther enacted, That
the President of the United States, hy
nail with'the udviee and eminent of the
{•senate, is herooy authorized la appoint
nil the ollieers proper to he appointed uu
tier this net; which appointments may
he unde during the recess of the Senate,
hut shall he submitted to the Senate at
their next session for their advice and
consent, and that tae ram ot' liliy thou
baud dollars lie, and the same is hereby
impropriated for the purpose of curry ing
tills net into effect.
a. sriwrwsoN,
Speaker of the Home if /iipresenhilieis.
J C. CAIaIDUItV,
(lee President of the United States and
President of the Senate.
Approved. Jane id. IS),’.
AM)RI;W JACKSON,
► ♦»
r „ r
-i.) Col. Wat. t uiiiinii g, John P. King,
and Augustin Slaughter.
■Ur.vri.uMr >•;—Via ays nciuuiw (edging
the right of 'he people to ktiuvv the tenli
meals ot their public servants upon nil |
important matters connected with their
interest,!., ( have already responded, m
what I believe was their wish, ill the lust
I’Vdertil Union. To that eoiiiiniinaailion
1 refer you as it reply to your leltcr to me !
ofihe h'tltli ultimo, which I have just read.
Having discharged. 1 believe, without
complaint, the duties of the several im
portaiM appointments with which i have 1
been honored by the Slate lor the last j
sd years, and having in my youth often |
nod freely shed my blood in the del,m e j
of the dearest rights of our common 1
'com try ! cannot now believe that any |
person who is acquainted with me, run.
-Jo one moment, seriously entertain an
opiiroa, that in the wane ol’life, 1 would
take any step not calculated to cement
of severing) tin* Union. I'rom
’his view of the subject, I entertain some j
hoo 'S ihnl your fears may be somewhat
mitigated in regard to the evils which
rut*. 'tiT.se from my supposed association
i.>lh.‘ iv head and bloody bones’oi
mirk-;', i. Vilification] If 1 could see
it your ,a..'chisiu. solely, u pure, lofty
fit: I pif.i-i tie iTgnrd for the good of our
'.’tnian.i e.i. iiitry, mid oppressed tJoor
gin » Would he among t.hu tirsf to ne
ka. vledge and appreciate it, but pardon
nuri believe me, gentlemen, when 1 tell
you. that for my life, I cannot divest my
miu'l o| the belief, that your strnigecon
co'tini is intended more to accompli-h cer
tniu polilienl projects, than to promote 1
ejuthii’u rights and southern iateiosls
DA MRU MUvV.NAN,
.Vefhnou;rh, s )!h S pi.
t iun.ru v iM'i kMfjrNcr.
la i?.• • i acre on tite dth imd. there were
l?l d ,i'Ts—h whites and ] J colored.
in vV.i-.hmji m on the4th tost. *l'2 new
Cns**s. It) d" it Its.
rTV \ V I TCHTlile A>l vertisep says,
*‘lit *ltis city, »li • dea'hs by < 'holera da
r ug fie* wee v ■* idbig tin* Ist last, were
13 s , waieli is id l»ss than occurred the
preeCM, g week, though the p ■ puhiliau
of the <i'y was i .creased u, die latter
period, urohahly tiy 10 to Id.dCd souls, A
the weather was eonsidere i ijuile uai'a
voraole I r (!>e general beub
fire Norfolk liraiMii ofihe Idi instant I
."\au w rusesol‘n severeeharae
I v. 'i*»ve oeetirreii w’ifh the last Iwo day s.
*l. 'Uxli HTiljr* mw eases, of n mild farm,
readily yielding to un dical treatment.
Lave made then ujipearanee within that
time.''
Tlic same popar say* —“ The 1 '’th of
Portsmouth i» Bttitl to ho fast improv inf
VVc have heard of no ease of Cholei
there for several days, and the disens
seems to have left tiie place almost on
I i rely
AIWTiU
HKPH.atirtf 15, IH'ii.
“ Uc Just, mid tear not.’’
to t omti:NP(>M>i:vrs.
Seneca," and "[.tiler So. HI." shall ap
pear as eaily as vve cad tiiul room,
j The proceeding* of the Srriven County Meet
! ; ng, ate again unavoidably omitted.
TtIH AUGUSTA MRCTING.
Thi* Not therd attack upon Southern riplits
and intercsls, seems to be viewed, throughout j
the country, in its proper light. At least, those |
whom we have conversed with on the subject, |
speak of it with strong indignation and disgust; |
and, an far from Injuring tiro cause of Nullifies-j
tioa and Southern liberty, we are satisfied that,
it will greatly benefit it—distinguishing as it
does, still foil her, between the friends and ene- 1
inies of Ih.; South, and developing the fact,
which Southerners have been slow to believe,
that they h ive among them, n class of people:
With distinct interests and feelings, decidedly
| opposed to the country which protects and sirs
j tains them, and in which they earn their bread,
I Is it not monstrous, that a people who visit the
I Month, and live in tho South, without a single
attachment to it, and merely to make money—
who spend in the South as little as possible, du
ring their stay vvirtt ns, in the winter months,
* consoling limmaolvca for their extreme economy,
| then, Willi the reflection, that they will make up
I(hr il hy tiie liboinlity of their expenditure, in
dulgence, ease, and enjoyment, among their re-
I! .lions, at the N"ith, daring the cummer, and
j who, when, after a lew yearn, they have made
| a fortune at the South, dairy it all away to the
.North, and there soltl'i themselves in ease ami
atCuencu, and enrich the nalm ally barren North,
with what they have thiis drained from the con
tinually drained, and now almost beggared
Month—is it not monstrous, vv> say, that such
men, with scarcely a single mooesl in common
with the country which supports and protects
them, should not only enrich themselves at its
expense, but assume to dictate to its people, and
proscribe, and villify, and slander, and put down,
all who dare protect its intercsls, and principles,
and liberties? Do they suppose llie South can
be blind to all this? Do they suppose the Suuili
can patiently bear all this? Has not a Southern
{ or in Augusta and oilier parts of the South, long
| been ns a stranger ill his own land, afraid to
j think, or speak, or move, or act, without first
asking himself haw it will meet the approbation
of tiie Northerners among us? Do‘they mu
completely control the Press mu) Flections, the
I two great sgeii's of liberty and power every
where) and do they over enroll:age, in either,
the natural rights and interests and sentiments
and principles of the Mouth? Is not a Si.mhoin
candidate obliged to bow and sera; a to them,
and hypocritically deny or disguise his native
Southmn scnlmn nts and principles, or give up
all hope of success? And do they not uniformly
alUvote one way in elections, and that way al
ways, which sides with Nai them against South,
ern principles, where the distinction can possi-
I bly ic made? Am), controlling an they da, the
! comm.Tcial interest of the country, and cotisc
.|Ucntly tiie most lucrative patronage ofihe ih css,
is not the i* css almost entirely vv ithin their pow
er, and afraid o speak itia true native senti
ment* of the Smith, fiom fear of r.wtling the
hostility oftlie Northern men, and causing ilium
to withdraw their patronage? Did they not
threaten to withdraw their pahonago fiom the
Chronicle, and set up another paper in nj p.isi
lion lo il, if vve advocated a Moulhoro President
Gen. J.vcßiiift, and after wards do so, when their
threat was disregarded?—and again threaten
us with a withdrawal of patronage, because v\ e
I encouiagrt the protection of Mouths n lights ami
j interests? And now, ns vve loam by a letter
fiom a tiiend in Augusta, one of the most res
pectable among them, and but a short time a
resident in th * Month, who doubtless spoke the
I sentiments ot others, ha t had the audacity to
declare*—alluding to a meeting spoken of in op
position to ihcir lute proscriptive meeting at the
City Hall —"that «r are afraid la hare one. for
• thnj i.-JV IJ ii mk it down, ichirenr it teas A. hi!"
j Ureal Uoit 1 and hn* it indeed come to this?—
| that our people shall bo told by those who tire
1 but mere* temporary sojourners among us, that
they dare not get up a public meeting lo discuss
tlui lights ami interests and liberties of then
country by themselves, for if they do, they w r|l
break it dovvnl—and break it down, too, wher
ever il may be Imldl that is, that they shall not
j Jure lo skulk even into a remote corner of their
land, but they will follow them there, and ( ro
ficnbo them, as they had done in Augusta, and
put thorn down ! I Arc. then, the native pen, le
ofihe country, not only to bo robbed with im
punity by tho Northern people, at the North,
oven lo then last cent, but, if they d,.ro to com
plan, to he hunted into, and out of, every hole
and corner where they may go to speak their
complaints, by the Not liter n people at tho Sou'll!
li is p iin fill to ns to say these thing*, hut n is
our duty— duly which vve may not evade v.'iih
out deep self reproach, and treachery Co the
I country which protects and sustains us, and,
though conscious of the deep responsibility vve
assume in s, caking thus, and its j, opuidy loom
pecuniary intertsls, yet vve should despise our
selves, we,® vve capable of fearing any respon
sibilities which attach to truth c d our duty, or
any pecuniary injury ; and when vve forget lire
honor and uiieresis, and rights and bbeiUcs, ot
the country which protects us nml gives u* bread,
or hesitate, il necessary, nut only lo i \p ml onr
last cent, but our last drop of blood, in its co-1
fellee, may onr God forget us I
They voted down at their meeting, “ n sub
stitute (olTeied by a Hoaihern mm, lo their!
proscription of Southern nun and Southern prm • I
ctples) which gave eve y nmn the privilege of
cotiu o os he pleased” —limy voted to proscribe |
ail who may lie candid and honest enough to ie- | .
ply that they a c nidltfiers, and offeree! « bribe, , :
! n their own support, to those vvlio are fiypociilb | ,
cnl ,iud dishonest erivligh to deny then prmct-1
ili s, and iln-rr count’y. or what they believe > :
the only mode of saving then country; and ie-1,
t’uaci wli.lo they der.outiTtd nullifl::'. sit unJ '
advocates, to specify or define, to those that
ilnis impudently catechise, what they mean hy
the term Nullification"—and they (Northern
men) publicly denounce a Southern Convention,
recommended to consider Southern interests
and liberties, and in a Southern country, openly
declare that they will not obey or respect the
voice of a Southern people—the voice of the
State which protects them and gives them bread
and affluence! The Convention recommended
will he a Convention of Southern people, met to
consider Southern rights and interests, and must
speak the wishes o( alt parties in the State'
whether Northerners or Southerners, Nullifiere
or Anli-Nullifiers, Tariff’men or Anli-Tai 111 men;
for all these may be represented, fairly and
equally, and heard there; and the voice of the
Stale and the people, after hearing all sides and
j interests, must be fairly expressed there—and
j whether for or against the Tariff’, Nullification,
lor any kind of resistance, who can say? Must
j not al' good citizens who respect the people, the
I people's rights, anil the people’s voice, approve
, suclr a convention? And yet Northern people,
living in a Southern country, and supported hy
j a Southern people, violently and publicly de
nounce such-a convention, mid refuse obedience
to the will of the people, and denounce that also
:as “exceedingly dangerous.” Can such things
as these be tamely approved or tolerated by the
State generally? Never! And are those Nor
thern men so blind as not to see, that in thus aid
ing and allotting the tyranny and oppression of
their brethren al the North, and attempting to
proscribe and put down, in their own land, all
who complain against it, they are but hastening,,
not delaying or weakening, that great ctisis
which is approaching, and which must deter
niino whether wo are freemen or slaves, and
whether we live under a free or a despotic gov
eminent. Do they suppose wo will permit
them to dictate to us, proscribe tie, and “put us
down?" Do they suppose that if the South will
not submit to the opprossir n complained o(, it
will submit to still greater, by permitting them
to add to the oppressions complained of, the
deprivation of their libcity of speech, liberty of
the I’ress, and freedom of soft’age, freedom of
conscience and opinion on political subjects, and
the right of convening together peaceably,
wherever and whenever they please, to express
their views an I opinions on political topics, pub
lic interests, and alleged grievances? Do they
suppose that a people who will not quietly sub
mit to be robbed, abused, and plundered with
out reason or limit, v\ ill yet submit to he depriv
ed, by those whose interests are in common with
theii oppressors, of the right even of complain
ing of the oppressors? Ol’ono thing they may
rest assured—fur it would scorn, if the t?oulh
needs anything to rouse it from its apathy, they
will .amply supply it—that if the South is not uni
led and determined now, it soon will he, if they
hut proceed onward with their present course.
And, it the Southern people, thus goaded on hy
oppression upon op; ression, and insult upon
injury, should at last he outraged beyond for
bearance, and reject, m their goaded anger, the
dclcnsive and peaceable remedy the nullifiers
propose to them, lor one resentful, violen', and
i elaliatory, be the responsibility on the heads of
those w ho would oppiess and insult them into
madness. Let those whose conduct would ex
cite madness, beware of the mailmen, and re
member that while the oppressed may at some
stages of the oppression he pacified by a simple
removal of it, they may, hy adding to the op
pression and insulting their complaints, bo excit
ed at least to v. adness, desperation, and re
venge. Tulle not with an oppressed and injur
ed people; and uliuvo all things, do nut aggra
vate turd insult them; fur their r»suitimciit thus
moused and goaded, is not easily allayed, nor
their just resistance to be overcome.
We have been pained to see, in the No. of the'
; Chronicle, succeeding the one -which contains
tiic account of tier meeting, some remuiks, in
icply to the Courier, asserting the correctness
of the statements; hut, (oh, shame I) apologi
zmg for “ the intempeiatc zeal with which they
Woic given to the public !” “Intempeiato
zeal I” Why, if the facts wore correct, as re
asserted, had not the writer, as he says, “ wit
nessed and borne enough, to make any men,
who are not slaves bound hand and foot, slil'
more severe in their remarks than lie was?”
Os the facts, we know nothing, personally; but
• oily behove them correct, for, in lire first place,
we rely on the honesty and uprightness of the
writer, which ate incapable of stooping to false
hood ; and, secondly, they are corroborated bv
different accounts, received by letters, liom
other lespoetable gentlemen, who wore present.
If any facts vveie unintentionally erroneous, vve
would have them corrected, be they what they
may ; for a good cause has nothing to fear liom
truth, hut everything from taking falsehood as
mi ally. lint, true as the sentiments are assert
ed to be, and doubtless are, the writer might
rather have apologized for his want of feeling,
than “ intemperate Zealand, assuming the
facts to he correct, wo willingly lake all the
responsibility of that intemperate zeal," upon
our own shouldeis. U’u say this in justice to
Iho writer, and under the impression, that his
concession ot " intemperate zeal," was made
under a too anxious solicitude for our pecuniary
interests—believing that what ire termed “ in
temperate zeal,” might injure them. Os its ef
fect, wo know nothing. But it is sufficient for
us, that ours is a free Tress, and shall be, and
mat vv e had rather it should he “ put down,”
because it is a free press, than that it should
surrender its freedom for an existence. \\'e
now say to the icspected writer, publicly, as vve
have said in effect, privately, on seeing his ex
planation of his remark, that the city contained
" a large portion of Northern men,” (fur which
the Courier declared, without the least explain
lion, teseivalion, or qualification, th it he had
called them "damned Yankees! /") Do them,
the Nottherliers, lull justice; and all others, nc
ceid.ng to the rule, “do unto others as ye would
tint limy should do unto you ;" but, concede
to them nothing, at the expense of tinth, hones'
ty, firmness, the libcity of the Press, and justice
to the Ssoulii; and fear no consequences to us,
or to the paper, in the cause of i iglit and duly—
not even tiro destruction of the Picss, and our
individual ruin, or any unjust odium that may be
limed at.orheapedon us; for vvelrusllh.it weshuii
find faidi, honesty, and fortitude, to bear ail tins,
if it be oidamed that cur reliance on truth, lieu
estv ti.-vj virtue, shall bo tfc’.S far tried; and, if
vve would not rather suffer for our piinciple*»
than that our principles should suffer for its, wo
should bo unworthy the confidence oi men, and
offensive in the sight of Heaven,
i We regret also, the reply to (he Courier, in
• which the remark above alluded to, was made;
: and, before wo saw it, had written, on fleeing
. previous notices of that paper, to beg that no
| further attention might be paid to it, or what it
I said, except, perhaps, when circumstances cal
i led for it, to make a simple, denial ot any false
l charge or assertion, and leave the public to judge
i between us and it, and receive the assertion
i and the denial, each, for just what it was worth.
; To expect anything like justice or fairness troin
I that paper, either ourselves or the South, is alto
i gether out of the question; and after the te-
I pouted requests and remonstrances of our
I friends, vve had long ago detei mined to pay no
, attention to it, or anything it says. We have no
; hope from it, or any of those who place confi
i ilonee in it,or rather,support it as a pliant tool, to
. assail arid injure the character &. interests of tit®
South; & to those generally, whose good opinion
vve esteem &. value, it is as odious &, infamous a B
wo could desire it to be. If there had not beet)
, Humorous and continual, equally degrading and
, damning evidences of its true character, pre
i viously, that, asserting that the Chronicle had
, called the Northerners “ damned Yankees," is,
. of itself, sufficient to render it worthless and in
famous, in lire estimation of every gentleman
I' mid lover of truth, be he of what party ho may;
, and, even those who use it, and patronize it, for
I its support of thorn, and opposition to the inte
rests of the South, must, in reality,despise it and
its conduct, even while they find it expedient to
■ uphold it. And, to believe tbut its conduct can
1 ultimately triumph over tiuth, justice, honestyi
and principle, would be to blaspheme against
1 the truth, justice, and omnipotence of God him
, self.—To pailey with it, is to degrade ourselves
I toils level; and we would, therefore, leave it
I and its conduct to the fate they merit, conscious
, that our character and paper would not be worth
, preserving, if they could be materially injured
C from such a source,
p In speaking of the Northerners, as a class of
I our population who entertain interests and feel
ings distinct from the country in which they live,
, and which supports and protects thorn, it is but
justice to say, there are many very honorable
, exceptions—but those are, in fact, mostly South
erners—men with Southern attachments, South
ern interests, and Southern feelings. Am! so
, far from entertaining prejudices against Nor
, Ihernors, merely because they arc Northornors,
the heart of a true Southerner never warms ;
, more fondly and respectfully,to any friend ofhis j
, country, than a Northerner, doing justice by his j
words and actions, to the inteiests'and ptinci- )
pics of the South.
Ct,iI.«SULLE, August With, 18oS.
FOK TH! AI'RUA’TA Cftli*'MOf.fi,
TO THE PEOPLE Os IIK’IDIOND 1
COl-VfV, (TSliiO’ THE COMMIT- I
TEE.)
Recognizing Hie right of instruction, on j
the part of the constituent, and consequent- j
ly, the rigid ot the people to know the politi
cal views and sentiments of tlwse, who offer
to represent them—l make (Ins exposition of
my principles, in order that ilia -voters of the
County may vole for or against me, understand
ing ly.
I believe, that in this country, all power does,
and of rigid ought to, emanate from the people,
1 believe, thullliu people of the seperato and
scvcial Elates framed, and adopted, tlio Con
stitution of the U. Slates, and that the General
Government owes its origin to that Constitution.
1 believe, that the Gen’l Government is one
of definite- limitations and restrictions, and that
these limitations and restrictions are specified in
fire Constitution.
I believe, that “ tlio powers not delegated to
the U. States, hy the Constitution, nor prohibi
ted by it to the States, are reserved to the
States respectively, or to the people.''
I believe, that whenever Congress, which is
one of the co-ordinate brandies of the General
Government, passes an act not authorized hy
the Constitution, the sumo is null and void, and
has no force, effector obligation whatever; in
other words, that an unconstitutional act of
Congress is not law, hut usurpation.
I believe, that the Tariff acts of 1823 and ’o2,
arc unconstitutional, oppressive, & unjust; and,
that Congress, in the passage of them, exceeded
the limitations and restrictions of their powers,
specified in the Constitution—that those acts
are mill and void —that they are not laws, but
instances id ' 'flagrant usurpation.
I believe, ilint the people of llie separate and
several Stales, in their sovereign Capacity, and
i thy alone, arc the pn'-’.ies to the compact, do
i nominated the Constitution of the U. States.
1 believe, that all compacts must necessarily
i bo construed hy the putliis who former! them,
especially when those parlies are sovereign, tin
. less, indeed, they divest themselves of that
, right, by the appointment of an interpielor, or
, common arbiter, to decide between them and
, their conflicting opinions.
I believe, that the V. States Government is
, not a parly to the compact of the Constitution—
but the creature of that instrument—the agent,
or trustee of die separate States, clothed with
certain powers, “in trust nevertheless," to bo
. administered for tlio benefit of the States:—
Nor do 1 believe, that the Constitution lias con
temn! upon the Gen‘l Government any power
to judge of the infi actions of that compact, vvhcie
that judgment would involve a decision upon I
“ political rights."
I believe, that a decision upon the constitu
tionality of the Tariff laws, by any branch of the
General Government, would be a judgment
upon “ political rights."
Theiufork., I iiKLiKVE, that tho separate and
sovereign Stales, as parlies to the compact oft
the Constitution, h iving appointed in the Con- j
stiintion, no common arbiter, or oilier supoiiot
mlge, to settle their conflicting opinions, ex
cept “ in cases of law and equity,” may, them
selves, rightfully estimate the infraction ol that
compact, ami determine their mcJe and urea’
sure of rath es- 3 ,
T.otn these positions, result my belief in the
doctrine, us written by Thomas Jefferson, in the
following words, to wit; “ When powers are
assumed, [hy Congress] which have not been
delegated, a Nullification of the act is the right
ful remedy—‘Met every State has a natural right,
incases not within the compact, to Nullify o!
thsir own authority, all assumptions of power
hy others, within their limits—that without this
right, they would be under tho dominion, abso
lute and unlimited, of whomsoever might exer
cise this right of judgment fur them.”
I know not that I could have been more ex
plicit—ls, however, there are any other points
of the subject, upon which my opinion is reqni*
red, 1 will unhesitatingly give it. In conclusion,
I may be permitted to add, that, although 1 ap
prove Mr. Jefferson’s doctrine of Nullification,
yet I do not look upon it, as either- a constitu
tional or a peaceable remedy. Ido not believe
it is constitutional, simply because it is no where
prescribed by the Constitution. It is evidently
one of that ‘‘residuary mass” of rights, specially
reserved to the Slates, and expressly excepted
out ot the Constitution, hy tho tenth article of
the amendments to that instrument. Again, it is
not a constitutional remedy, because the Con
stitution is an instrument, framed alone for the
purpose of delineating a form of government,
and no where provides a remedy lor the infrac
tion of its provisions. It is tine, a mode of a
monding the Constitution, is painted out in that
compact, in case it should bo found insufficient
for its original purposes; but one, with half an
eye, may discover the wide difference between
amending a deficient Constitution, and remedy
ing tile political evils, which have already re
sulted from a violation of that instrument. An
amendment , as provided hy the Constitution, is
intended to prevent future aggression , under
color of that instrument—a remedy, is intended
to relieve us from present oppression. In a word,
it is neither constitutional, nor yet is it opposed
to the Constitution ; no more so, than would bo
the legitimate exercise of any other of the “ re
served lights.”
When I say it is not a peaceable remedy, 1
mean that if the General Government, disro'
garding the sanctity of the Constitution, and
heedless of the limitations so guardedly thrown
around the exercise of its powers, shall come
with lawless violence, without wairant, or au
thoiity, to rivet upon our people at the point of
tho bayonet, the burthens of an unconstitutional
law, the result may be a resort to arms. It this
should unhappily ho the case, the dt.ito will act
upon the defensive— our warfare will bo that of
the oppressed against the oppressor, and our
last struggle to unciinch the manacles with which
they would fetter and bind us. But this deplo
rable termination may not bo reasonably antici
pated so long as A.miiiew Jacksos is entrusted
j with the reigns of government. That patriot,
I as I am informed, has recently declared, that if a
| State should nullify, action against that State
| was never thought o/hy the Executive. Ho could
i only withdraw from the State the troops of the
I General Government, and leave her dependent
| upon her own resources—l am more strength
-1 cnod in the hope that the General Government
J will not be no rash and unconstitutional in its
! movements, ns 10 produce waifaro and conflict
j with a Slate from the peaceful result of the
nullification alicudy practised by the Stale of
I Georgia, in the cases of Clfishune vs. Geoi"ia
. r
| Tassels against Georgia—the Missionaries a
gainst Georgia—and last, though not least, in
ih.it notable instance of Stale interposition, by
which Geouse Mclntosh Troup acquired, under
the old Treaty , all the Cienk lauds within cur
limits, in defiance of the new Treaty, which he
most effectually ahiog.itcd and nullified. These
cases, all of which have resulted in the effectu
al preservation of the rights of Georgia, are pre
cisely such, as in my eye, fill up the mcasuie of
Nullification. It is true they have been hi andt d
by Indianites and Missionaries, as daring and
flagitious attacks upon the splendor and power
of the Supreme Court, but, this to the ccmliaiy
notwithstanding, and as I was one of those who
eoncuired in the passage of the resolution abol
ishing, abrogating, and nullifying “the mandate"
in tho Tassels ease, and still retaining the same
principles upon which 1 then acted, be the con
sequence denunciation, or not, I must believe
that the remedy which Georgia adopted upon
those occasions, although not presetibed by the
Constitution, and consequently not constitution
al, is nevertheless, a rightful one.
In these instances of Georgia nullification, the
result was pcaceaful, and although tho objects
may bo different, yet the principles involved in
them are precisely similar to that upon which
an abrogation of the Tariff act would depend.
The principles being similar, may we not hope
the result \vi ! bo the same?
The people may desire to know how and when
I would have this abrogation of the Tariff act m
take effect within tho Slate of Georgia? My an
swer is short and simple—l would abrogate,
destiny or nullify the tariff act by a law to be
passed by the immediate representatives of the
people in Convention; and here 1 may bn per
mitted to uhsen o, 1 cannot see tire propriety of
questioning a candidate fur the Legislature about
bis views of Nullification, when the members of
the Convention, and not of the l.egislatuic, will
nullify, if the doctrine is ever reduced into prac
tice in Georgia.
I would have tho law of tho Convention, not
immediate, but prospective in its operation
and I would prefer a gradual reduction of the
Turifl'to the revenue point, rather than a sudden
and cntiie abandonment ofllio whole system of
protection. I prefer tins, not because 1 believe
a contrary course incompatible with ~-.u lights
of tho Slates, but because I would give those
who have fattened upon our labor a fair and
I friendly warning, and in relieving ourselves
! from our servitude and oppressions, do them as
j little harm as the natuiu of the case will permit.
It w hat 1 have written bo nullification, then
am I a nullilier—if it be treason, then am 1 a
traitor—hut in any event 1 shall have the, conso
lation to know, that nothing but an inviolable
! attachment to the rights of the Slates, the- Union
I of the Slates, the Constitution of the United
j States—the peace, the harmony, the prosperity,
and the glory of our common country have in
duced rne to the adoption and the expression of
my opinions; and tho recollection that I am but
reiterating tho principles of Jhemisun and
Thm;p, will encourage mo to bo fearless of
consequences, and to trust in the truthuftbe doc
trines 1 maintain.
HOWARD JUNIUS BLACK,
N. B.—l understand that some persons, more
devoted to my overthrow than the cause oflrutli,
have reported to rny prejudice, that I am anxicus
to dissolve the Union—anti d*;f. at the re election
! of General Jackson. For the satisfy*
r those who are disposed to treat me fairly'*
5 that those reports are unfounded stand*
those who are disposed to put mo down*
• or wrong, I need say nothing. ' ”
E J. BL.\*
! FOR T «® svavirx cKncKicLp,
7o Gen IV. Walker, Henry Me,,liner, ■
Glascock, and Msalom Rhodes ■— I
Gentlemen : You have all promptly I
’ your opinions to the public on one i m .,|
. sub - iett b(ifoie and I presume «J
3 dlsdain concealment on any other. Alio J
then, repectfully to ask each of you, o„ e J
questions, on a subject of much importune!
I To Gent V. Walker—
s W hat is your opinion of the policy, rx J
s °y< and constitutionality of the Tariff J
. protection? It is reported that you bar!
, that the Tariff is a Yoke, just suited to yu"l
, “ that y oiJ are w ‘H'og to wear it as lon- 1
. hve, if not made worse—Did you say su I
. you not ? This is so like your lan snarl
t I ,0( T lu W'H behove you did, ifyou do not ,1
t dicl *'• 11 ia kn own that the charter f ur ■:!
l sanl ,srid g« will expire in a few years. ] t l
a sirab l e 10 man y voters, to know whether I
. you are in favor of, or opposed to a l6ll(J !
. it ?—and the reasons for your opinion. I
t To Henry .Healing, Hsq.
s Sir, you are tho present Senator Wha!
r you of tho Tariff— how does the Yoke su !
i nock, and how long aio you willing to wJ
, Did you vole tor or against any of the p!
1 an ‘' remontrances made, while you vv r! ..l
a Legislature ?
To Gen'l Thus. Glascock —.
j Sir, it is believed you me opposed to |J
. riff—lt you are not, please to say so. [i,,l
1 Baid ,l "“ yo« warmly advocated tho mmM
n ‘he Supreme Couit, in the case of 8, A.J
3 cester, (the Missionary) when it first a ,,pl
and that you urged the people to suhfnitl
C and t 0 B‘ ve U l> the jurisdiction and the J
j a,ld tllat }’°u desired it to he written I
, ,ra,l < tl> a t you were for submission-( s I
, or is it not 7 If so, why, and when, dil
j. change your opinion 7
r w ure you not in favor of the V. States!
, last year ? Have you altered ymir opinio!
or not ?—lf so, why, and when? Aie!
favor of; he charter of the old or new UndM
1 To .1. Rhodes, Esq. —
, Sir, what are your opinions of the cnnstitil
i alily and expediency of the Tariff acts fu.l
e toot ion?
) Arc you for or against a removal of the I
> ter of the old Bridge 7
t What is your view of the policy or coil
. tionahty of the U. S. Bank f
I I ask the favor of an euily repl, f orn *u!
s you, that the people may ti.-.ve an o;>; arluj.l
t examining your opinions, and it., : rev, !
,• them, should you think p.Opcr to give di -ml
f A Will
K‘»R T UK AUGUST A i
, 'Vo are sorry to see that the ilabu J
, posed to bo given at Windsor, is aivcrnA
r take place on the same day, upon tvi „ i.l
to ho given at Spiing Hill, will be offer, I A
, people of the County. W« mesony, ( J
at both places it is expected lin t the ,
the Republic, in which all men, and aii pi
are concerned, will be fully and freely disirl
C This being ibo case, the Ourbaeue at V. il
I might haveb con given upon any other d,v J
i ous or subsequent, to the one select, d i>A
. mooting at Spring Hill, so that the poupl. A
have had an opportunity to bo present „t
( only at that to bo given at Windsor, whcrl
natives of the soil aie to ad ficus the
but also at Spring Hill, where the debate v.l
, open to all men, without regard to ihv ir nativl
political complexion; for the writer of ibis I
( graph, has authority to extend the bu iia’il
( Spring Hill, to allsorlsofpeople, Ttio n; f, I
that occasion, will be open to any !*ursn, -<i il
gelding; and the only rules of racing ih’.t ul
exacted there, are, that the competitors!
, stick to the track : there w ill be no bokil
t flying from the question, nor will tlioro bl
| lowed any jockeying or cross joslbng umenl
| riders, on either side; but all will he ju.lgl
their patriotism and love of country.
Wo hope that tho meeting at Spring Ill'll
be conducted amicably, and that no other I
puns will be used by the contending pai'lil
| those r.f reason and aigumcnt. Lor ours,*
as long as our opjioncnts will permit us, tval
use “soft wards and hard arguments.”
A VOTIiI
.iHjii in mm i f ~ii wuiiimp
public ]»iK«rrir\l
A Eh persons oi'poskit to the Tl
ami in favor of a Convention of!
f| State. to meet sit Alilledg-eviiie. cm
I j 2d Monday in November next, nre
! pectfully invited to attend a Meetin
| the i’cople. (o be held at Si’ll I MI HI
I ->n S \’ITUDA V. Ihe’TJd last, when
i merits of the will be I
dismissed, hy several di.-liniritislu d $
tie.t en, eminent alike, tor their pntr
i ism eloquence, and leg;;il ae<iuireiui'
frept l-J i>7
(U/®* The friends and iieciuaint.inrci
’ 3lr. and Mrs. (jIT.VI AIUN. are
1 eil to attend the Funeral of the bitb i
1 I o'clock THIS AFTiIUNDON. ft
i her Into resilience on Green-street,
i low the hospital.
Saturday, loth S.pt. ] 4 ’32.
; A r r I»IWVATE
I.iivEGV MXdiO GiltH, nhc.u'
years ofapre*. (and her Child
a years.) a first rate nurse, an:’, a i-’j
1 house servant—sold for :i<> fai.it. M
1 months credit will be priven. form
proved endorsed ;i<.te.—Apply to
J. ?I AKMiAF.D. J
f Muni go men ■* '1
Sept Mi I
JUST RECEIVED ON j
i H T'F.UI{V’N improved J
VTVVr CLOCiit'', we
vory bushings, and warranted to M
correct time. For sal* i(<’>v tor east ,|
at proved paper, ! v
:* J. IWAHSII.y