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/'row the Richmond Enquirer.
SOUTHERN LITERARY MKSSE'VCER.
It is with no common pleasure, (hat we
have perused (he August number of (he
Southern Literary Messenger. Wc have
watched it from its infancy, and arc re
joiced that the present number gives
strong evidence of its rapid approach tu
vigorous manhood. If may now be said
to have overcome all (he obstacles, to
which every Literary Journal in this coun
try has been subjected. Its future progress
will be smooth and placid.
Every new periodical, exclusively devo
ted to the cause of Literature, must have
a to follow. It must throw
open its columns to the silly caprices or
conceits of every ephemeral scribbler; af
ford a ready vent to the restless cacocthes
scribendi, the fashionable disease of the
day; and following as its guide, the pow
erful impulse of “ steam,” move over as
much space with the least expense of time
or capital, or, in other woods, cover as ma
ny pages with as numerous high-sounding
words, and with as few ideas, as possible.
Through all these difficulties has the
“Messenger” at length found its way. It
Ims thrown off its swathing clothes, is now
striving for the honors of manhood.—li
has involkcd to its aid the powerful minds
of the literary world. They have not lis
tened in vain ; but have generously come
forward to make an otfering at the sluine
of their bright Goddess. Os these, it is
barely necessary to mention the name of
Paulding, Willis, Slidell, 11. Lee, Licbcr,
Sigourney, Bird, Hale, Simms, A f c. Thu
native genius of our own Slate, is well
represented hy the contributions of Green
how, Poe, Cooke, <Vc.
The critical notices arc spirited and ra
cy. In a word, we consider that the pro
bent number, from (ho varied interest of its
articles, combining gravity with humour;
developing the buds of native talent, and
like a faithful mirror, reflecting buck (lie
rich treasures of foreign literature ; paint
ing in their proper colors the vices, follies
and virtues of mankind; illustrating the
wildest scenes of our lovely country; point
ing to the bright spots in our country’s hie
tory, and thus stimulating our youth to
emulate the actions of our forefathers;
and exhibiting,among other striking points,
the exquisite generalship of Napoleon at
Lodi, and the touching reception ofSchill
in the Prussian Capital, affords a “ rare
treat” to all who are fond of lingering n
mong the groves of the Academy—and is
well calculated to bring into public favor
its accomplished Editor. Let Mr. White
make (his number his stipulat'd and “all’s
well.” 1
Wc cannot conclude, however, without 1
giving one word of advice, viz: to cx- 1
elude every thing of a political aspect
from the columns of the “ Messenger.”—
For example, the arguments of Judge
Hopktnsoti on the Eight of Instruction are
ingenious and plausible ; but it is too late
to attempt to disparage that sacred right 1
within the limits of Virginia. Should any *
one think it necessary to reply to it, it *
might lead to an endless controversy which '
will soon pall on the public taste. There '
are some allusions, too, in tho article on *
“ the influence of Names,” which must 1
produce any thing but that hanrony which 1
Literature usually conjures up. We should
say to the Editor, “ On political subjects,
tel your motto be, ‘ Obslu priiir'ipUs’ ”•
Do not, for ouo moment, mingle in the
political strife of the day—Your Work is
one of pence, and not of 1 tumult.—Go, cel
ebrate the martyrdom oftho Toxiuns, \vho,
like Leonidas and his 301), have stayed
the waves of despotism; wreathe with
immortality our own citizens, who have
fallen under tho deadly rifles of the Bed
men; people our woods, our mountains
and valleys, with the bright creations of
fancy. This is your allotted province.
But, if, on tho contrary, you become a
vehicle for party squabblers, the bays of
Literature must inevitably droop.
Wo have not room for a detailed analy
sis* of tho different articles of this num
ber; but we refer our renders to its col
umns, with a cordial “ God speed!”
[Our Correspondent complains of (he
Messenger’s introduction of any thing like
politics. We understand, that they will
be henceforth assiduously excluded.—A
reply will appear in the next No. to Judge
Hopkiuson’s papers—and as soon us the
arguments on that subject are closed, the
door will bo shut against all political allu
sions.-—lt gives us pleasure to publish tho
following Card :
A Contradiction I .— Mr. Thomas W.
White, understanding (bat somo curren
cy has been given to a rumor, that lie bad
cither no longer any interest in, or had
disposed of bis Printing Establishment,
and with it the “ Southern Literary
Messenger” —deems it bis duty to say to
his friends and the public generally, that
there is not note, nur ever has been, the
least foundation for such a report No in
dividual whatever, is either directly, or
indirectly, concerned in the “ Messen
ger,” or in bis (hinting Business, except
hitnselt*—Mr. W. avails himself of the
present opportunity, to return Ins sincere
and unfeigned thanks for the very liberal
encouragement a generous public has so
far bestowed on him—and will be emulous
still to merit a continuance of their datron
Ǥco
• We would purely allude to the article hea
ded " Pinakidiu," which is composed with much
spirit, mid is not only interesting, hut highly in
structive.
Melancholy Occurrence. —We have to
record another melancholy instance of (lie
disastrous consequences of the revengeful
passions to widen human nature is more
or less subject, and which when uncon
trolled, occasionally bursts forth, destroy
ing him against whom it is directed, and
him who indulges it. The catastrophe to
which we now have reference, took place
on the morning of Saturday lust, about a
mile and a half from this placc on the
Jefferson road. The facts, as wo have
understood them, arc briefly these: Two
wagoners, one a Mr. Evans of Gwinnett
countv, the other named Stephen Garner
of Hall, had been travelling'from Augusta
together, and on the road each had at (lif
erent times paid money for the other in
settling their expenses. Being about (o se
parate, they had set down to see how there
accounts stood, when adifliculty occurred
as to the payment of a small balance sup
posed by Evans to be due to him. Garner
did not admit the debt, which induced
Evans to make some expression that irri
tated him. He immediately struck him
with his fist, got up and struck him again
—perhaps kicked him also—and then
started for his wagon to get his whip, as
he said for the purpose of chastising him.
But before-he returned Evans had fallen
over and died immediately. Garner in
stantly made his escape, and though pur
sued has not, as wc have heard, yet been
taken. —Athens Banner, 10.'A insl.
•■■of ft 0>«*»
From the .V. Courier {# Enquirer, 7th inti
LATER FROM FRANCE.
The packet ship Sui.lt, Capt. Forbes,
arrived yesterday from Havre. We have i
received by her Baris journals to the Ist,
and Havre to the 2d August.
The total concealment of the king from
(lie public eye, the precautions taken to •
prevent dangerous characters approach- '
mg even the entrance to tho palace, and t
the arrests making by the police, still till
a prominent place in the French journals.
A Baris newspaper, La /’air, says:
Many reports, some of them contra
dictory, are in circulation on (be subject
of the arrests that have been made. The
following facts are derived from a source
deserving of credit, and are «c believe
true.
About ten days ago, the police was in
formed that a man, whose name we have
not heard, intended to assassinate the
King. The man was immediately acres
led. lie did not hesitate to avow his
criminal design, and even entered into
the greatest details as to the means he
■ intended to employ to curry his designs
into execution. His intention was to
take a place in the ranks id'the National
Guards, throw himself on (he King and
stab him.
On being asked whether lie had any
accomplices, his reply was, “ 1 have but
one and 1 have no objection to name him,
because I know that be will be highly
gratified by sharing my fate, whatever
that may be. Ami lie then gave the name
of his accomplice, and the spot where lie
could be found. The Police immediate
ly went there and found a man who of
fered no rosistence, and who avowed
that his intention was to kill the King hy j
stabbing him.
These circumstances appear so extra
ordinary, that it is difficult to believe
them. They have however been related 1
to us hy persons who wc have every rea- 1
son to believe, well informed. I
It is also said that a young man resid- ‘
ing generally at Rouen, arrived at Paris '
about the I bill of ibis mouth. Some days I
ago he called on his uncle to request him '
to lend him his uniform of the National !
Guard. On receiving a refusal, he per
sisted with so much earnestness in his 1
request that ho at last excited the sus- '
picions of (he uncle, who knew (hat his '
nephew entertained tho. most extravagant 1
republican opinions.—On severely ques 1
tinning him, the young man at last cun-
Cessed that he was member of a society
who had determined mi killing (he kiug&
(hat it had fallen to his lot to strike (he
blow. Not being able to persuade him 1
to renounce liiscrimiiial project the Uncle
determined to inform the police of it,
who immediately arrested the young fan- '
atic. Ho has been interrogated and till 1
now has persevered in a total denial of '
the charge.”
“Judicial proceedings are, it is said, 1
already instituted against these indivi- 1
duals.”
Was there ever such an extraordinary
phreir/.y ns seems to have seized a part
of the French people ?
The Journal Du Havre of (he 2d Aug.
also contains a statement of the death of
Mr. Nathan Rothschild, of London, at
Frankfort. It could not have been copied
from tho London papers, ns it only ap
peared there on the day previous. Proba
■ lily however, a report of his death also
reached Franco, in consequence of his
severe illness.
Letters from Madrid, stated to be from
a ministerial source, in date of the 24th
and 251 h July, say that on tho evening of
the 22i1, intelligence reached Madrid
that tho greatest panic reigned at Granja,
the summer residence of the Queen, in
consequence of rumors which had readi
ed there, of the arrival of the Carlists at
Arriuza, ten or twelve leagues distant;
and that her Majesty had given immedi
ate orders for her departure to Madrid.
A column of troops was instantly des
patched towards tho threatened point,
and to allay tho general uneasiness which
prevailed. A bulletin was issued on tho
following day. staling that the enemy
had rctrogaiied as soon as they learned
the advance of the column oftho garri
son. Considerable disturbances notwith
standing ensued in the capital, and were
only quelled by the firmness of General
Qucsada. Two or three men who utter
ed seditious cries, were killed in the
night by the National Guards,
From the, V. Commercial. ldt>er(iscr, Sept, 10.
VERY LATH VIIOM ENGLAND.
At an early hour this morning, tho
packet ship United States, Capt. Ilol
drege, arrived from Liverpool whence
she sailed on the ( ,Uli of August.
N. M. Rothschild, the celebrated Lon
don Banker died at Frankfort on the
, Maine, on the 23(!i July. The private
i fortune of Mr. N. M. Rothschild is sta
. ted to have been four millions sterling.
His place in London was to be occupied
by his brother Charles, who -formerly rc
- sided at Naples, and inure recently at
1 Frankfort. Tho amount of his invest
ments in hank stock ami other English
securities, is staled at tj? 1,500,000 ster
ling.
, /'agland. — Die most important among
. the contents ol these papers, is the report
1 of the debate in the British House of
. Commons, on the 3th August,on the sub
ject of an interference by Great Britain
. between Texas and Mexico.
I Parliament was expected to be proto
, gued on or about the 16th of August.
. The amendments of the Commons to
( the amendments made by the peers in (he
. lithe commutation bill, were agreed to
. in the House of Lords on the stn. The
i established church bill was read a third
time and passed in the same duv.
A dud was fought on the sth, between
v the lion. Grantly Berkelv and Dr. Ma
- ginn, editor of Frazer’s Magazine. Nuili
i ing dune.
I he church of Ireland bill, as amen
: ded by the peers, was taken up in the
1 House of Commons on (he 2d of August.
Alter a very protected debate, Lord John
r Russell’s motion, which was that the
1 amendments should be considered that
. day three months, was agreed to bv a
i majority of 29. The vote was for motion j
i 260, against it 231. This is equivalent 1
i to a rejection of the amendments.
__
Mr.O’Connell stated, on the 2d of Au
gust, that he should not bring forward bis
motion fora reform of the House of Lords
during the present session, but gave no
tice that it should be the first object of his
attention at the next.
France. —The trial of forty-five persons
charged with having entered into a con
spiracy to overthrow the government, was
proceeding before the Tribunal ofCorrec
tion.—The King’s advocate, in the course
of bis speech, declared that no doubt
j could exist of an Extensive plot having
j been organized.
It appears that the anniversary of the
j revolution, passed over without any dis
turbances. Kin* Louis Pbillippc propo
ses to review the National Guards on the
I anniversary of bis accession to the throne
—and on dial day the cullosal obelisk of
the Luxor was to be placed on its mag
nificient granite pedestal in the centre of
the place Louis XVI.
There were rumors in Paris that a new
conspiracy among the military had been
discovered.
The Cholera was raging in Hungary
and oilier parts of the Austrian domin
ions. There had been a number of cases
In Vienna.
—ft $«••••*.
From th ’ Slate flight 8 Sentinel, *<lhint.
THE NOBLE SACRIFICE.
1 he letter ol Col. John If. Uow.vuu in
to-day’s .Sentinel, exhibit's onoofthc most
magnanimous acts of self devotion to the
pmdic good, ol which (bo present era of
I political degeneracy can boast. Hud the
friends tvho placed (ho name of Col. How
ard iii nomination for Congress, have re
quested bis declension fur (bo purpose ol
enabling them to pay a tribute of respect
to a political opponent who liar] sustained
with independence and ability their views
uiql feelings on the floor of Congress, a
lone and unaided by (hose from whom
be bad a right to expect co-operation, upon
the most vitally important subject of the
day, it would even then have been a de
gree of noble self sacrifice .worthy of the
highest praise and admiration. But when
he comes forward of his own accord, in
llic abundance of Ids patriotism, (masked,
unsolicited, and relieves Ids friends of their
obligations to support him, for the two-fold
purpose of heaping honor upon a political
opponent, who has done Ids duty to Ins
country, and ofmaking (bo way fair for the
people to elect others who will “go and
do likewise,” it becomes an act of disin
terested magnanimity, honorable to the
bead that conceived it and supremely hon
orable to the heart that had the moral
courage to make the sacrifice which it re
quired. High as bo has hitherto stood in
(be estimation of Ids political friends, how
infinitely higher will ho now rise hy (his
one single act! And should the day of our
supremacy as a party over arrive, and wc
think it close at hand, how great and re
sistless will be Ids claims upon our future
consideration.
By ibis important movement, Gen.
Glascoqjt will be returned to Congress
with the most triumphant vote over given
to any man in Georgia. It adds 20,000
votes to Ids poll, and even if Ids present
treacherous colleagues should be again re
turned with him, it will tell tho enemies of
Southern lights that although the power
of party discipline may sustain them, yet
(lie people ol I lie State have sustained /uni.
It will liilsily (be predictions of (hoso who
in their hearts would be glad to see him
down, that lie could not. and would not be
sustained in the stand which ho had taken
on the floor of Congress on Mr. Pinck
ney’s resolutions.
ft
From the Georgia Journal.
Oei lensit.il of Maj. John 11. Ho ward.
NV e have received a letter from Maj.
Howard, in which he announces his in
tention ot withdrawing from the Congres
sional ticket. He assigns as Ids reason,
the wish to afford the State Rights party
of Georgia the opportunity of sanctioning
the course of Gen. Glascock, on (ho abo
lition question, without injuring their
nominated ticket. Much as we regret
tho step which Maj. Howard considers it
a duty to Ids country to take, we cannot
but highly appreciate the motives under
which it is taken. On the subject of sla
very, (the only question of magnitude
now before the Southern people,) Gen.
Glascock had (ho independence to differ
with Ids party, and with Ids colleagues
mi the floor of Congress. He acted as a
Southern man, his colleagues forgot their
duly to their State in their devotion to
(he interests ot a Northern politician ;
for this, his course receives the approba
tion of that portion of the people of Geor
gia who differ with him on other ques
tions. Wc were among the first, if not
the first, of his opponents, to applaud the
bold and lofty stand he dared to take
against the introduction on the floor ol
Congress, ot the question of slavery, out
whole people have sanctioned that course;
they have drawn a marked distinction
between him and the balance of the Van
Huron Ticket, and though we approve
the motives which have prompted his
high-minded rival for public favor to with
draw from the contest, we nevertheless
cannot but regret the loss which such a
man would be in our public councils,
should our ticket succeed. We rather
wish that botli could wield their power
ful eloquence in thrusting from the balls
ot Congress, a question which that body
has no real right even to discuss.
M j. Howard has adopted his course
under a sense ot duty to his country, and
after a full and mature deliberation. This
determination is another evidence that
his country's real good is with him, of the
j first importance, his own personal elcva
i lion nothing.
His letter reached us almost too late
lor insertion, and we have not room at
present to speak upon it at the length we
would wish.
1—
/'■ ■tract of a letter to the Editor o f the Sax'an
' nah Georgian, dated
St- John’s Uiveu, K. F. Sept. 4. -
1 “Sin,—-Flie following is a list of the
number ot Troops south of Black Creek,
i ; Those stationed at Fort Defiance, an
now removed to Whiteville, near Garey’s
on Black t reek, Micauopy having been
abandoned.
Troops at Fort Defiance, 390 men
Major Pierce, U i$ A commanding.
Troops at Fort Gilliland, 138 men,
Colonel Warren commanding.
Troops at Fort Mills, 42’men, Capt
Parish, commanding.
Troops at Fort Lancaster, 65 men,
Captain Brown commanding.
Troops at Fort Reed, 66 men, Capt.
i Martin commanding.
-! Troops at Livingston’s Ferry, 12 men,
s ! Capt. Martin commanding,
s | Troops at Charles’ Ferry, 14 men, Lt.
- i Kerr, commanding.
s i Troops at Wlutesvillc, (before Fort
Defiance was abandoned,) 150 men,
s Major Gardiner, US A, commanding.
Total 867 men.
s In these several Forts are upwards of
- 2,000 persons crowded together, exhibit
’ ing a scene of starving, and squalid
t, wretchedness scarcely to be imagined.
' A report has readied lids place, that
Colonel Warren is surrounded at New
ts nansville, by 3or 400 Indians, on which
- considerable dependence is placed.
- Major Pierce (of whom we expect
i‘ much,) went up the .St. Johns in the
e steamer a few days since. He is on his
I way to NewnanSvillc,(Fort Gilliland,) to
- give the Indians another fight. United
f with Col, Warren and Ids officers and
men, wc expect the gallant little band of
v the U. S. officers now on duty there will
i achieve for themselves more brillant
honors than they gained at Fort Drane.
f Though a more daring and chivalric act,
- wc cannot expect, than the heroic rescue
s ol the wounded soldier hy the brave and
gallant Heruert. The name of this
intrepid and worthy Lieutenant should
I be sent from one end of (lie Union to the
| oilier in speaking capitals, for his fre
;| i quent deeds of noble daring. It is his due
( j lor what lie has achieved as a soldier—as
j, | a citizen, he is most worthy. A few such
p spirits, left free, would soon turn the tide
B that is sweeping Florida. He goes with
. Major Pierce who is accompanied by
. many young officers that know no fear
j- for another fight. We trust Lieut. Iler
, bert and his brave associates, not forget-
I ling the gallant Major Pierce, may con
„ dime to escape the lonian’s bullets.—
Oseola’s bullets may be as erring as those
, j aimed at Washington. The boat is off.”
AUOUSTAi
I SVrrRDAV, SKPTKMHKII 17. IH3t..
1 "lit Just, nod fear not,"
( ' CONGRESSIONAL TICKET.
JULIUS C. ALFORD, of,Troup.
| HOWARD J. BLACK, of Scriven.
1 iW. 'J 1 . COLQUITT, of Muscogee.
1 | WILT,I AM C. DAWSON, of Greene.
K. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham.
1 JOSEPH W. JACKSON, of Chatham.
THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn.
: EUGENIUS A. NESBIT, of Morgan.
• MAYOR OP SAVANNAH.
At a meeting es the now Board of Aldermen
1 of Savannah, on Monday last, John C. Nichoi,
Esq. was chosen Mayor of that city.
HEALTH OP NEW YORK.
The New York City Inspector reports tho
death of 215 persons in that city, daring the
week ending on Saturday, the 3d of Sept.—viz:
33 men, 33 women, 73 boys, and 76 girls; total
j 315.
) COLUMBIA SIU'ERIOK COURT. <
The Superior Court of Columbia county met 1
. on Monday last, His Honor John Siicy presi- 1
I’ ding; but on account of sickness, which, wc to- <
r gret to learn, prevails to an unusual extent in '
I that county, at present, it was deemed prudent to
• adjourn until the thirjtl Monday in December
1 , next. ' i
i ,
! THE MAILS. |
I Wc have repeatedly been requested to notice
the neglect of the Contractors on the Northern
Mail route; but, wc are heartily sick of the sub- ,
ject. Tbc newspapers throughout the Union arc j
, continually bringing to view some instance of ,
. shameful negligence, cither on (ho part ol Con- |
- tractors or Postmasters, and still no notice appears ,
- to he taken of it hy (lie Department.—We ought ,
. to have rcc civcd the New York papers of Friday,
the 9th, yesterday, hut received only those of the
- day previous; and wc have been receiving fhem
one day behind the proper time for ten or twelve
I days past. A proper remedy should be applied ;
I but wo fear the officers of the Department are at
t present too much engaged with the elections, to
,- pay that attention to the public interest, which it
- is their duly to do.
it The present mode of communication between
• this city and Charleston, is a disgrace to tho gov-
I eminent ; and a contract for carrying tho mail
upon the Rail Road ought to bo immediately
made by tho Post Office Department, let it cost
0 what it may—even if it should bo necessary to
■ send a guard for its protection, and pay his pas
. sage, as well as the customary rate of freight for
■- j the mail.
I .
,( CHARLESTON CHOLERA REPORTS.
e Okkicb Biuun ok Hk. vi.tii, 7
0 Charleston, Sept. 12—1 o’clock, P.
,<• Tho Special Committee of iho Board have to
j|* report for the last 24 hours 15 cases of Cholera—
>; j 5 whites, 10 black and colored, alt under treat-
II | meat. Os the cases reported yesterday no deaths
ll j have boon returned. By order.
e
s September 13, I o’clock, P. M,
l- ) The Special Committee of the Board have to
s report for the last 24 hours 13 cases of Cholera
a —I white, 12 blacks and colored, 2 dead—the
h others under treatment. Os tho.cases reported
r yesterday no deaths have been returned. By order.
S September 14, 1 o’clock, P. .11.
V The Special Committee of the Board have to
j report for the last twenty-four hours, eleven cases
l j l of Cholera—3 whites, 9 blacks and colored, 2
! dead—the others under treatment. Os the cases
! reported yesterday 2 more have died. By order.
*' * September 16, 1 o’clock, P, .1/.
The Special Committee of the Board have to
1 report for the laat twenty-four hours; 6 eases of
| j ■Cholera; 3 whites, 3 blacks and colored, 2 dead,
t , j the others under treatment. Os the cases, report
ed yesteiday, 3 more have died. By order.
TUGS. Y. SIMONS, M. D.
i- j Chairman Special Committee.
A. G. Howard, M. D. Clerk. *
C : The Charleston Board of Health report the
v. | deaths of sixty-two persons in that city, during
e j th® week ending on Sunday last —13 whites and
s 49 blacks. Os this number thirty-four died of
11 j Cholera.
'• WITHDRAWAL OF COL. HOWARD.
j |Wc have just seen the address of Col. John H.
’ How van to the people of Georgia, withdrawing
L fi' B name from the State Right* Ticket, to afford
an opportunity to the Slate Rights men, to vote
I, for Gen. Glascock, without defeating or injuring
live State Rights Ticket—and seen it, too, with
t. admiration and gratitude. It is an act worthy of
|of him, and consistent with tho noble, straight'
forward, gallant and generous disinterestedness of
his whole life—ever foremost as he has been in
single-hearted devotedness to his principles and
his country, regardless of self, and fearless of con-,
sequences—first in his open declaration for his
principles of nullification, regardless of the new
name and unjust odium endeavored to be fixed
on them—first in his fcar*ss and zealous efforts to
carry the war into the creelt country,by which, had
I hose dibits been seconded by others, he would
doubtless have finished that war in the very mo
ment that it began—first in the enemy’s camp at
Cbickasahalelice, as sf private volunteer, after the
term of his command had expired—and first to
sacrifice his individual prospects of political eleva
lion, in the hope of promoting the wcllare of his
country, and saving his principles from probable
defeat. It is, indeed, in the language of the Sen
tinel, a “noble sacrifice,” and “ exhibits one of the
most magnanimous acts of devotion to the public
good, that the present era of political degeneracy
can boast.” It cannot but be met by the State
Kighta party with the highest sentiments of ad
miration, and the warmest feelings of gratitude—
as it has been, so far as we have yet had an op
portunity of knowing. Without it, as wc have
heretofore shewn, all chance of success to our
Congressional Ticket was out of the question ; for
our friends had already, unreflectingly, under
their grateful feelings toward Gen. Gl vscock, for
his elevated and admirable stand in behalf of the
Constitution and the South, gone too far to re
trace their steps: and, what is worse, not only
would Ac have profilted by those grateful feelings,
hut all his colleagues also, whose course has been
diametrically opposite to his, and as detestable to
our people, and treacherous to the South, as his
has been noble and devoted. We know that such
an act was looked to by our intelligent friends
with the deepest interest, as the only ona which
could save us from these unpleasant consequen
ces, though it was felt to be one of too great dcle
eacy to suggest or recommend ; and of course it
will he hailed by them, every where, with the
wannest satisfaction ; for even those of our party
who saw and regretted the deleterious clients of
that party’s vote for Gen. Glascock, equally par
took of the feelings which prompted it, and will
he equally gratified to vote for him, now an oppor
tunity is offered of doing so without injury to
their own candidates. For ourselves, deeply as
we must regret the loss of such a man to the coun
cils of the Confederacy, we are the more proud of
it, and the man, since it justifies the opinion wo re
peatedly expressed ofhim, in reference to this very
matter —having, as many of our friends will re
member, again and again declared our conviction,
from a long acquaintance with him, and the fre
quent evidences we hud seen of his unbounded
disinterestedness, and devotion to his principles,
regardless of himself, that he -would be r/is,risaif
wan to do this very act, as soon as his return
from the Creek war should afford time for him to
become sufficiently acquainted with public opinion
to see the importance of it—and certainly, unless
he should be misled as to public opinion, (which,
with his accustomed vigilant investigation of it and
its consequences was by no means probable,) or
overruled by his immediate friends.—We know
him well—would to God that the whole people of
Georgia did equally so, and had marked his con
duct as often and as closely, in those emergencies
which, while a man’s own heart & conscience are
his sole advisers and judges, most completely test
the honesty and sincerity of his purpose, the puri
ty of his patriotism, and the inflexibility of his
principles. We think it would be admitted by
those acquainted with our course, that whatever
may be our errors, wo are as little given to that of
confidence in men, especially political men, as
any one; and, before God, wc have no hesitation
in saying, that if it were our duty to select one
man above all others on whose inflexible hones
ty, disinterestedness, courage, and patriotism, to
slake the safety and welfare of the country, and
our own life and honbr, in extreme peri!, and un
der strong temptation, he would he the very man!
Say what you will of this, as praise or partiality,
where is the intimate friend he has “that would
not as promptly and readily do the same I
Gainesville, Sept.!), 1830.
THE SrRPGFS-REVEXFE ACT.
Mr, Calhoun, in his late reply to the Athens
Committee, declining the public dinner tendered
to him, says of this act: “If I mistake not, the
passage of this measure is the commencement of
a new political era. It will be regarded in histo
ry as marking the termination of that long vibra
tion of our system toward consolidation, which
lately threatened the ovcithrow of our institutions
and the loss of our liberty, and the commence
ment of its return to its true confederative
character, as it came from the hands of its fra
mers.”
God send that this prophecy may prove true.
Much as wo douht it, and wholly in conflict, as it
is, with our own opinions, no one will more rejoice
at it than we; for, however it may expose the error
of our judgment, and the weakness of our fore
sight, it will clloct or promote that blessed object
of our long anxious hopes and efforts, which will
ever be infinitely dearer to us than any pride Vff
opinion. Recognizing as we do, the heroic patri
otism and integrity of purpose, as well as gigan
tic mind, of its author, it is with painful regret
that we differ from him on so momentous a sub
ject, and with no little reluctance and diffidence
that we feel constrained to express that difference
to our readers. Confinement to a sick bed while
the bill was under discussion, and a tedious and
distressing since, alone could have
kept us thus long silent on a measure of such im
portance, & fraught, as we sincerely believe, with
much future mischief to the country ; and, thus
restrained, wc might have been silent oven longer,
but for reading the letter above referred to in a
j late No. of the Chronicle, and the unwillingness
j wc feel that such silence should be construed info
j a tacit acquicsence in, or approbation of, the opin
ion expressed in the above extract from it.
It is true that, as Mr. Calhoun says, “ There
is one view of this important subject highly inter
esting to the Southern Atlantic States, and espe
cially to this”—namely: “It will afford the
I means, if properly applied, of opening our con
nexion with the vast and fertile regions of the
j West, to the incalculable advantage of both them
. and us, —But, small indeed, is even this, in our
view, compared with the injury to be apprehend
-ed in other respects—small, indeed, is any pccu
j niary means or benefit, however great, when ob
, tained by any sacrifice of principle, or future har
mony and safety. And even this sole anticipat
ed benefit, (“ if the means be properly applied,”)
is as yet by no means certain ; for it is a matter
j of considerable doubt, whethcrjhey will be “pro-
I pcrly applied.” Have the other vast means of
the Slate boon properly applied, or made a curse,
instead of a blessing, as all means may be ? and
if not, where is the security that these will he (
belter applied than those ! f
But, to rpturn to the extract above —so far ,
from this measure “ marking the termination of (
the long vibration of our system toward consoli- |
dalion,” and “ its retui n to its true confederativc (
character,” we believe it will have the very oppo- ,
site tendency, and that it strikes a most fearful, ,
if not a fatal blow to Stale Rights principles, and |
the interest and welfare of the South- And, be- i
lieving thus, it is oui doty to warn the Southern ,
people against it and its consequences, rather than
suffer them to rely upon it with gratification, confi- |
dance, & hope. We believe its tendency is to buy
them olf from their true principles and interests, ,
and teach thefn to rely upon the General Govern
ment for means and resources, rather than upon
themselves—forgetting, in their scrambles for the
money, the source from whence it camp, and is to
come, for the future. Gratified in the reception (
of it, the act of distribution will become a prece- .
dent; and, regardless of the reckless and tufa-
mous manner in which they and their section arc
plundered and impoverished to obtain it, they
will look to the future accumulations in the Trea
sury with interest and pleasure, rather than jea
lousy, pain, and remonstrance. The imiotec- ’
tive system of taxation will be fastened upon
us Jorever ; for who will pause to examine into 1
or listen at a recital of its evils, so abstruse, un- '
certain to the many, and difficult to he under- 1
stood, while its benefits, in tins distribution Op 1
the surplus, are seemingly so plain, palpable, sub- f
slanlial, and certain. Who will care about a re
duction of the Tariff, when these are its results'!
—who struggle to save our people from its vora
cious appetite, when they servilely struggle for
their unequal share of the more leavings of its
plunder —plunder,too, of their very selves ! And
is not this very shout of triumph, 'monstrous !
Triumph!—at what! Why that they who have
been plundering us with impunity, for years up
■ on years, in spile of all our remonstrances, efforts,
and throats, have now consented, at our prayer,
: to give us a small, very small share of their vile,
ill-gotten plunder! Can any degradation surpass
1 this! Can any other infatuation, not excepting
’ even that of the victims of Juggernaut, be equal
'to it! IVe shout!—we raise lo Pcoaus at this
consummation of corruption, falsehood, delusion,
1 mockery, and plunder, upon ourselves —our own
1 South! Faugh ! the very thought of it is sick
' citing!—What must the Tariff people think of
1 us! Heretofore, they have been satisfied with
that share of the plunder which arose from the
increased price of the protected articles, heedless
‘ what became of the surplus revenue so they
’ could squander it sufficiently fast to leave room
■ for the accumulations continually progressing;
hut now, at our own desire, they take, also, their
1 equal, yea, unequal, share of the surplus itself!
And we triumph! Monstrous! Has it not
1 been their policy, from the first, to squander a
-1 way the surplus in any way they could, that our
1 people might not bo led to wonder at, and more
1 closely examine into, its vast accumulations !
1 and oars to prevent them, that the latter might
bo forced into that enquiry ! Have we not cal
culated the natural effect of these accumulations
on the approaching settlement of the Tariff ques
tion, in 1812 ! Have wo not saiih that they
would be such (in spite of all efforts to squander
them,) as to aid us and our arguments greatly, in
bringing down the Tariff duties to their lowest
'revenue point! Has not this been urged even
upon us, against our opposition-to the late Tar
iff compromise, and our views of its probable ef
fects ! And now, before that period arrives, we
aid in squandering them ourselves; for, consider
ing the source from whence they are originally
taken, and the very small proportion that returns
to that source, the distribution deserves no better
name—at least from us, albeit our own representa
tives have taken part in it.
There is a palpable and gross inconsistency,
tooj in this matter, on the part of our State Rights
friends, which is to us both mortifying and dis
gusting. It will be recollected, that when Gen.
Jackson, some time ago, recommended this mea
sure, in one of his Messages, the State Rights
papers of the South denounced it violently, one
and all, from the Potomac to the Sabine. Then,
it was opposed to Slate Rights, anti-Republican,
unconstitutional, unequal, oppressive, unjust,
; promotive of tlio Tariff policy, &c. &c. But
now, because desired and effected by Southern
■ and State Rights men, it is the very reverse,
and the majority of the friends 'of the adminis
tration in both Houses, iniquitous and corrupt as
• they arc made eut to be in all other matters, are
lauded as proving themselves friends to their
5 country, in preference to their party, for their co
• operation in this—a co-operation, effected more
s by their fear of the popularity of the measure at
• home, among those who wore to share the plun
der, than by any considerations of thcir'couutry or
. its institutions ; that fear being greater for the
t time, than that of Gen. Jackson or their party,
5 inasmuch as that popularity, among those to
r whom thoy owed their scats, would lie so much
- j the greater than tire popularity of cither; for
1 j they doubtless guessed, as shrewdly as coircctly,
I i for so it has turned out, that much as their con
s | stituents liked Gen. Jackson, they would like
- the money belter, and prefer it, in deciding be
■ twoen the two. In refining to their experience
t for aid, it is probable they recollect no instance,
- in which men were called on to decide between
s money and men, to say nothing of principles,
e that did not result precisely in that way.
3 It is true, as verbally urged to us by those who
' agree with Mr. Calhoun, that the “unconstitu-
B tionality” of Tien. Jackson’s proposition has
‘ been obviated, or ingeniously and deceptively
1 gotten over, in this measure, by making (lie
3 States, verbally, or ostensibly, tiro 'depositories,
’> instead of distributes or grantees of the mo
a ney—an amendment lo that effect having been
s offered during the discussion, to get over this dis
-0 Acuity, and prevent a veto of the bill, as it w,as
- suspected that Gen. Jackson would face to the
rightabout on this measure, as well as his State
; Rights opponents; the former from iris own pro
•- position, and the others to it —but, whojjan hon
■ estly and sincerely say that this actually changes
j the real character of the distribution itself, or
. that it is not in truth a mere legislative eva
b sion—a distinction, without a difference ! Was
1 not the original purpose to give the money to tlgc
r States, wholly ami entirely ; and did those who
. desired to do so, hesitate or oppose this mere ver
. bal restraint upon that purpose ! Did they not
- see, plainly, as every intelligent man must do,
- that the money never would be, or probably
. could be, returned to the Federal Treasury!
) Will any member of Congress vote to take it
r back! Will any one dare to do so, in the face of
- his constituents, after the money has been expen
f ded, and they must be taxed, directly, by their
, own State, to pay it, dollar for dollar! Would he
I nJt rather vote, if necessary, to raise the Tariffdu
——-
lies, and be sustained by his constituents in doing
so, yea even though Southern men! Did not thou
sands of Southern men advocate the Tariff du
ties, even in their highest and worst state, as a
blessing, rather than an evil, to the whole coun
try—the South, as well as the North! Did hot
even the Southern States, ail save one, combine
against that one, to sustain them even by blood—•
the blood of that one ! And can, any one be
lieve, after this, that the whole Southern States
and Southern people would not prefer that any
money needed by the Federal Government should
be raised by Tariff duties, however really onerous,
unequal, and unjust to the South, than by direct
taxation, through lire several States, and in mo
■ _ /
ney ! Can any one believe that the Northern
States or people will ever consent to repay in this
way, while they have a majority in Congress,
with power to raise it otherwise ; and at the same
time promote their sectional interests in so do
ing ! Can any one believe that any Represen
tative in Congress, Northern or Southern, would
dare to vote for a direct tax on his constituents,
while the money needed could be raised in any
other way! IVe can not; and already have
we heard it said, triumphantly, again and again,
“ I should like to sec any man, of any parly, ci
ther in Congress or the State Legislature, that
would dare vote for h return of the ntoftcji ; or
any politician, that would dare advocate such a
measure to the people.”—lt is useless, then, tot
say it is a measure of temporary deposits, and
not of final distribution, and that the “ uuconsti,
tutionaiity” of tiro proposition of Gen. Jackson
lias been removed thereby, or that the measure
will not bo made a pretext by the Tariffilcs, for
increasing the protective duties hereafter, by set
ting aside the Compromise arrangement boforo
they become much lower, defeating the settlement
indefinitely provided for in it, and raising them
under the first plausible pretence, that the Gov
ernment needs money. But, even admitting that
they will allow tiro Compromise act to remain
unrepealed till ’42, tiro present and subsequent
distributions of the surplus rcvcnuc.cre then, will
undoubtedly lie so managed as to show some plau
sible pretext for raising money, and thereby in
evitably defeat every reasonable hope of any sat
isfactory settlement of tire Tariff question. A
call will be made for money, by the Government.
Money, the Tariffilcs will tell us, must be raised,
cither by returning the surplus revenue, or in
creasing the Tariff duties: And, the Southern
people, ultimately prefering the latter lo the for
mer, will thus bo bought off from their true in
terests and principles, and the vile Tariff system
of plunder, rendered tenfold more beneficial to the
North, and ruinous to the South, by this new sys
tem of distributing its surplus, and bribing,corrupt
ing, and tantalizing its sinking victims, will bo
firmly and securely fastened on them forever.
The increase of duties, as it gradually absorbs
their substance, and saps their prosperity, will ren
der them still more desirous of another, another,
and another distribution of tiro surplus; gild their
plunderers will lie the more ready to grant this-,
again, and again, as in doing so they will not only
subserve their main pretext for, and justification
of, high duties, and thereby increase the prices
of their homo manufactures, but at the same time
transfer their own share of the surplus plunder to
their own pockets.
Tell us not, then, that the “ unconstilutionality”
of the measure, as proposed by Gen. Jackson,
lias been obviated by the Legislative ruse referred
to, which is oven worse than an open and undis
guised violation. But, even admitting that it has,
that was hut one only of the many grounds of ob
jection to it, as heretofore referred to. In com
mon with our Stale Rights friends generally, wo
denounced it as destructive of State Rights, auti-
Rcpubliean, unequal, unjust, and oppressive to
the South, promotivo of the Tariff' policy, &c.
&c.; and bow, wo bog leave to ask, lias it been
altered in these respects !—How others reconcile
themselves to this palpable inconsistency, we
know not. Wo are unable to do itoursolves! and
with all our respect for Mr. Calhoun, and his
Southern coadjutors in it, we cannot believe black
to be actually white! because they toll us so—or
that what is black when done by Gen. Jackson,
can be made white, merely by being done by our
political friends.
The truth is, it was a measure of expediency,
taken, like many other equally injurious, degrad
ing, and suicidal ones, as “ the lesser of two
evils" —considering it, with all its evil, less objec
tionable than the extravagant, corrupting, waste
ful, and power-purchasing use of the surplus,
made by the administration party, and that it
would take the principal mean of power and cor
ruption out of their hands. Admit that it some
what limits their ill-gotten power and corruption,
docs it not increase ours ; and is it not better al
ways patiently to “ boar the ills we have,” parti
cularly when we take no part in the promotion of
them, than blindly and suicidaliy ‘‘fly lo others
that wo know not of.” Is it the part of patriotism
or virtue, to do evil ourselves, for the purpose of
preventing it in others!—or, to “ do right, tiro’
the heavens should fall,” and “ do our duty, and
leave the consequences to God.” Were good ends,
ever effected by evil means ? Can any man
point to a single instance of it! No, not one.
We have it made our business, wherever an oppor
tunity occurred, to ask the eminent, intelligent,
and experienced statesmen and politicians of our
country, if they could point us to a single in.
stance, in their whole life’s experience, where any
good object was effected by abandoning rigid right
or principle, however seemingly impracticable or
dangerous, for expediency, however apparently
safe, certain, and successful; and ail have answer
ed, without exception, no, not one; while many—
all the more pure and virtuous—have admitted,
that evils innumerable and unexpected have been
produced by it—infinitely more titan by any other
means.
“The God of truth and justice sanctifies no
will, as a step toward good;” and while it shall
continue a part of His policy to permit tire exis
tence of evil, and render ail true virtue and happi
ness tire the result of continual trial, and resistance
of temptation, expediency will ever be the great
stumbling-block of the statesman and politician.
We shall probably at an early period return
again to an exposition of tiro great evils of this
surplus-revenue act, which wo cannot but look
upon as one of the most mischievous and danger
ous measures that could possibly have been inflic
ted on the country —at least, the Southern country.
1 Clarksville, Sept. 2,1836.
Post Office Department,.
- Post J] fa filers appointed in Georgia.
Henry B. Hathaway, Henderson, Houston
County.
Aquila Hardy, Ware’s Store, Coweta County.
James Day, Adamsvilie, Cass County.