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BY A. 11. & W. F. PEMBEKTOX. AUGUSTA, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 24, 1886. VOLUME 50—HO. 52*
Published every SATURDAY Morning.
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To Kxeculors, Administrators, ami Guardians
SALES of LAND or NEGROES, by Admin
istrators, Executors, or Guardians, arc required
by law, to lie held on the first Tuesday in the
month, lictwccn the hours often in the forenoon,
•ud three in the afternoon, at the Court-house of
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tice of these sales must be given in a public gazette,
SIXTY days previous to the day of sale.
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GROES,must be published for FOUR MONTHS.
AUGUSTA,!
WfiDNESDAV, SEI’TEMBE R 31, IR3O.
** lie just , and fear nut. 1 *
HEALTH OF SAVANNAH.
The Sexton of Savannah reports the inter
ment of seven persons in that city during the
week ending on the 13lh instant—4 whites, and
0 blacks.
* - -
White electoral ticket.
The Rev. Jesse Mercer, in a loiter to the
editor of the Washington News, requests that
his name may be withdrawn from the White E
lectoral Ticket, and positively declines being con
sidered a candidate.
Theatrical.
Mr. Haßt lias relinquished his Intention of go
ing lo the North, having succeeded in making
such additions to his “Corps Dramatique,” as will
render it perfectly efficient. The great musical
talent he has engaged will be a rare treat to our
western neighbors. Mr. H. proceeds immediate
ly to Macon, where |je intends opening the The
atre on the first Monday in October. Mrs.
Hart, wc learn, is an established favorite there,
as is also Mr. Charles Young, the Stage Mana
ger. Wc heartily wish Mr. 11. and his company
success.
WITHDRAWAL OF COL. HOWARD.
The Constitutionalist, wc perceive, has the
following singular and significant strictures on
this withdrawal, and the conduct of Gen. Glas
cock :
“CC/”W« publish below the letter of Major
Howard, declining to he considered as a candidate
for Congress on the Slate Rights ticket, and re
commending the adoption of the name of Gen.
Glascock on that ticket. Should, therefore, the
State Rights party agree to this transfer, Gen.
Glascock's name will stand on both the Union
and State Rights ticket.
This political movement cannot have been made
without Major Howard consulting with some of
his friends, before it was determined on ; but we
cannot believe that General Glascock was apprised
of it, nor that he was consulted about it. If we
are correct in this view of the case, and we enter
tain in our minds no doubt of it, for what pur
pose is such a movement made I Certainly lo
doleatthc success of the Union ticket, or to create
in the minds of the Union men such doubts, as to
the political integrity and firmness of Gen. Glas
cock, as might lead to divisions in the union
ranks, Tlte state rights men are in (he minority
in the slate, they arc striving for the majority ;
•U means are resorted to in order to accomplish
this object. One of these means is the taking
up of Gen. Glascock, and placing him on their
ticket.
It is well that this plan of the Slate Rights
party has been adopted one month before the elec
tions ; it will give time to the union men to put
themselves fully on their guard, and to counteract
the effects which it is Intended to be produced by .
the tranfer of Gen. Glascock’s na ,« for that of
Maj. Howard on the State Rights ticket. This '
movement plainly tells the union mt.v that they I
must keep themselves firmly united, and that di
visions among themselves may seriously injure the
success of the Union ticket.
This movement is a warning to the union men;
let them profit by it. Let them vote only for men j
who are known to be immoveable in their princi- {
pies; who will ably and truly represent in the
federal councils, the feelings, the interests, and
political principles of those who will have elec
ted them. They must not vote for men who arc
not true to themselves, to the parly to which they
pretend to belong, and to the principles by which
that party is governed. The times demand no
tergiversation. We have most important politi
cal objects to accomplish, and they can be accom
plished only by a strict adherence to principles,
and by the choice of public men, who will faith
fully co-operate in carrying out those principles,
and who will proceed steadily forward in searcli
of the public good, without looking to the right
or left for personal advancement and interest.
If the union men arc watchful, and keep uni
ted, all is safe; but let the least political division
be produced among them, and their success in
October and November may be endangered.”
The first paragraph is an unfair and disingenu
ous statement of the address of Col. Howard,'
which the wiiter must have seen does not “re
commend the adoption of the name of General
Glascock on that (the Stale Rights) ticket,” but,
acknowledging and approving the “ ardent desire”
manifested by the friends of that ticket, “ to give
him (Gen. G.) their support,” withdraws lo as-
• ford them an opportunity of doing so without |
foaling the whole ticket thereby ; or, in his own
Words, “ that the general ticket may not bo af
fected by the vote given to Gen. Glascock”—a
“vote,” not “recommended” by him, but rccognis
! ed to have been previously determined on by the
Slate Rigltts parly —and, while a recommendation
’ of such a vote would therefore have been altogeth
er superfluous & ridiculous, not “recommending”
■ anything, but merely waiving his own individual
• interests to lire evident inclinations and wishes of
his political friends, and sacrificing his own politi
| cal elevation and aggrandizement to the evident
interest and benefit of the ticket, his principles,
I and his country.
J Now. as to the next suggestion, though “ this
political movement” coiiid “ have been made
without Major Howard consulting his pdlitical
friends,” sO far as the act itself is concerned, (for,
. Mr. (li tfu well knows that Ire is ns little likely to
be swayed by them intd the adoption of any tiring
unmanly, iiltrigucing, or indirect, ot Id need their
suggestion or encouragement in any thing gener
ous, disinterested, or self-sacrificing, as any man
living;) yet itris highly probable, cousidciing the
decided interest which “ iris political friends” have
iu it, as well as himself, and tlieploforenoo he al
ways manifests toward their opinions and wishes,
as far as consistent with his superior devotion to
his principles, that it was not so, and that he did
“ consult some of them.” And, where was the
harm of this I Nay, was it not strictly right, just,
and proper, that he should fust ask and hear their
opinions and objections I But if it was meant to
be insinuated, as it evidently was, that the act is
one of parly intrigue and stratagem, originating
with and suggested by them, then we say, no
man knows better than Mr. Guieu himself, from
his former political intimacy and co-operation
with Col. Ho ward, the improbability, yea, im
possibility of (his, and that no man would more
promptly and indignantly scorn silch a sugges
tion, for such purposes, dr Could be more unlikely,
from his well-known elevation of sentiment and
character, and disgust of intrigue 6r indirection, to
be approached with such a one. And the time
has been, when he would have been among the
last to make such an insinuation, and tire first lo
scorn and discredit it. But things arc altered
sadly since then—or rather men. Why is he not
now co-operating with Col. Howard, as when
they so zealously and cordially advocated to
gether the doctrines and measures of Troup I
Docs he believe Col. H. has changed, since (hen;
and if not, who has I
You “ cannot believe that Oehi Glascock was
apprised of it, or that he was consulted about it.”
Indeed: then wherefore this gratuitous and unne
cessary remark, unless to excite a suspicion in
others, against Gen. Glascock, which you dared
not openly declare yourself?
“For what is such a movement made?”—
“ Certainly,” as you say, “ to defeat the success
of the Union ticket,” by the aid of Slate Rights
votes—or rather, to prevent the defeat of the State
Rights ticket, by those votes, as declared by Col.
Howard himself, and sometime past shewn by
us. Is it less a merit in us, than in Union men,
to struggle, by all honorable means, for the suc
cess of oUr own ticket and principles, and “lo
defeat the success” of those of our opponents?
Is it not honorable to desire, that all onr own
strength should be devoted to the success of our
ticket and principles, rather than partially and
certainly, though indirectly, lo that of the oppo
sition ? And is not an honorable, and noble,
mean, for one of our candidates to withdraw, in
order toscarry their desire into cdect, and parti
cularly when it is the only one left to secure it?
“To create, in the minds of the Union men,
such doubts, as to the political integrity and
firmness of Gen. Glascock, as might lead to divi
sion in the Union ranks”?—No, sir; it was actu
ted by no such motive or “purpose,” but by high
er and nobler ones, consistent with the piinci
ples and uniform professions of the State Rights
party. Professing to be governed by “principles,
not men,” is it not their duty to support those
who support their principles, regardless of party;
and should (hey not be proud of qn opportunity
to prove their sincerity, by voting for opponents
who honorably advocate their principles, when
ever an opportunity occurs ? Has not Anti-ab
olition, and a devoted, unshrinking support of
Southern institutions, in acts as well as words,
become the great pivot and test question of the
South, upon which all others must iifimediately
or ultimately turn, and by which all politicians
must bo tried and proved ? Has not the Stale
1 Rights parly been peculiarly zealous in pressing
| this question and its tests upon both friends and
opponents, as the only means of peace and safety
jto the South ? Has not Gen. Glascock proved
himself, his patiotrism, and devotion to the South,
mostnobly on this question? And would they not,
therefore, be false to their principles & professions
if they did not applaud and support him for it,
1 promptly, and zealously, so far as they can do so
! consistently and justly —the only impediment to
which lias now been generously removed by Col,
How Aim? Is it not, as he says, “safer to roly
on the actions, than the professions of public
l men”; and perfectly natural, since “ Gen. Glas
' cock’s conduct during the last session of Con
gress, on the abolition question, was perfectly
satisfactory to the State Rights party, that our
• friends, influenced by the integrity of their prin
-1 ciples,” should “ manifest an ardent desire to give
t him their support?”—more natural, too, from a
love of country than of party ?—Did not the same
■ men, too, who applaud and admire the conduct
of Gen. Glascock, in a political opponent, de
nounce that of Mr. Pinckney, (which is the ve
. ry reverse,) in a political friend ! And, as ano
• thcr evidence of their patriotic, rather than party,
. motives, while they would support the former,
1 do they not utterly discard the latter, ns a false
hearted Southerner, and foul traitor 1 Could any
” thing prove more strongly than this, that they go
c for the South, and its peace and safely, and all
•. those who support them, and not for parly, or
| any mere patty considerations ?
! \ Is it to “ create doubts, in the minds of thi
. Union men, of the political [qu. parly ?] integri
i. ty and firmness of Gen. Glascock,” for his op
. ponents to applaud and support him for his devo
. tirtn to his constituents, his State, and the South 1
i Should it create such doubts, in such minds ?
. Should it not rather excite their gratification and
1 pride, that such devotion is acknowledged and
applauded in their public men, and stimulate oth
’ ers to follow his example, proving, as it docs, that
their reward would then be certain and general,
and rendefed by the -whole people of their Slate,
rather titan Ihdsli of a there party ?
“ Create doubts !” Why is his noble and gen
erous advocacy of the South and its institutions,
inconsistent with his “ political (or parly) integ
rity” ? Is his duly to the whole people of Geor
gia, his State, and the South, at war with his du
ty to his party ? Say you no Then why
should a jUst and natural applause and support
For such advocacy, and the fearless performance
of such duty, “ create” such “ doubts'’? Can
he not be a Southern man and a patriot, as well
as a Union man ? If you say yea, is it not you,
then, and your conduct, tliiit should “ create
doubts,” rather than wc and ours ?
“ Lead to divisions in the Union ranks 1”
Why, and how, sir, in the name of reason and
common sense ? Has he violated; or opposed,
any of the principles of yolir party; or excited
its just, honest, and open censure ? Nay, has he
not received the official and general approbation
of your party, in common with all his colleagues
for his late career in Congress—as manifested by
the declaration of your leading party paper, co
pied in all the others, and even permanently af
fixed to the Ticket by some, that the “ Delega
tion,’ ‘has ably sustained the rights of the South,
and vindicated the reputation of the Stale, a
gainat the assaults of Whig and Nullifying agi
tators”—“ fully justified the confidence of the
people who called them to this important post;
and we trust they will be re-elected by Increased
majorities.”—lf, then, lie has violated or infrin
ged no principle of your party, and received thus
its general and open approbation, is it not a
signal honor, not only to himself, but to bis party
also, that he should have so acted as to command
the open approbation and support of his oppo
nents, also ? If his conduct is right, iu itself, as
you have thus said it is, can it be made otherwise
by the approbation of his opponents? Do you
know no rule of right in yourselves, but the
censure of others ; and fbd si) dohbtftll of yotlr
own principles, opinions, or party policy and
safely, that you should be alarmed for tbc one or
the other, liy the temporary concurrence of your
party antagonists ? True, it is utterly incottiprc
siblc lo us; hoW you can so reconcile the diamet
rically opposite conductor him and his colleagues,
as to render your approbation alike to both, and
to declare that they have alike “sustained the
rights of the South,” “justified the confidence
of” their parly, &c. Ate. This, however, is your
business, not ours. But for tills, wo might haply
have suspected that you honestly, but liberally
and tolerantly, differed from tho one or the oth
ers ; or, peradventure, siding with the more nu
merous party, on the principle of your favorite
maxim, “ the majority must govern,” had harass
ed him with letters of complaint, remonstrance,
end threat, but prudently bottled up your secret
wrath till you had fully exhausted all efforts of
coaxing or forcing him into the drill fine of his
more supple and obedient colleagues: for all this
might well have been suspected of a Van Buren
party and its rigid discipline. It would have
seemed impossible, too, that you could reconcile
black and white, right and wrong, light and dark
ness ; or that his colleagues, and others at home
who sustained them, could fccljaltogether easy and
well satisfied, under the influence of conduct re
flecting so forcibly and directly on their own, and
disposed to give him an honest and positive sup
port at the polls, in opposition to themselves, (
however they might fear to openly withhold it,
and thereby come into direct conflict with him:
And, under this view, wc might have felt bound
lo sustain him against them, since, having llobly
sustained our opinions and principles against
them, his defeat would be our defeat, and his tri
umph our triumph. But all this could not be so
—your general and entire approbation of his
conduct as well as theirs, is conclusive —for you
could not have had the barefaced impudence lo
make such a general and positive declaration, un
less consoled for its utter improbability, by a con
scious sense of rectitude, and deep conviction ol
its truth. Our support of him then is altogether
gratuitous and generous, since you would ol
course all vote for him and re-oject him without
that support; and is it more unnatural lhatwc
should approve the conduct of him alone, of all
your candidates, and support him for that reason,
than that you should approve that of both him &
his colleagues, diametrically opposite as they arc,
and support both ? or more improbable that our
approbation and support should be founded on
principle and patriotism, than yours I
Lead to divisions in the Union ranks.” Wei?
sir, and suppose it should; whose fault would
that he—ours, his, or yours? Wc have alrea
dy shewn that your conduct is more calculated
to excite suspicion against him than ours ; and
can it be a fault, in him, that he should have se
cured our open, unsolicited, and voluntary appro
bation, as well as yours ? Is not ours, a support
of his conduct and principles, and not of the man,
since *a like course iu cither of his colleagues
must have produced the same result? Andean
• his conduct be attributed to any selfish or trcacb
- etous motive against Iris own party, and in favoi
of ours, when, the former having a majority, and
, all the offices & honors at their disposal, lis would
, seem lo have everything to lose, by such a course
- and nothing to gain ? It is most unjust and un
, reasonable, then, to suspect or insinuate suspi
, cions against the integrity and firmness of hit
I party faith ; and, fw our course toward him, hi
r can neither he such a fool or madman as to permi
it to draw him from the elevated, distinguished,
ie and commanding position ho occupies, iilto the
i- ranks of our party. No, no, sir, if ho properly
)- understands and appreciates that position—and
•- It would seem impossible that he could have taken
I it so nobly and gallantly, without fully compro
? bending and estimating its great distinction,
il strength, and putver—ho ia not so shallow and
d wretched a partisan as to abandon it for the
i- Shackles and trammels of any party. Identified,
it as his course is, with the best interests of the /lea
1, pie, they must and will sustain him, regardless Os
>, parly, so long as he is true to them; and, with
their confidence, what has ho to hope or fear from
i- party ? The bold and fearless manner In which
i, ho has struck fur their interests, regardless of con
;- sequences, cannot fail to secure him their un
- bounded regard ; and should his party dare to as
i- sail him, the contest will lib; not between them
y and him, but belwCbti them and the people—a
t contest by no means doubtful in Its result. Thus
a situated, his posllidli is one of the most elevated
n and gratifying that any statesman could desire ;
|| and with a popularity above the degrading train
!, rnols of d mere partlzan, and that “ will follow,’*
e instead of needing to be “ run after;” Who call
suppose that he will sacrifice the confidence And
" regard of a grateful people, for the precarious «Up-
J port of any party?
, You say “it is Well that this plan df llic State
] Rights party [again insinuating that it is a party
t movement,] has been adopted one month before
i the elections; it will give time to the Union men
s to put themselves fully on their guard, and coun-
I leract the effects intended to be produced,” &c.
- Now do not the facts mentioned plainly disprove
- the purpose insinuated ?—for, ifany mere parly
- effect had been designed, how easy would it have
, been, instead of giving time to guard against and
■ counteract it, to have published the address at
• such late period, as would have prevented that
guard and counteraction ; and also lo have wholly
i disguised the true cause of the withdrawal, by at
! tribilting it to some other, and placing its relation
■ to Gen. Glascock altogether out of view. The
3 veriest tyro in politics could not hut have seen
1 and adopted all this, if any ruse had been intend
-1 cd ; but, always incapable of practicing er coun
• tonancing any indirection, and believing that
• “ tho truth can never do injury lo a virtuous
' cause,” Col. Howard wrote “to tho people of
’ Georgia,” as he would have spoken privately to
i his nearest friend.
5 \Vo recommend particularly to tho attention of
r the reader, the entire next and fourth paragraph.
1 If it be not directed against Ofp. Glascock him
r self, wc aro Wholly unable to liartiprobend it, or
r any part of iti Who else, arc the Union men
i* warned to exclude, by voting only for men who
- are known to bo immovable in their principles ;
, who will truly represent in the federal councils,
I the feelings, interests, and political principles of
! those who have elected them ”? Who else, can
I possibly be meant by the insinuation about “ men
r not true to themselves, their party, or its prliict
r pies,” artd Whom “ they must not vole for”? Who
l else, is here charged with “ tergiversation”? That
- he, and he alone, is meant and thus assailed, no
- intelligent reader can doubt; and Wc defy the
6 Constitutionalist to deny it.—So, then, the over
■ charged vials of yoUr wrath Me even bursting thus
i prematurely ; and So far from really looking upon
tho withdrawal of Col. Howauii as a party ruse,
• designed “to create, in the minds of the Union
3 men, doubts of the political integrity andfirfflness
3 of Gen. Glascock, *’ and “lead to divisions in
1 the Union ranks,” or sincerely regretting it as
3 such, you thus seize upon it as a pretext lo ere
-3 ate those very doubts yourself, and product)
■ those very divisions ! Truly, gentlemen, your
3 recent impudent and hypocritical pretence of ap
• probation of his course, alike with that of his col
■ leagues, is fast recoiling upon yourselves, and so
? will these covert and cowardly blows, also, or we
• are greatly mistaken.—And, for your precepts
'-I about party unity and division, in the succeeding
> and preceding paragraphs, how beautifully and
• consistently they harmonize with your practice
1 in this!
f Gainesville, Sept. 10, 1636.
FOR THE AUGUSTA CHilOXiriE.
0 Sc it i vex County, Sept. 17th, 1836.
s To Joshua Hill, Augustus W. I.axe, Jehe
-1 mi Air Peausox, Thomas 11. 13. Rivers, James
0 B. Lewis,and H. P, Kirktatkick, Esqrs.,
of Monticollo:
” Gentlemen: —Your note of tho Oth instant, in
the Georgia Journal, addresaed to the State Rights
;r candidates for Congress, was handed to me for
,f the first time yesterday. Recognizing to its full
d cst extent, “ the right of tho Constituent to rc
e quire of the candidate for Ilia suffrage, an open
II avowal of his opinions, on any political subject,”
i, I lake great pleasure in responding to the irnpor
k taut questions you have propounded.
), You ask if I believe tho Congress of the Uni
r ted States has the constitutional poorer to abolish
n slavery in the District of Columbia, or in any
of the territories of the United States, or to legis-
I, late on that subject at all; and whether, if lam
d elected a Representative to the next Congress, I
r- will vote to receive petitions for tho abolition of
d slavery ?—To both these questions I Unhesita
d tingly answer in the negative. If Congress has
s- the right to abolish slavery in the District of Co
)- lurnbia, or elsewhere, or to legislate upon that
rt subject at all, that right must be derived alone
r, from the Constitution, for from no other source
s, can any department of tbc General Government
n derive any right or power whatever, under its pre
i- sent organization. The only clause in that in
>r struinent upon which the Abolitionists, and those
d who act with them, ground their claim of power,
Id to legislate upon tlie_ subject of slavery, is that
c, which authorizes Congress “to exercise exelu
i- sivc legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such
i- District not exceeding ten miles square,” as may
is be ceded to tho United Slates for the purpose of
ie establishing a permanent “scat of Government.”
it To my mind, this claus ■, instead of conferring, di
rcotly prohibits, the exercise of such a power; I
for although Congress may exercise "exclusive
legislation,” these words can never be tortured to
mean an unlimited, and undefined legislation.
Such a construction would be to subvert the re
strictivc operation of the Constitution, and con
found the meaning of words—it would be to
make “ exclusive ” and “ unlimited” or “ unde
fined" convertible terms, for which, other author
ity than the present standard lexicons of our
language must bo produced.
Nor docs the seemingly comprehensive plirass
“in all cases whatsoever'’, which immediately
follows, at all unhinge this operation : No de
partment of the General Government possesses,
or can possess, any inherent, or utlderivcd power.
All its powers are delegated to it by the Stales,
and the Constitution is the written instrument en
tered into by those States, wherein those powers
are specified and enumerated. It is not suffi
cient, therefore, that Congress is not prohibited
the exercise of any particular power, but the right
to legislate, must be specially delegated before the
action of the federal government can be Icgitt
rriatc, Whence it follows, that the words “in
all cases whatsoever” mils! be construed to mean
in all cases whatsoever, Wherein the Constitution
authorizes the action of the federal legislature)
If these premises lib true, it follows that Con
gress cannot, under that clatlse, legislate Upon
tiny and every silbject whatsoever, cilhet within
the “ ten miles square,*’ or the lortilrilica. If the
opposite construction prevails, then the Con
gress of the United States would indubitably
have the power to ctfcale titles of nobility, and
establish a Religion ih the District of Columbia j
nay, they could do any and every thing else that
the whim, caprice, or interest of an unprincipled
majority might suggest. Who, at the South,
would openly contend for such a right 1 And
yet there is no difference in fact between the two
cases. Look then, gentlemen, to the Constitu
tion—that instrument is silent upon the subject
of slavery, and no whore confers upon the Feder
al Government the right to legislate upon the
subject at all. Under this view of the case, it is
altogether immaterial whether Maryland and Vir
ginia ceded, with the District, the right to abolish
slavery therein. These two States could not ci
ther make, alter, or amend the Constitution so as
to give that right. The treaty of cession duty
conveys to Congress the right to govern and con
trol a certain district of country so far as it was
previously constitutionally empowered to do.
But, neither Maryland or Virginia ever intended
to confer such a right Upon the Legislature of the
Union—a right which would have been suicidal
of themselves, and destruction ilself to their own
people- The- intention of the grantors was sim
ply to cede to the confederation a scat and loca-
Cilliotl for their general agent, the Federal Gov
ernment, and if they could have believed for a
moment, that Under that clause of the Constitu
tion which authorises tile acccplioll of the land
ceded, a claim Would have been ret up for Con
gress to legislate upon slavery, that body might
still have been holding its sessions in Philadel
phia, or perambulating the country from Maine to
Georgia-
Isl were at Washington, or at ally Other place,
in my private, individual capacity, I could not
tjjmely sit by and hear the State of Georgia abused,
and her people vilified atld slandered ; mUch less
could I, as a Representative in Congress, vote to
receive a petition replete with the grossest calum
ny, not only of nty constituents, hut of myself.
If I am told that the Abolitionist has the consti
tutional right to petition the government, and
that therefore Congress is bound to receive ills
petition, my answer is to be found in tho very
clause under wliich lie seeks to introduce tils
prayer. The people have the right peaceably to
assemble and petition the government for a re
dress of grievances; but of what grievance ?
their own surely. Accordingly to the abolition
ists themselves, slavery is a Southern wrong,
and a grievance to the Southern slave, It is not
their own grievance, nor do they claim it as such
— they are not held in bondage ; they commisscr
ate, at a distance, as they say, a sore grievance
inflicted upon the slaves In Georgia. The people
of Massachusetts and Connecticut arc not one
and the same with the people of Georgia—on
the contrary, so far as this internal municipal in
stitution of slavery is concerned, they are wholly
foreign to us. Then, these Fanatics might, with
as much propriety, petition Congress to abolish
the horrible Suttee of the Bast Indians, or the
slavery of TimbUcloo, as slavery in the Stale of
Georgia, to which they arc total strangers, and
which belongs exclusively to us. Besides, the
Constitution only prohibits Congress from pass
ing any law abtidging tho right of the people
peaceably to assemble, and petition, &c. Is the
bare refusal, upon motion, in one house, td receive
a villanous petition, the passage or enactment of
a law, abridging the right of petition 1 If these
cosmopolitan philanthropists are such pretended
sticklers for constitutional rights, why let them
take those rights as they find them written—let
them have their “ pound of flesh but no more.
I would vote for no law abridging, or interfering
with the light of petition, although that right lias
availed the Southern people but little heretofore
—to us it lias indeed been but an “empty name”—-
but, at the same time, 1 would not receive a peti
tion grossly abusive of my constituents, and rela
tive to a supposed grievance, which the petitioner
disclaimed as his own, and over which Congress
lias no earthly jurisdiction."
Another, and not the least objection to receiv
ing abolition petitions, is this : if Congress re
ceive the petition, it must pass upon its contents,
and dispose of it in some way or oilier, either by
adopting of granting tho prayer of the petition, or (
rejecting it. Now, to do cither, would bo aclti- ,
ally to assume, and exorcise jurisdiction over <
the subject matter of the petition, which, in my J
opinion, would be not only "a violation of public (
faith,” as Mr. Pinckney would sny, bat an actual t
and (hejiant violation of the Constitution itself. J
■%
1 These, gentlemen, among others,' which the
limits ol this article will not permit me lo urge,
1 are the reasons why I have given a negative an
swer to your important enquiries; and at the
same lime that 1 hope they may be sufficiently
explicit and satisfactory, permit me to express my
regret that smh a stale of things exists at the
South, as renders it ilcccsrary for the cohslltucnt
to catechise tile candidate for office, upon the sub
ject of Slaveui ; especially when it is done, lo
expose, by contrast, the delinquency of dtleof our
public servants: With the question of abolition,
the politics of the day should not be permitted to
interfere—tiro foe is at bUr door, and the danger ul
hand. If wc are wise, let us bo united, and as
one man, iii our opposition to the alarming en
croachments of the Fanatic; and he who falters,
when the hour shall come, in the defence df but
homes, our altars, and our domestic institutions,
should ho spurned from bUr cotlncils, and oxberd
ted ns a man,
I have the honcr, very respectfully, to bo,
Your obedient servant,
EDWARD J. BLACK.
CHARLESTON CHOLERA REPORTS.
Office Board of Health, 7
Charleston, Sept. 10—1 o'clock, V. M. 5
The Special Committee of tho Board have to
rbpnrt for the last twcnly-four hours, 6 cases of
Cholera ; 3 whiles, 3 blacks and colored, 4 dead,
the, others Uhdor treatment. Os the cases reported
yesterday, no iriore deaths have been returned.
By order.
TIIOS. Y. SIMONS, M. D.
Chairman Special Committee.
A. O. Ifovk.tnb, M. D. Clerk:
September 17, 1 o'clock, /’. .If.
The Special Committee of the Board have to
report for the last twenty-four hbUra, 8 cases of
Cholera; 1 while, 7 blacks and cdlorod, I dead,
the othera under treatment. Os the cases reported
yesterday, no more deaths have been returned.
By order.
September 18, 1 o'clock, V. ,M,
The Special Committee of the Board, have (o
report for the lust twenty-four hours, 8 cases of
Cholera, 3 whites, 5 blacks and colored, 1 dead—
the others under treatment—of the cases reportud
yesterday, none have diedi By order,
September 19, 1 o’clock ; P, J\i,
Tho Special Committee of tho Board have to
report for the last twenty four hours, 19 cases of
Cholera; 6 whiles, 13 (darks and colored, 4 dead,
tho others under treatment. Os the eases repor
ted yesterday, ho illorb deaths have been return
ed. By order.
THOS, V. SIMONS, M. D.
Chairman Special Committee.
A. G. Howard, M. D. Clerk.
Tho Board of Health report forty-nine deaths
as having occurred in Charleston during the week
ending on the 18th—16 whiles, 43 blacks—-34
died of Cholera.
Charleston and Liverpool Line of Packets, —
Wo congratulate the public on the fact that the
Line ol Packets between Charleston & Liverpool,
projected by our butciprlsiiig fellow-citizen, J.
On amd eh lain, Esq. is to go into immediate oper
ation. A Letter was received Gil Thursday, ela
ting that the arrangements have been made in
New-York with certain capitalits; according to
which the ship Byron, to arrive hero shortly, will
sail from 11110 port for Liverpool on the Ist of
November. The ship jVorlh America will Bail
hence for Liverpool on the Ist of December—and
a new ship to be succeeded by twd others, will
sail on the Ist of January—making in all Jive
Packet ships, of tho burden respectively of from
fiOO lo 700 tons. A Ncw-Vork Capitalist, inter
ested in the enterprise, will establish himself In
this city, as Superlntcndant, for which business
he is said to be admirably qualified.— Charleston
Merctlry.
Charleston, September 10.
Cholera on the Plantations, —An endorsement
on the Way Mail from North Santee says—“Two
cases of Cholera on Otfl. T. Pinckney’s Plantation,
South Santee, Loth dead.
A letter received from South Santee, slates that
six cases had occurred at Col. Pinckney’s Planta
tion, four of which terminated in death—the oth
er two under treatment.
Charleston, Sept. 19. —The Cholera, —An
endorsement on the way bill from South Santee,
states that on tho Islh and IGlh instants, there
were fourteen cases of Cholera dti Col. Pinckney’s
plantation—three deaths at tho lust accounts.
We learn that a gentleman from Daniel’s Is
land states that eighteen deaths have occurred
from Cholera on Titos. F. Capers’ plantation ;
and there are now twenty seven negroes sick, 4
of them dangerously so.— Courier.
Inwrxrox, Ala. Aug. 30th, 1836.
The first hale of new Cotton that has reached
onr market, was raised on the plantation of Maj.
John H. Howard, near this place, and wasrotd
lo Mr. A. McKenzie, on yesterday, at public sale,
for forty-three cents per pound.
It is said that a severe frost prevailed through
out New England on the night of the 6th inat.
< '0.1315 BQgSUI Y l>.
LATEST hate from i.i fkiii’uul, aro IST S.
Latest date from iiaviip, ami cst 2.
Maios Market, Sept: 15.
We notice the receipt of about 75 bales of the
new crop of Cotton, which have been disposed id
from the Wagons at 17c.. being an advance of Jc.
on last week’s prices. Pales have Ixou made this (
morning at 17‘0., With a good demand.— sles-
sengen \
CuAntasTox Market, Sept. 17.
Gotten —Arrived since onr last lo yesterday *
morning inclusive. 297 bales of Upland the prin
cipal part of which was of the last years crop.—
Cleared in the same lime, 153 bales. On ship
board not cleared, 164 hales. The sales have
been 53 bales of Upland, of the old crop, at ISj I
cents. We have beard of no sales of Long Cot
ton, nor any of the present years crop; holders of
tins description arc not disposed to sell without
obtaining 21 cents —and purchasersrloriot at pres
ent feel disposed to enter the market. We have |
one vessel up for Liverpool, which is the only one : p
now offering for that port in all tin- Southern sec-. J
tion of the Union. MV have adjusted the last |
veers crop together w ith the receipts of the present
4
3 up to the dates in our Tables. They amount id
, 1 - 331 ■ s ‘l ß bale ß “f all descriptions. From all that
we can learn the quantity that may be expected
to arrive to the Ist October, will not possibly ex
: cecd 3or 40t)0 bales—as die season is generally
j admitted to be backward.
r Groceries —The sales of Coffee have been lim
tied, about 20 bags Culm, at 13j, hut there is i
better enquiry. , In Sugars, 20 hhds Muscova
t dbs at 12 anil a few hhds. at prices not transpired,
. comprise the sales of the week. Molasses, non*
, received, nor have wo heard of any skies.—-Mer
cury.
r -
’ New Orleans Market, Sept. 16,
; Cotton —Arrived since the 2nd instant, 343
bales (of which 300 bales arc of the new cropV.
Cleared hi Ihb same time, 383 bales making i.
I reduction in stock of 41 bales, A leaving on hand,
, inclusive of all on shipboard riot cleared on the
tllh instant, a stock (as corrected) of 3940 hales.
; The occasional arrival of new Cotton, and the
readiness With which buyers conic forward in oi
, der to secure it, is causing thb market gradually
to assume a more interesting character, and more
lively (one than has lately parked its Operational
So far, the purchases have been made exclusively
for homo consumption-, at the north; and tho
sales, no doubt, would have been more extensive
hud the receipts been larger. The prices paying
correspond, of course, to the quality of the Cot
ton, say for Middling to Fair, 17 to 17J; Fair
to Good Fair, 18 to 10 cents; or, to use out;
home quotations, say for Prime 18 cents, and
other kinds more or less in proportion to their
, Oneness. No strictly Choice Colton has yet
been received. We give the following particulars
of sales, via; 28 bales at 18,10 at 18, 50 at 17*.
, 35 “» 17j, c at 18, II at 18J, 9at 17j, 4 at 17,
20 at 18, 10 at 17J, 17 at 18, 35 at 17, 16 at 18t
68 at 18J, 14 at 19, ami.43 at 19 cents.
Levy's Price Current ; -5
MARRIED;
In Marion, Perry county, Ala. on the Slh inat.
by tho Rev. Peter Crawford, Mr. Alxred C.
McKern, formerly of Augusta, Ga. to Miss Lc
etnna, daughter of Cupt. J. T. Simms, all of
this place.
Pit Ol* OSaIJLS ~ sm
FOR furnishing 60,000 good hard BRICKS;
to ho delivered at the U. S. Arsenal naar tbia
city, will be received by Major N. lUnfcrr, cOrti
tnanding at the Arsenal.
OC/” Workmen to construct a Cistern, will find
employment by applying as above.
Augusta Arsenal, Sept 19, 1836 4t 102
(scorgln, Lincoln County:
jSBw Jesse Willis, of Capt. An
t/VPV Hiony’s Diatritt, tolls before me;
afl|W ,n . H. Norman, a Justice of tho
Peace in ami frit adit! county, it
KV3SQSBSO Strawberry Koan HORSE, sovert
years old, five fact high; no marks ettfccpt d
black spot on his right flank. Appraised to sixty
. five dollars by Zaclmriah Grinia and Peyton W;
. Norman.
A true extract from tho Eatray Book, Os Lin
coln county, Georgia, this 12ltl day of SepteHl
ber, 1836.
JOSHUA DANIEL, Dep. CTk.lnfr. Cl.
Sept. 21 3lw 102
.fn •Irmorcr or Jllacksmith
WANTED!
WANTED at the U. S. Arsenal, near this
city, an Armorer or Blacksmith. Ton
good workman, Immediate employment and a li
beral compensation will bo given. Apply to Ma
jor N. U aiimv, eomrtmmlnlg at the Arsenal.
Augusta Arsenal, Sept 19, 1830 4t 102
PLANTATION
nyjlj ran thitm.
- fB^HE Subscriber offers for sale, the Planta-
B lion on which he now resides, containing
750 or 800 acres of Oak and Hickory Land, ait- .
dated in Jefferson county, on tho waters of Dry
Creek, eight miles from Louisville, on the Savan
nah road, and forty-three from Augusta. Thcro
isa good DWELLING on tho premises, also a
new framed Gin House, thirty-two feet square,
and all (necessary out houses; A tcmsidcrablo
| portion of the land under cultivation is fresh.
ALSO,
350 acres of Oak and Hickory Land, lying iri
Burke county, on the waters of Spring Creek,
and adjoining lands of P. B. Connelly, Bas«, anil
I others.
i ' ami, Also,
, 2PO acres lying in Burke county, adjoining
lands of Rollins, Wood, and others, known as
1 the Summerset place.
cry- HOP to 1000 bushels of Corn, Fodder,
Peas, Ac. also, Horses, Cattle, Hogs, and all ne
cessary Utensils, will be disposed of With ths
plantation oh which Inovv live, if desired.
DAVID CAVEN.
Sept. 21 3tW 102
New Arrangements.
PE.IWTEIVS HO TEE,
Marion, Alabama*
The undersigned having pur-
CjpfVnJa chased the above Establishment, bega
MlInM leave respectfully to inform the pub
mUMß lie at large, that ire is ready at all
times to accommodate those who may favor him
with their custom. Thb house is at present un
dergoing a thorough repair, and he hopes ih a
short time, to make it present an appearance in
ferior to none in the country. 'I be health and
location of Marion, make it it desirable summer
retreat foi rill tlrosc who may feel disposed to seek
a healthy residence during the prevalence ofsitk
noss in the lower country. The house shall, at
nil times be supplied Willi the best that this and
the Mobile markets afford, and rio pains nor ex
pense Will be spared to render comfortable those
who may call upon him. His Dar is inferior to
none iri the Southern country, and shall always
be supplied with the choicest Liquors. His sta
ble shall be constantly supplied with plenty of
provender, rind good and careful Ostler;. .
Persons travelling earl bn ocenwmodslbd at all
times with HA CA's kept for that purpose. The
Oflice of the Northern and Southern IHn* °> s, “"
ges is also kept ut the Planter’s Hotel,
sons wishing can procure scats. ■ m mm "y
There is also a Barbel’s shop attached to the
establishment. vVHEELER.
August 24 6m 34
Cotton BtngstinSe
PIECES heavy Dundee DAG-
S SB B GL\ft, 42 mchca wide, fpr sale by
J. & S. BONKS.
August 13 _
IS. d B iLDttl*.
I-NANCV AND STAPLE DRY GOODS, as
4 Wholesale. ,
234 Broad-street, Augusta-Oco.
Jan 13 *
J 1 "