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’ ifUCoittWMF*
The resolution* for sending a National ship
to cnnvev t!ie Marquis La VaycUe to this
country have passed both Houses of Congress
bv unanimous votes. No act of Congre*
could give a more general satisfaction, nudvve
presume all hearts will he a’United as Con
gress have been in welcoming him/tome. The
iollowing remarks by Mr. llaynes, of the Sen
ate, when the resolutions were before that
body, will show how much these honors are
due to him, and w hut claims he has upon our
gratitude,
I have seldom, said Mr. H. hail a
more delightful duty to perforin, than
that of reporting these resolutions in
honor of the Marquis De La Fayette
—resolutions intended to give expres
sion to tin* feelings of veneration and
attachment which the people of the
United States have always cherished
for that gallant soldier and devotjd
patriot. After an absence from this
country of nearly half a century, his
services are still “ freshly remember
ed,” while his virtues are enshrined
in every American heart. There are
men still left among us, who were his
companions in arms, or who, from
their high stations in the public service
witnessed his exertions in the held. I
behold shine of them now around me,
occupying seats in this Hall, and hon
oring by their presence, the councils
of their country; men,j whose heads
have indeed been by the revo
lution of many winters, but whose
hearts time lias had no power to chill.
Their bosoms still swell with patriotic
emotions, and the warm current of un
broken affection rushes strongly to
wards the friends of their youth, ami
their old companions in arms. For
haps there exists no stronger tie than
that which binds the patriot and sol
dier to those with whom he lias shared
common dangers,and achieved com
mon victories. Such men, said Mr.
llaynes, will excuse me, the members
of this honorable body will indulge
me, while I dwell, for a few moments,
on the character and services of the
gallant La Fayette, e are, it is true
no strangers t<> his history, yet, we may
recal some of the incidents of his life
with perfect satisfaction, as few men
have ever exhibited so much purity
in motive, and so much virtue in con-,
duct.
The era of the American Revolution
found the Marquis La Fayette a young
man, (only nineteen years of age) in at
tend,mec at the court of his sovereign,
the Ring of France —A nobleman bv
birth, of a distinguished family, ami
the heir to a large fortune, he might
be said, in the language of Lord R vron
to have been “ bred an aristocrat.”—
That the earliest reflections of such a
jnan should have taught him the value
of liberty ; that the earliest efforts of
his ambition should have made him
aspire to the character of the benefac
tor of mankind, that his very Hi st step J
should have placed him by the side of
patriots and heroes who were fighting
the battles of freedom, establishes be
yond all question that he was a man
cast in no common mould.” \\ bile
other noblemen of his age uml standing
were swelling the pomp and pageant
ry of power, he resisted the blandish
ments of the Court; closed his breast
against the influence of pleasure -.tore
himself from his kindred and his native
land, to vindicate, in America, the
rights of man. It is recorded by the
historians of the day, that the Ameri
can Commissioners at Paris, in conse
quence of an unfavorable turn in the
tide of our affairs, strongly dissuaded j
“the youthful soldier from taking that,
decisive step, and it is positively as
serted that the French Monarch, so
far from encouraging the enter;use,
actually issued orders for his arrest.
They were unavailing ; for what ob
stacles were insuperable to the noble
in soul—the firm in heart—the stead
fast in pm poser La Fayette fitted
out an expedition at bis own private
expense, and embarked himself and
his fortunes in the cause of freedom.
He arrived at Charleston early in 17NI
and, notwithstanding his extreme
youth was immediately appointed by
Congress a Major General in the A
tnericau army. From that period to
the termination of the contest, he
performed with extraordinary xeul
am! fidelity, all the duties incident
to his exalted station, and proved
himself on all occasions, a high mind
ed and accomplished gentleman, a
gallant soldier, and a consumate cap
tain. At die battle of Brandywine,
he freely shed his blood in our service,
and in the campaign of 1781, he was
entrusted by Washington with the
Command of a saperate army for the
defence of Virgh.ia. lie fulfilled that
high duty to the perfect satisfaction
of the Commander in Chief, and to
the admiration <>l the whole country.
It is sufficient praise to say that, on
that occasion, he w ith a very inferior
force, baffled the skill, and frustrated
the plans of the “all accomplished
Cornwallis.”
AT* who Vncw Lu 7ay clto during L.e
Revolution, hear united testimony to
his uncommon merit. The histories
of that day are filled with instances
of his gallantry and good conduct. —
lint why multiply proofs? His best
eulogy was embraced in a single sen
tence :
Witness the letter written by his own
hand, while President of the United
States, to the Emperor of Germany,
(soliciting the release ot the Marquis
from the prison into which lie had
been thrown) breathing in every line
a brotherly affection ; and in which
lie declares, •* that his friendship for
the Marquis La Fayette lias been con
stant and sincere.” M ashington
never forgot—he never ceased to love
him; and his last will affords evi
deuce that he cherished for him leel
ings which not even the prospect ot
death could extinguish. La Fayette
did not leave our shores until lie had
seen us a free and independent nation:
and from that moment to the present,
he has claimed, as the proudest ol his
titles that of an American Citizen.
I will pass over the troubles in which
lie has been constantly involved since
his return to France, with the single
remark that it will be recorded by
the candid historian ot this eventful
age, that, amidst scenes of blood, in
which unhappy France has been steep
ed, the hands of La Fayette were nn
st(lined ; and, though surrounded by
temptations, before which the best
hearts and best minds of Europe have
fallen, he has “held fast his integrity
tit the end.'’ The United States have
at no period been unmindful of the
debt which they owe to the Marquis
Ea Fayette. They have recorded
their gratitude, not merely by repeat
ed votes of thanks, but by more sub
stantial deeds ; nor should it ever he
forgotten, that it was an Ameiican
citizen who opened the doors of his
dungeon at Olmutz.
Let it not he supposed that these
resolutions are superfluous, or that
they add nothing to the expressions of
the national gratitude, i'he moral
effect of measures of this character is
very great. They acton public opin
ion, (that lever by which the modern
world is moved ;) they purify public
feeling an I ennoble public sentiment,
teaching the rising generation the
great lessons of patriotism and of
duty. Republics have been charged
with ingratitude, and Europeans, ig
norant of the whole structure of our
government and the course of our po
licy have supposed that the charge is
justified by our own example. Hut
when it shall, at some future period,
come to he known abroad how the
United States have on all occasions,
acted towards the Marquis La Fay
ette ; when it shall be understood that
in addition to the other proofs of our
gratitude, (which l am not disposed
here to enumerate,) we approached
him in his old age w ith the express
ions of our affectionate attachment ;
it may perhaps he acknowledged, that
there can tie no better inheritance than
the gratitude of a freouicople.
t here is another view of this sub
ject. said Mr. 11. entitled to some
weight. It is the moral effect ol the
proposed measure on vur own amilrj.
No one acquainted with the Ameiican
character, can doubt tnat the Marquis
La Fayette will meet w t!i such a
reception here as is due to a friend of
\\ ashington. He will he met tiy few
survivors ol the Revolution, (!iis for
mer companions in anus,, with the
warmth of an old and tried affection,
(he will find in the hands of some of
them tin* treasured memorials of his
ancient friendship) lie will he greeted
with enthusiasm by millions of free
men. How enviable will be the feel
lings of that venerable man, when, in
| traversing this great republic, he shall
behold every where the triumph of or
der, peace, political and religiou
liberty, unexampled prosperity, and
unequalled happiness ? tun! when lie
shall feel, and know and hear it every
where acknowledged that these bles
sings are in part the fruit of his ef
forts !
The Marquis La Fayette has sig
nified his wish to visit our country.—
He must not be suffered to approach
it as an undistinguished stranger, He
I must come protected by the flag un
der which lie lias so often fought, and
so often conquered.
These Resolutions are worthy of
the National Legislature; they will
find a response in every American
bosom. I hope and trust they will
pass the Senate as they have done the
House of Representatives, by a unani
mous vote.
The happiest moment in the life of
the Marquis La Fayette was proba
bly that when finding that France had
acknowledged the independence of
the United States, he rushed into the
presence of Washington, and throw
ing himself into the bosom of his friend
burst into a Hood of patriotic tears.
But should we pass the resolution, he
is destined to experience still more
exalted happiness, when lie shall be
assured by the unanimous vote of the
A .At r!cm Cor.grca:, “of the grateful
and affectionate attachment still cher
ished for him by the Government anil
People of the United States, and
when lie shall be hailed by ten mil
lions of free men as their benefac
tor.
’ j 1.1- ‘ J—’ -’-~
jForctan fltmUi&cku**
Liverpool, Jan. 5.
“ The stock of cotton in this place
at the end ot the year proves so much
larger than was expected, it has thrown
a great damp in our market, the ef
fect of which, we fear, will he to re
duce prices. The consumption of this
country and the United States, has
been considerably over-rated the last
three years, while production has
been underrated in the United States
The stock of Sea Islands here, is fully,
one third more than it was generally
thought to be, so that our holding, un
der an impression that prices would
advance, on account of the small crops
said to be made this season in Georgia
and Carolina, will result in no advan
tage to you. We are at a loss to give
an opinion what prices would be pru
dent to ship cotton to draw against.
W c however hope you will not ship
any Sea Islands to cost with you over
18 cents.”
An account had been received by
the Thames, East lmliaman, which
left China on the 6th August con finn
ing the intelligence of the suspension
of trade between that country and
Great Britain. This may account tor
the fall in India stock.
Recruiting continued actively in
England, and it was expected new’ re
giments would be raised on the meet
ing of Parliament.
The ministerial journals appear to
view the preparations at Cadiz
against South America, with a jealous
eye.
Mina arrived in London on the 22d
Dec. Yturbide had also arrived, after
having been wrecked on the coast of
Tuscany, on his voyage. He was not
allowed to enter Franc?. His visit is
one merely of curiosity, for a few
weeks, lie is accompanied by the
constitutional Spanish Consul* lor
Leghorn, and two sons and a ne
phew.
‘I he President’s Message, is highly
commended in the London Times.
Accounts from Constantinople of
Dec. 15, says that the porte obstinate
ly refuses to evacuate Wallaciiia and
Moldavia, and involves all attempts
at conciliation in new difficulties, ‘the
Captain I’aclia hud returned to the
Dardanelles, without having effected
anv thing material against the Greo! s.
Considerable coldness is said to ex
ist between Russia and Austria, in re
lation to the affairs of Turkey.
1 wo periodical works in .Switzer
land, having relation to the passing
events, have been suppressed.
I'he British sloop of war Arab, was
lost oil the Irish Coast, and all her
crew perished.
lletribution. —Abolabat, Pacha of
Saloiiica the greatest persecutor ot
die Greeks, who caused five thousand
Uliristian families to he massacre* and in
cold blood, has been put to death bv
order of the Sultan, to get possession
of his wealth. ’I he persecutors of the
(•reeks, observes a French journal,
perish one after another, revealing the
hand of Divine justice.
London, Dec. 27.
The Speech ol (he President of the
United States is, in all its bearings, a
document of more than u?>ual impor
tance. Waiving every other topic in
tiie Speech, we direct our whole at
tention to that part the most impor
tant of all to every European Pow
er.
The question of the Independence
and recognition of the South Ameri
can States, may now be considered as
at rest. Great Britain lias as w’e have
repeatedly shewn, acknowledged their
Independence de facto; and the Uni
ted States, their nearest neighbors,
have not only acknowledged it, but
have given a bold and manly notice,
to the Continental Powers, that they
shall treat “any interposition with
the view of oppressing or controlling
them in any manner, as a manifesta
tion of an unfriendly disposition to
wards themselves—and as dangerous
to their peace and safety.”—in other
words, they shall view it as affording
them a just ground for war.
After so clear and explicit a warn
ing, there is no one of the Continen
tal Powers, we suppose, that will risk
a war with the United States—a war
in which not only they could not ex
pect to have either the aid or good
wishes of Great Britain, (if she did
not choose to give more efficient suc
cour,) would be all on the side of the
United .States.—Thus, then, we re
peat, that the question may he consid
ered to he set at rest; we shall hear
no more of a Congress to settle the
fate of the South American States.-
Protected by the two nations that
possess the institutions, and speak the
language, of freedom by Great Britain
on one side, and by the United States
onlU other, their independence u i
placed beyond the reach ot danger ; .
and the Continental Powers, unable >
to harm them, will do well to estnb- (
fish that friendly and commercial in
tei course with them, which they could
never have done had they remained
under the yoke of Did Spain.
There is one more point in the 1 les
ident’s Speech, which we shall touch
upon shortly. It relates to part of
the north west coast of America,
which was first explored, we believe,
by ('apt. Cook. Russia had set up
some territorial claims which neithei
Great Britain nor the United States
could submit to. They are now the
subject of an amicable ncgociation be
tween the three Powers. But Amer
ica has thought proper to lay down in
limine the principle “ that the Amer
ican continents, by the free and inde
pendent condition which they have
assumed and maintain, are henceforth
not to be considered as subjects tor
future colonization by any European
Powers.” What effect this notice to
the Emperor of Russia that he must
abandon his favorite project of making
a settlement UjH*;i the American coasts
will produce we are yet to learn. —
But we trust that a similar notice
with respect to aiiy project ol making
settlements elsewhere will not be ne
cessary.—Courier
The President’s Message to the
Congress of the United States, on the
2d inst. has just reached this country.
It is impossible to avoid remarking
the essential difference between this
periodical communication, from the
Executive Government of the first
Republic in the world to its Legisla
ture, and those doeumcats which are
termed Ring’s Speeches, addressed
in like manner, but in substance tar
unlike to Lords and Commons, to
Peers ami Deputies, in kingdoms
nearer home. The latter class ol
discourses, having for their apparent
object to elude inquiry and to disarm
animadversion, may be looked upon
as a complimentary form between
parties who are thrown together by
overruling necessity and who meet
under feelings of reciprocal suspicion
and distrust. As sources ot intelli
gence—as indications of policy—as
keys to national history, they have ol
late dwindled to nothing, realizing
with curious accuracy l allevrand’s
•> V
definition of the use of language —‘ an
instrumeut for concealing men’s
thoughts.’ The genius of a popular
Government rejects these mysterious
devices, which we are sorry to see
practised amongst any people alive
to the natural and almost indissolu
ble intimacy between frankness of
speech and rectitude of action. The
President’s Message of the United
St ates is a paper breathing business in
every line, it is at once a picture of
the period elapsed since tiie labors of
Congress were last interrupted, a pros
pectus for the forthcoming year, the
detailed report of a commissioner, and
the formal account of u trustee. On
scarcely any occasion do we recollect
a message from this nigh officer of the
United States,delivered during a time
of peace, which might not be consul
ted as a safe and pregnant authority
for the events and politics of the cri
sis at which it was made public,wheth
er with regard to the concerns of the
Union, or to those of surrounding na
tions. In the present instance, we
have read this State Paper with an in
terest more profound than any of its
precursors had excited. The foreign
relations of the United States are at
this moment so deeply involved with
those of Europe, of South America,
and of England, that we turned impa
tiently to that division of the Message
and it well repaid us.— Times.
A petition has been sent to the
King of England, by the Legisla
ture of Jamaica in which the pe
titioners say—“ Let your Royal
Parliament become the lawful own
ers of our property by purchase,
•nd we will retire from the Island,
and leave it a free field for modern
philanthropy to work upon—We
cannot submit to the degradation
of having our internal interests
regulated by the commons of Great
Britain, whose powers within the
realm are not superior to those
which, we, the Assembly, have
ever exercised within the Island of
Jamaica.”
GREECE.
A confirmation of the surrender
of Corinth to the Greeks had been
received in London from Haute.—
The l urks amounting to 12 or 15-
000 men, had entrenched them
selves near Missolonghi, but they
had not attailed that fortress so
late as the 22d October. Ihe gar
rison consisted of GO(X), and 12
vessels, with troops under Mare*
cordato, had arrived in the Morea.
Coloetroni, and the Hydriots, had
sailed to repulse the assailants ; and
Piebro Bey, with 6000 Mario tes,
was also expected to assist the pa-
Irioli; so mat UecUi, e eve-
shortly looked for in thUn ®
It is said in letters f ro , n
that the Greek Governmem u®
addressed to the Cabinets 0 f v-"®
na London, and St. Peter*l B
an important Note, in which?®
r equested of these Powers*
cognize the political indecent S
of Greece, which it is
would oblige the Porte to
all further attempts to have thTlB v
lion under its power.—lt jj .'n
affirmed that the affairs of Gr ®
will fie the subject of separate*!®
gociations at St. Petersburg B
consequences of the minister’fß
great power having caused ,
morial on the subject to be laid 1
fore the Emperors of Austria
Russia, at their late interview”®
Czeinowitz. Baron
the Austrian Ambassador
Russian Court, it is said, wj® <
conduct these negotiations, toM® -
er with Count Nesselrode,
ters from Vienna repeat the rujfl
that the two Emperors had resolvH
ed to restore the Order of
Knights of Jerusalem to their n r
tine power, and that Hydra an®
Cyprus would in all probability® t
be purchased for their f uture - H
dence. ‘fl
Our readers may judge of
nese ideas of authorship and the
bertyof the press, from the fate
an author named Whangsee
whose crime is thus set forth in
Report of his judges. We find the!® i
“ Ist. That he has presumed to®’
meddle with the great
of Kang-hi ; having m.tde an a!® ,;
bridgement of it, in which he hjj®P
had the audacity to
some passages of that excellentanJ^B”
authentic work.
2d. In the preface to hisabrid^.® ?
ment, we have seen with horr, r ®,’
that he has dared to write the
names (that is, the primitive
lv names) of Continuous, and
of your majesty : a temerity, a
of respect,which has made usshuj-^fl
3d. In the genealogy of
rnily, and in his poetry, he
that he is descended from
Wang-sec. When asked why
had dared to meddle with the
dictionary of Kang-hi, he
that the dictionary is very
nous and inconvenient; I
made an abridgement, which
less cumbersome and
Being questioned how he
have the preface to his
the little names of the Emperors
the nigning dynasty, he
I know that it is unlawful to
nounce the little names of
perors, and I introduced them ict*H
my dictionary merely that youigfl
people might know what
names were, and not he liable !)fl
use them by mistake. H
J have, however, acknowledge!M
my error, by reprinting my dictionH
ary and omitting what was amiss- H
When asked how he had daredtH
assert that he was descended iromfl
the Wang-sec, he said, ‘lt v. ma H
vanity that came into my head,-I H
wanted to make people believe that B
I was somebody.’—According nl
the laws of the empire, this crime H
ought to be rigorously punished-■
The criminal, therefore, shall de ■
cut in pieces, his goods confiscated H
and liis children and relatives above H
the age of sixteen years, put 10 ■
death. Ilis wives, his concubines, H
and his children under sixteen, ■
shall be exiled, and given as slaves ■
to some grandee of the empire--i I
The Sovereign was, howeyer, gr J ’ ■
ciously pleased to mitigate fl
severity of this sentence, in fl
edict to the following effect;-** fl
favor Wangsee-Heou in regard B
the nature of his punishment. fl
shall not be cut in pieces, and dw ■
only have his head cutoff. I * rr * fl
give his relatives. As to his son?, fl
i let them he reserved for the g fl
execution in Autumn. Let ti> ■
sentence he executed in its otl‘ cr I
points; such is my pleasure. I
C/tiist- Übst(:e ■ I
The Brazils.—- Late accounts fr cnv
St. Salvador represent thatpla cc *®
be in a state of confusion and d 3
order, occasioned by the late p r °
- ceedings of the Emperor in di** 0
ing the Cortes, and his contenap’ 11
ous treatment of the deputies b H ‘
St. Salvador. The inhabitants 11
assembled in considerable nU
bers in different parts of d' e cl . ’
j for the ostensible purpose of
Covering and sending oft the 0
Portuguese, many cf whom **