Newspaper Page Text
POLITICAL.
Habersham co., >
Aug. JO, 18SS. s i
I', ‘tit ssrs. Wh it ten, Morris, Cooper and Dean, Com
mittee :
C vtlrmin, —I have received your communica
tion, covering a resolution of the meeting of the citi- j
zeiis at Carneaville, on the 6th inst., by which I am
called upon to express my opinions on certain |K>mU
therein specified. Ilv the last mail. I received, through
the public prints, a like call from certain of my fellow
citizens, of the county of Taliaferro : To these calls,
I cannot for a moment hesitate to respond, ihe in- ,
slant I consented to become a candidate for Congress,
every citizen became entitled to know my political
opinions. In replying, therefore, to you. 1 avail my
sell of the occasion, freely and fully to spread those,
opinions before the w hole people of Georgia ; and I am
not unwilling, but anxious, that they should reach the
eye or the ear of every citizen of the State. By those .
opinions, lain willing to stand or fall, according to
the judgement of an honest and independent people.
By many, perhaps by whole counties, these opinions
will never lie heard ; but opinions will be sent to them
as mine, as unlike to mine, as Mack to white. Be it so.
If I declare them fully, and fairly, and honoiabiy, and
send them forth to be published, I have discharged my
dulv to my conscience, and my obligations, in that re
gard, to my follow-citizcns.
I premise the views I am aliout to give, with no pro
fessions of sincerity, or of devotion to the interests of
Georgia, Professions arc not vvortli a straw. I was
l>orn in Georgia ; I have no inteiests hut Georgia inter
ests ; I reside in her mountains, where there arc no
Banks ; and I own not a dollar of Bank Stock ; my
prosperity and welfare, and that of my children, are
fast linked in w ith the prosperity of Georgia. If these
are not sufficient guaranties for my honesty and fideii- (
ty to the State, no professions I can make would give ,
you a better security.
In the course of my remarks, I may express opin- ‘
ion.- on matters not called for by the inquirers. If I ,
give more than you ask, you cannot complain. If lam
forced to impugn the opinions of othors, I will do it re
spectfully, 1 mean to impugn no man’s motives; all I
ask, is the benefit of the golden rule, •* that others will
do unto me, as I would do unto them.” I w ill now
proceed to answer the enquiries :
The first is relative to the constitutionality of a Uni
ted States Bunk. As the President, it is well under
stood, will veto any bill which may pass Congress for
that purpose, and if lam elected, my term of service
will end with his, my opinion or vote will, probably,
not he called for, or, if called for, will he of no avail.
But you have asked for it, and you shall have it, and
that as plainly as I can give it to you.
Every one knows that the Constitution was a com
promise of conflicting interests and views, to effect a
more pe feet union between thirteen sovereign and in
dej icndeut States. The best evidence of the modera
tion and love of countiy of our ancestors is, that such
a union, under the circumstances, was formed at all;
the best evidence of their w isdom, that it has been pre
served so long ; and the best hoj>e of their children,
that it may continue forever as they formed and left it
to us. it would never have been adopted; if they had
not agreed upon a particular rule, as the basis of the
whole structure —it will never be preserved, if that rule
is not strictly adhered to ami enforced, by their (icster
ity. That great rule is, that while all powers were
granted to the Federal Government which were ne
cessary for the safety and welfare of the whole, and
which could only he used effectually by one common
head—no power should he granted, or cxercisrd, to pro
tect or foster the interests of one State or section, at the
expense of any other. Powers were specified, and
Congress was vested with further power to make all
laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution
the specified powers. Without this last clause, the
Constitution would be hut waste pa|>cr ; hut Ike many
other good things, it has been most grossly perverted
and misrepresented. Some have made it to give all
power ; some no power at all ;as usual, the truth lies
in the middle. The law, to be constitutional, must be
both necessary and proper —not necessary or proper. It 1
must not only be necessary for the end, but proper,
that is Just which is one of the meanings of the word
proper, and in my opinion the true meaning, as it is
there used in the constitution. Just, for in cxcreising
the necessaty power, Congress must not invade the
rights or privileges reserved to the States. In the con
test foi power, necessary has preserved its name, but
lost its character; proper has not only lost its character, 1
but its name. The Supreme Court, on this very ques- \
tiou of the Bank, changed it into appropriate ” Gen- |
eral Jackson found the Pet Bank system, a very fit in
strument to break down the Bank ol the United States;
and Congress found the Force Bill, and the Army and
Navy, very convenient to sustain the Tariff and to put
down nullification. Thus ‘proper” first tiecame “ap
propriate.” then “ fit” then “convenient;” —which
last means all a consolidationistcan desire. 1 will give
unto Cesar that which is Cesar’s—not one jot more.
There is no cxpnsoi power granted to Congress to es
lahl.sh a Bank—has it the implied power, under the
clause above referred to! General Washington, as
President, sanctioned the charter of tlie first Bank of
the United States; Mr. Madison, the charter of the late
Bank—which last was also advocated by Mr Crawford,
and by Mr. Calhoun, the present great author and ad
v ocate ot the specie clause of w hat is now called the
Hub-Treasury Bill. Thus all these distinguished men,
under the solemn sanction of their oaths of office, pro
nounecd these charters aa not only constitutional, but
vxjicdient: If Mr. Calhoun erred then, he may err now;
at any rate, I run neither at raid nor ashamed to tie found
in such good company.
1 belli ve that a Bank of the United States, under
proper restrictions, is a necessary aid of the Treasury
for two purjioscs : first, to enable it to trausf rits funds
with facility, safety, and cheapness, from points whrre
they aie not wanted, to remote points where they are
wauled ; and secondly to give to the whole country a
currency of equal, or nearly equal value every where ;
that while the Government receives its full dues in a
medium at par value, the importer at the North shall
not procure that medium without cost, while the im
porter at the .South shall he obliged to pay five or ten
per cent, to obtain it; as was lately, and pe haps, is
now, the caß*. Is this the unilormity of the duties m
tended by the constitution, and can the South, under
such circumstances, hojie to compete with the North
in the foreign trade 1
But you will ask, how is this equality to be estali
lislied and maintained 1 1 answer, that all experience
has proved that it can only be procured and maintained
through a Bank of the United Slates ; and the aame
experience has also proved, that it is only by the aid of
such a Bank, the Treasury can be permanently
able to make its transfers to remote points with facility, 1
cheapness, and safety. I make this assertion in full
confidence of its truth, and challenge proof to the con
trary. All other means hitherto tried to effect these
im|iortant objects, have failed. The Pet Banks, as they
arc called, with the aid of thirty millions el public de
posit es failed, and the Government will probably lose
several millions by the experiment. The wagoning
specie tc.-oa the mountain*, and tran*porting it by sea.
arc, I think you will all admit, neither a very cheap,
expeditions, nor very safe mode of transferring the pub
lic fund*, c*[M'cially in time* of war : when both solely
end dispatch may lie all important. An exclusive spe
oie circulation, which wa* suggested a* the proper and
• nstitutional inode of equalizing the currency, was
i ni knamed (he llcnton Humbug, and wa* immediately
rejected by all us impracticable, and by most person*
io> ruinous to the prosperity and trade of tin 1 whole
lounlry. Under the existing system, can these great
object* Is’ accomplished without the aid of a United
Mutes Bank, obliged by its charter to furnish a sound
me limn of circulation, anil to transfer the public tunda
promptly and cheaply to any point lequired by the
Treasurer f Every merchant knows that bills of ex
change for large amounts cannot always be purchttatri,
r il purchased, rail only !*• obtained at large and ruin
ous premiums. Without such a Bank, the (iovern- |
mem will Ire obliged to purchase bills for ramitLsnce on i
the same terms as the merchant, and be subject to the
same inconveniences, delays, aud losses. It lam right i
ill those r lews, a llank of the United Mutes i* u neeea
aary si , to secure to the country an equal circulation,
and to the i cusury, its just dues, and a cheap, safe, I
ainbexpeiitious made of making its tiaiisfers ; and to
the people of the South an equality io the payment of j
duties. For these purpose , uml thru utme, I consider
tbe power to create a Bank a necessary power.
But it must not only lie a necessary, hut a proper
power, that is, it niust he so used, that while ’he Bunk
can accomplish these necessary ends, it cannot inter
ti ro with, or control the rights reserved to the Mutes. A
charter may lie constitutional on it. face, and yet the f
Bank rnay indirectly lie gifted with poweis, which are
contrary to the spirit of the constitution. I will illus- 1
trate this by the Tariff act*. No one doubts the consti- j
j tutional power of Congress to lay and collect duties.
\ That power is expressly given—that power, however
j must be limited to an amount nee ssary for the wants
jof the Treasury- To go beyond this for tho purpose
, of protecting and fostering manufactures in one section,
at the expense of another section, is a violation of the
I fundamental rule I have laid down, and in my opinion,
and in the opinion of most, if not ull of you, unconsti
tutional, unjust and oppressive to the planting interest.
Yet a court would pronounce such un act constitution
al, because not w ithin its province to determine the pre
cise amount requisite to meet the wants ol the Govern
ment. So with thecharter of the late Bank of the Uni-
I ted States. The powers granted on the face of the In
i strumeut, were probably all such as any court would
decide to be constitution J, and yet It did possess the
power, indirectly, not only to regulate and control the
State institutions, hut to raise or depress the market ill
any particular place or State, almost at will ; a |>ower
not granted to Congress, and therefore not grantalde
by Congress to the Bank. This indirect |K)wer, as I
conceive, was derived ill a great measure, if not alto
gether, from the almost exclusive right of the Bank,
under its charter, to roceivc and pay out the public mo
nies, and varied from time to time, as the public depo
sites were increased or diminished. That this power
was ever used improperly, Ido not mean to say ; for I
do not believe that any institution was ever managed
with more ability and more honesty, for the attainment
of the great ends for which it was established, than that
institution was, under the charge of Mr. Chcvos, and
afterwards of Mr. Biddle; hut the last named gentleman,
in his late cotton speculation, which 1 think was both
honorable tohimscll and beneficial to you, has given
you a hint o( what could be done, in the exercise of
, such a power, by a lioard of New York or Philadelphia
i merchants, not quite so honest as himself. If I am
| right in the source from which this mischievous and
unconstitutional power was derived, remove that, and
you have a Bank with all the necessary capacities for
doing good, without the capability of mischief. li the
1 refusal to give the Bank a right by its charter to receive
and pay out the public monies, is what is called arfi
, vitrce of the Government from the Banks, then I am in
favour of the divorce. This divorce has been objected
to by many who dread the infiurnre of the President
more than that of the Bank. But whether the funds
are de]K>sitcd in the United States Bank, in a State
Bank, or locked up in safes, the Secretary of the Trea
, sury, or the Treasurer, can ulways draw them, without
lieing questioned ; and if those officers are corrupt, and
! the creatures of the President, they are just as much
■ subject to his influence in one place as in another.
| Gen. Jackson took thrdeposites by force from the late
Bank, not because lie could not control them while in
its vaults, (for thevery fact of taking them proved that
ho could control them at will) but to weaken and de
j stroy the Banks.
, There was another privilege accorded to the Bank
by the Supreme Court which I believe is contrary at
least to the spirit of the constitution. I allude to the
I freedom from taxation by the States. To have protec
ted it from a greater tax than the State Banks were sub
jected to by their own Legislatures, would have been
just and constitutional ; hut to exempt it from all taxa
tion, was giving it greater privilegestban the constitu
tion secures to a citizen of one State, having projierty
or business in another. The charter ought also to re
quire of the Bank the payment in specie ot all its obli
gations under a given amount at any of its offices at
which they may la- presented, no matter where issued,
or where payable.
I think a charter, subject to the restrictions I have
stated, would be in accordance with the spirit of the
constitution ; and as such a Bank is necessary to the
Treasury for the two purposes I have named, I think
; it would, when so limi/eel, be expedient.
In determining upon this question of expediency, it
i behoves the people of Georgia to consider well, the sit-!
uation in which they are placed. Expciience has j
J proved, that as a general rule, the paper of our State
Banks, even when they pay specie, will not circulate
at par, much beyond our own borders. Our ncighlior.)
South Carolina, has secured for herself a great Bank of;
Twelve Millions of Dollars Capitol, with the privilege!
I of establishing branches in North Carolina and Tcn
\ nessce, the paper of which will circulate at par, or above
j it, in all those States, and perhaps beyond them ; she
| therefore requires no United Slates Bank to give her a
’ par circulation in those Stares in which it will be most
needful for her. The Carolina merchant will take the 1
i paper of this Bank, which lie will obtain at par, and
| make his purchases in the Western market, paying
away the same paper, perhaps at a premium, certainly
without loss. The merchant of Georgia will go into
I the same market with our State Bank Bills, which
cost him also par at home, but being there below par,
’ he must submit to a discount ; or he must draw specie
I from our Banks to use in that trade, and thereby cri|>-
i pie them. lam no merchant myself, but it strikes me
j that the result must be, to throw the whole We.-tern
I trade into the hands of Carolina. Our only chance of
| escape from this, is in the notes of the Insurance Bank
, of Columbus, which, backed by the United States
I Bank of Pennsylvania, will command credit in the
j West, because receivable in Philadelphia. That Bank
! has now branches in several of your cities, and the very
capability to command a credit in the West, will ana-
I ble it to control your State Banks to tire same extent
| that a Branch of the United States Bank would with
| °ut the public depositrs. That it will have this power
you l- State Banks know. The moment that Bank was
purchased, it was to our State Banks as a ball of fire
j <>n the mast to the mariner ; they hurried to make all
; snug by curtailing their discounts. The truth is, Mr.
Biddle la on your shoulders, whether you will or no,
and you cannot shake him off; and the only nlterna
l tive left you, in order to got your share of ihe Western
trade, is to cherish thr Insurance Bunk or to get a
branch ol a I nited States Bank, South Curotina may
well condemn the expediency of establishing a Hank 1
of the United States ; but is it the policy of Georgia
to do likewise I
My fellow citizens of Taliaferro, liavo inquired of me
my opinions on the Pet Bank system, I was opposed
to that system from the lieginning, am now, and ever
will lie. It ia calculated to give to the President an in
fluence more widely extended, and more destructive, to
our free institutions, than the influence secured to him
by all his other patronage. It was calculated to make,
not only the Directors, but all thp Stockholders of all
tbe Mute Banks throughout the Union, supplicants lor
bis bounty. It penetrated into tbe cottage as well as
the counting room. It subjected alike the rich and the
poor stockholder, the one through his avarice, the oth
er through his poverty. It gave him the absolute con
trol ofthe whole money power of the country. The
Divorce has been made uml I hope, forever. It was a
union against the spirit of the constitution, and de
structive to the rights of the States. Do not under
stand me aa being opposed to the Mate Banks. In my
opinion, they are not only valuable institutions, but ne
cessary to the improvement and prospe,ity of the coun
try ; strii tlv guarded and limited by Legislative watch
fulness and wisdom, they are a blessing V the country.
A cry has Ireen raised against them—the cry of monop
! oly—l do not join in that cry—it is calculated to pro
j duce the very monopoly you dread—make the State
; Bank sy stem unpopular, and the refusal to credit new
Banks to meet the just want* of the daily increasing
I commerce ol our Hi ate, will at once give to the exis
j ting Banks that very monopoly. Destroy the present
j State Bunks, and you throw the monopoly into the
l hands ol the monied usurer and extortioner, who will
| then demand twenty-five per cent for his loans—l ask
j you to look well into this matter.
Again : My Fellow citizens of Tuliuferro, ask my
opinion on w hat is culled the Muh Treasury question—
by this I understand the system of routining the gov
ernment receipts and expenditures to gold and silver
coin and Treasury notes, or in other words, the twenty
third section of the bill stricken out on motion ot your
Nmator Mr. Outhbert. I am obliged to understand it
in this limited way,for when that clause was stricken
out by the combined votes of Van Buren men and Clay
men. Southern men and Noithern men, Union men
and Nulliliera, the great advocate of the Bill declared
that its life and soul were gone, and he himself voted
against it
I am unwilling to speak of the dead unless I can say
good of it. 1 have admired the great author of that
•|s'cie clause while standing on the floor of the Senate,
a* the fearless advocate of Southern rights, and from
my heart have thanked him. I have admired him
while unyielding and ulone, he there buttled for this ve
ry clause. I have examined it with all the lights
jwliich his wonderful mind could throw nrntind it, but
h unable, to see it as he has uoue, lam unable to j
hovv tl “‘ Potith, paying as she does, and us that
’ gentleman lias so often proved that she does, the great
er amount of taxes to the government, ean be benefit
led hy paving those taxes in specie, which specie is u
gaiii to be transferred to office-holders and contractors
who principally reside at Ihe North, and w ho will com
mau l a premium upon it. lam unable to sec why the >
general government should demand specie from the .
people, and leave the people and the Stale governments ,
with a dc| rcciated Currency—for it the Bank pujs'i is
as good as the specie, why should not the government
take it. No one can res|ect that gentleman s ability ■
and sound southern feeling more than I do ; but have
his opinions suddenly become so iiitallihlc in Georgia,
that I am to be condemned for differing with him, even
by those who but yesterday called him 1 RAH OKI
Have Carolina opinions, too. suddenly become so infal
lible in Georgia, that I, who less than two years ago
was condemned for agreeing with her, am now to suffer
the condemnation for disagreeing with her 1 I im
peach not Mr. Calhoun’s honesty ot purpose, but still
I cannot agree with him. I ini|ieaelt neither the hon
esty, nor the devotion to Southern interests, ol those
Southern men, who agree with him, (on other points
of far more vital importanre to the South, our opin
ions are the same ;) among these is Major Mark Coop
er, a candidate before you, and ns an evidence ol my
sincerity,! will vote for him w’ith as much pleasure as
for any man on the ticket. When I meet with a real
Christian, I extend the hand of fellowship to him with
out inquiring into what keeping be is willing to en
trust the funds of his Church, or in what currency to
receive them. 1 have answered the question, ami I
have meant to do it, plainly and respectfully. Nou
may now ask what system I w ould adopt in regard to
the monies of the government. To this I answer, first,
I would reduce the governments wants as low ns a pru
pei economy would allow, and 1 would reduce the pub
lic revenues to an amount merely sullu ient to meet
those wants. I would receive in payment, as is now
authorised, and has been for years hitherto, the notes
of specie-paying Banks, as well as specie and Treasu
ry notes. I would hind the public receivers by strong
bonds, and leave them to depositethe monies as they
receive them in any place they may select, making them
( responsible for tho result, and requiring quarterly re
, turns, not only of the amounts, hut ot the kinds of mo
ney received and paid out, and proper evidence that the
balance on hand is there in the kind of money which it
ought to lie in, and if deposited in a Bank, a certificate
of that Bank of the amount deposited. To such a sys
tem combined with a Bank of the United States, re
stricted as I have stated, I can sec hut one objection—
and that must exist, to the same extent, under what
ever other system may lie adopted. The objection is
that the public money is left under the control of the
President, but this cannot lie remedied unless the ap
pointment and removal of the heads of the Treasury is
taken away from the President, and vested in the
House of Representatives. This will require an alte
ration of the constitution, which ought to tie made. It
you divorce the government from the Banks, lie equal
ly earcful to divorce the President from the public
purse.
If in the opinions I have expressed, 1 have gone to
neither extreme, it is not for that purpose of buying fa
vor with every side. It is the difficulty, which grows
necessarily out of the subject, of determining the exact
lino where the rights of the Federal Government and,
and those of the States begin,—and it I have offered a
plan, it isonly to show, that, in rejecting all others, I
have one of my own to propose.
By the resolution I am requested “ to make known
my choice for the next President between \ an Buren,
('lay Webster, and Harrison,” Ido not understand
: that the two last named gentlemen are candidates for
j that office, and it does not, therefere, seem necessary to
| know my opinion with regard to them ; but I respect
| the call of the meeting, and as I wish not to lie misun
derstood, I reply, that the opinions of those gentlemen,
I as I understand them, on the |w>ints of vital importance
| to the South, arc such that no southern man could safe
|ly trust either of them w ith that office. It is in my
j opinion, a melancholy evidence of the weak condition
to which the whole South has been reduced by dis
tractions and divisions on minor jioints, that she is lor
j ced to the necessity of making a choice among the four
gentlemen you have named, all of whom have, atone
j time or another, advocated measures, or declared opin
-1 ioni,ileculedty hostile to her liest interests, an.l to her
’ safety and prosperity —all of whom have advocated or
i voted for a high Tariff, and not one ot whom, as far as
| I know, has ever declared, tho'pressed to doit, that the
, abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia would
l>e unconstitutional—and yet there Is the point at
■ which the gangrene is to commerce, and from which all
the slave-holding States may lie diseased, and ultimate
’ ly destroyed, iflhc Abolitionist* should succeed in their
! effort to plant the disease at that point. Would you
; lie willing to entrust that important outwork of our safe
ty to the guardianship of any man who w ill not swear
to defend it—who, indeed, after he has sworn, is liable
to lie surrounded by such strong influences, as to lie
willing to surrender it as a matter of expediency 1 In
answering the inquiry, I w ill state, that by the constitu
tion the election of the President is vested in the peo
ple of the respective States. If a majority of the whole
are not in favour of a particular candidate, then the sc
( lection devolves upon the House of Representatives vo
ting by States. In such case I consider the Represen
tative as a mere agent of the majoiity of the people of
his State, and bound to vote as that majority had declar
ed in the electoral College. According to this princi
ple, under such circumstances, I would represent the
l will of ray State, by voting for him in favour ot whom
the majority of my State shall have declared. Indeed.
I should consider that I had no more discretion in the
matter than any other mere agent would have in ordi
, nary affairs.
But you have asked which I would prrfei among
the four named. I have stated my views with regard
to Webster and Harrison.—lt serins to lie now general
ly understood, that Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Clay, are
the two candidates. On tbe subject of the TuiilT, I
consider them both as standing in a position equally
objectionable. On the subject of abolition, they have
I Kith declared that it would lie unconstitutional to übol
iah slavery in the Mates, and inexpedient in the Dia
’ trict of Columbia and the Territories. It is understood
that Mr. Van Bur n advocated the abolition of slavery
in New York, mid if my recollections arc correct, lie
j voted to instruct the N. York Senators to vote for the
, Missouri restriction, and Mr. Clay compromised that
; dangerous question. Mr. Clay, is called the Father of
the Protective System, uml Mr Van Buren voted for it
j in 1828, under instructions. So far, they both stand
upon pretty equal grounds as to claims upon southern
confidence. In whom cun the South trust w ith most
confidence, for a veto of the Bill, should one lie passed,
to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia 1 In
voting tor the Tariff of 1828, Mr. Vanßureu either
obeyed the instructions of New York Is-causc his opin
ions were in rouitomiity tu the Bill, or he voted for the
Bill against his own opinion of its constitutionality and
ex)>edieiiry. In the first cast 1 , he ia a high Tariff mnn,
in the lust, he wants independence ami voted against
his oath. During the last year Mr. Van Buren de
clared decisively to the merehunt* of New York, that
it was unnecessary to rail an extra session of Congress,
and yet, immediately after, called surh session. This,
to say the least of it, was a want oi firmness of pur
pose.
In Deerinlier, Mr, Van Buren declared to John
Rom, through the Hecretary of War, that the Chero
kee Treaty would lie rigidly enforced and executed, at
the appointed time. In Mavi he recommended to ('<in
gress to suspend the removal for two years, if the Matos
would consent, of which he kail little doubt. This
change, whether for weal or woe. is evidence that lit-
I tic reliance i* to he placed upon his declarations. Mr.
I Clay, whether right or wrong, has always been firm in
I hi* purposes, Mr. Clay lives in a Mavc-holding stute,
I and, I believe,owns slaves, Mr Van Buren lives in
I the miust ofthe abolitionists. Let me ask, which is
most likely to lie acted o|m>ii by bait influences, and on
whose firmness and decision can the Mouth w ith most
confidence rely in this matter I Again Mr. Van Bu
re a is surrounded by a swarm, from all quarters, who
have already tasted the sweets of the Treasury crib.
Janie* the tirstof Unglanil, humbled himself More his
Predecessor to obtain the throne. He was fond of pow
er, but luckily wanted the daring and commanding en
ergy of that predecessor. to use it. He might have
made a good King if he had not lieen surrounded by a
hungry swunn of expectants uml courtiers ;—it i* to
that swurtn I object more than to James.
I have answered your question. I bare answered
all the questions, as I trust etplieitl# and fully i and if
it shall prove to be the lust time I shall have occasion
to address you, I will ut least have the consolation of
knowing, that I have dealt honestly by you. In truth,
1 consider the Muh Treasury ami Bank questions, at
best, of very secondary importance to the Mouth, when
the war against the rights reserved to the Mtulcs, is
constantly waging, anJ when the storm ot abolition
has only moderated for a moment, to gather new
strength, and burst with destructive violence over our
beloved country.
Your fellow citizen.
RICHARD. W. HABERSHAM.
From the Purple'* Pits*, f A up 'if: fa. j
To A. E. Whitten, Eiq„ and otlieis, a committee of the
citizens of Frankiin county, and Simpson Fouche,
J. If. B. Shackleford, Ksqis., and others, citizens ot
Taliaferro county :
Gentlemen. —lt gives we great pleasure to answer
the questions you have propounded for my considera
tion, and which have been addressed to me by letter,
and through the newspapers. The resolutions enclosed
to me from Franklin County culls ii|>on each Candi
date for Congress, in the State ofGeorgia, for his opin
ion relative to the constitutionality, and expediency ot
establishing a United .States Bank, ami to express their
“ c hoick” for the next Presidentlietween Van Buren,
Clay, Webster, and Harrison ; the citizens desire to lie
informed whether 1 am for or against, the separation of
Gmern merit from all connexion with Banks, and il
that question he answered in the negative, then wheth
er I am for or against the establishment ot a National
Bank, or for or against the re-organization ot the Pet
Hank scheme. For the convenience of all parties con
nected, I beg leave to reply to both these communica
tions at once, and to promulgate my answers through
the press, as the best possible means of conveying to
the voters of Georgia, all the information in
relation to the opinions of one of the - * candidates for
Congress, necessary to a correct and patriotic exercise
of the elective franchise. This, ldo more readily, lie
cause 1 have ever contended, as I yet do, for the right
of instruction, and consequently for the right of the
people to be fully informed as to the veiws and opin
ions of those who arc ofl'-red for their suffrages.
I am asked then to make known my “ choice” forthe
next President between Van Buren, Clay, Webster,
and Harrison ; —being a Stats Rights’ man, and accus
tomed from the eatlicst period of mv political career,
to look to the prineij lea of Thomas Jefferson, as the
only true need in politics. I, ot course, can have no
choice lietween the individuals above proposed.
Mr, Van Buren is a recorded advocate for free negro
suffrage—admits the right ofCongress to abolish slave
ry in the District of Columbia, ami leaves us no safe
guard for our domestic institutions, hut his promised
weto. He voted against the Tariff, and made a speech
in favor of it—he was an advocate for the Proclama
tion and Force Bill—lie approved the removal of the
depoeite* of public money in violation ofexisting laws
—he advised and nppioved the Pet Bank sy stem, to
which the I-hate Rights’ party were unanimously op
posed ; and. last, not least, he “ paltered w ith us in a
double sense” in relation to the removal of our Indian
population.
Can it be seriously supposed, after this statement of
facts, that Mr. Vail Buren is my choice (or President?
If there are any among us who ran choose him w ith a
full knowledge of his political cliaiacter all I have to
say, is, they are much more easily satisfied than I am.
It is true he is at tins time favorable to the establishment
of an Independent Treasury ; but he has been forced
into that position by the successful opposition of the
State Rights’ party of the South, and the Whigs of the
North to his own Pet Bank system, to which he clung
as long as there was a ray of hope to animate him.
Shall his temporary advocacy of a single abstract
proposition, involving a question as mui h ofexpedien
cv as principle, out weigh the long list of political here
sies with which he stands so justly chargeable ? He
has had one fair trial before the people of Georgia ; his
friends were then, as they now are, “moving heaven
and earth toensure his acceptance by the value of this
State but after all that was said in support of his pre
tensions to their favor they rejected his claims by a tri
umphant majority. Upon that occasion I contributed
nothing to his support, for the reason aliove stated, and
aware of no reformation in his principles, or policy,
since that time. I shall be free to leave him to the sup
port of those who effect to admire the elevation of his
political character, ami his devotion to the rights and
interests of Georgia.
If genius and Intellect of the highest order—if orato
rical pow ers comparable to the ablest efforts of ancient
I or modern times—ifa free and generous character in
I fvery thinj jH>n*onal to liimKclf. wero tKo only attributes
j and qualifications necessary to constitute a wise, just,
and e I'cient magistrate, upon whom the South as well
’ as the West could icply for the protection of her Con
; stitutional rights, I should certainly select Henry Clay,
’ ill preference to almost any man, for the exalted sta
tion to which he aspires. But unfortunately there are
“ dark spots on his sun,” which to the eyes of a South
ern man, educated in the strict tenets of our |M>litical
faith, must eclipse all his brightness, and obscure his
effulgence. He has been charged with advocating in
a Convention of the |>copfe of Kentucky, and more re
cently at a meeting of the Colonization Society, the
abolition of slaveiy—ami the charge, though publicly
. made, lias never been denied:—lie is the father of ihe
so called “ American System,"—the plain English of
which is, he goes for a high protective tariff of discrim
inating duties. He has suggtfted a “Filly Millions
National Bank”—he approves the Proclamation and
Force Bill, and has lately boasted in the Senate of the
United States, that “ He” had saved the necks of the
Stale Rights’men of the South from Gen. Jackson’s ,
snare and halteff! He is” a consolidation's, and, if
elected to the office he seeks, would do, as he has done
every thing in his power to convert this confederation
of States into a splendid, central, consolidated Govern
ment. Although a Rcpicsentative of the West, his
patriotism has become so extensive of late, as to take ‘
into its embrace all sorts of people, bankites, tariffites,
consolidationists, federalists, and all;—in short, he has
no political interest or principles in common with us.
and we could not reasonably expect him to side with
us in any futuie contest that might unfortunately oc- ,
cut in relation to our violated rights.
For those reasons Henry ('lav is not my “ choice
for President.” I admire him ns a mnn of powerful
and fascinating talents, hut we must he wholly forget
ful of what we have been, and arc, before we can su|>-
port him for any office.
flame! Webster is a giant in intellect as in Feder
iiliim. Glorying m the name and prineiplea of the
old Federal Party, he adheres to them with a firmness
of pur|ios, which, while it elicits our admiration for
his constancy, is by no means calculated to conciliate
na to his advancement. He is so totally foreign to us
I in every view of the ease, that I do not believe he could
get ten votes in the State of Georgia for the Presiden
cy. Os course, I consider him out of the question.
As for Gen, Harrison, he is not known in this sec
tion of the State as a candidate for the Executive—and
| if he has liecn occasionally spoken of among us, it bus
{ been only as an abolitionist, and a man who would not
{ suit us under any circumstances.
I lam aware, that in thus rejecting all the names you
have promised, I will lie wrongfully subjected to the
uncharitable imputations of some who would be glad
of any pretext of It will be said by our
opponents, that I reject every body and every t'ling—
that I am negatively caption*, and have no choice.
1 Such however, is not the tact. If you present me with
four decided and acknowledged evil*, you surely will
j pardon me for cluming neither of them, but rejecting
nil. If your question had gone a step farther ami ask
ed who I would support lor President, if I should te
jrot all the calulidatFs you oiler, I could readily have
giwn you an ulliruiutive answer, I would vote for
George M. Troup; or Miiy other mnn of his intellect
and principles, for the highest oilicc in the gilt of the
is'ople ; because in so doing. I should not only lie voting
foi a man of coufeased abilities, hut in the appropriate
language of the eitiz ns of Taliaferro, I should be •■sus
taining one who bad faithfully represented our views
and feelings,” uud should not lie “ hazarding the tolal
overthrow of those long cherished principles of polities
and constitutional construction for which we have so
zealously contended through evil und through good
’ leport.”
For mv own opinion relative to the question! • I
llauk and Treasury, |>criiiit me to ruk i yon to tm His
tory of the IState Right* party, as connected with that j
subject. That party have uniformly, and almost utian-1
imously, been opposed to the creation of a U. Ntutes |
Hank upon constitutional ground—tout Congrea. bud ‘
no right to ( barter such an institution. They I clieved I
that us the Constitution contained no grunt of power!
to the federal authorities to charter a Hank, the laet \
that the power to pass acts of incorporation by Con
gress, bad liecn more than once proposed uud rejected
in the Convention which framed that instrument, was
proof positive that the question hud liccii fully consul
ered, and dccidedjn the negative by those 1 1 whom the
people had entrusted the task of o MUlzillg the gener
al government. They refused to hgi bite into exis
tence, a power which the law paramount of the land
did not grunt which was expressh/ rejected by the Con
vention itself. These, and other grounds of objection
to a Bank haviug been again and again deliberately
resolved by our Legislature, and repeatedly sanctioned
by the primary assemblies of the people, precludes at
once tlxe question of expediency. That which is un
constitutional is certainly inexpedient, at least to those
who are disposed to abide by the Constitution “ in spir
it and in truth,” and to recognise it as the guaranty ol
their rights and privileges. If that instrument should
ever be so nmended as to grant to Congress power to
pass acts of incorporation, it may then very properly
la- omc a question whether it is expedient to create
such an institution- Until such an amendment is made
I will not permit myself to entertain, even for a moment,
the question of expediency, in oiwiosition to my consti
tutional scruples. The object to lie attained can never
sanctify the means.
The successful opposition of the State Rights party
of Georgia, to the “ Pet Bank schemes” of Gen. Jack
son and Mr. Van Buren, isof too recent occurrence to
demand proof by reference, to the facts which transpir
ed at the time. Having participated in that opposition,
I enlertuin now, as I did then, a settled repugnance to
the scheme” as one, the signal failure of which, has
proven conclusively, the truth of the many objections
which were urged against its adoption. Even its origi
nal authors have abandoned it as inefficient, and a vast
majority of the people have fully sustained our opposi
tion. \\ hat course remains then for us to pursue ? It
we intend to be true to ourselves, and consistent with
our former professions, we must necessarily advocate
the adoption of an Iviikpkviikvt Treasibt. Hav
ing rejected a U. Stated Bank as unmns itutiimal, and
consequently as inexpedient —having repudiated the
Pet Bank system in all its bearings, we arc no longer
at lilierty to refuse a fair trial of that only remaining
plan of collecting and disbursing the public revenue,
which proposes to divorce the Government from all
connection with Banks, ns fiscal agents. While how
ever, I admit the general principle of divorcing the Gov
ernment from Banks, I should insist upon a satisfacto
ry arrangement of the detuils of the system, !>cfore I
could give it my support; for that which might lie a
very acceptable “Bub Treasury” to one man, might be
exceedingly objectionable to me. I should vote not
only to sever the Government from Banks, but I should
insist upon severing the Treasury, and the appoint
ment ol its officers, from Ihe hands of Executive. I
would place the control of the Treasury, and the ap
pointment and supervision of those who are to adminis
ter its affairs, in the hands of the House of Reprcsenta
lives. The members of that House are elected at short
intervals by the people—their responsibility is more
direct, and their connection with the constituent body
more immediate than any other branch of the General
Government. To that department too, the Constitu
tion evidently looks as the most appropriate agent to
supervise the •• ways and means” of the people in their
political capacity, when it clothes it with exclusive pow
er to originate a revenue. 1 would also leave the Gov
ernment free to rereive the bills of specie pay ing Banks;
for while I distinctly recognize gold and silver only as
money, and as the only currency known to the consti
tution, I do not think I should be violating either the
letter or spirit of that instrument, by receiving the hills
of such banks as pimuptly paid specie, dollar for dollar,
at the will of the holder. I should look upon such bills
as the immediate representative of the precious metals
—os specie certificates, convertible with gold and sil
ver. So long as they were so in fact, I should receive
them not as matter of favor to the Banks, but of conve
nience to the government. I refer to these particulars
only to shew that the general principle of the divorce
is one thing, and the details of any bill, establishing
that principle, quite another, and equally important, if
not more so, as the original question.
I make this exposition, thus minutely, of my views
ill relation to an Indejiemlent Treasury, purely ill obe
dience to the call from Franklin and Taliaferro ; for
while we look to it with some interest, in this section
of the State, as a question of polio/, involving the di
rect violation of no fundamental principle, we do not
recognize it as a test of political purity. It is not per
mitted to interfere with considerations of higher moment
or to operate to the exclusion of those who may honest
ly differ from us.
I have the honor to he, very
Resjiectfully. Your fellow citizen,
EDWARD J. BLACK.
A Samplenfthe u Democratic leaders. — Ruel Will
iams of Maine, and G. D. Wall* es New Jersey, U. S.
Senator*—Taney j the Attorney General—Buchanan I
Ex Minister to Russia—lngersoll $ U. S. Attorney of
Pennsylvania—Hubbard || U. S. Senator—Bancroft,
Collectoi of Boston—Prentiss and Kemble, 1 niendicrs
ofCongress from New York—Croswcll, Editor of the
Albany Argus—Potter, Vandcrpool, K. Rantoul, Jr **
dec. &c.
These are the men who call themselves, and whom
the Administration party call true - Democrats.” Dur- |
ing the war they opposed the war. They insulted
Madison and abused the then Democratic party. But j
now, forsooth, the Whigs are tbs real Blue Light Hart
ford Convention, alien ami sedition law Federalists, 1
while the leading friends of the Administration are the
most devout and unsophisticated Democrats! What
jewels of consistency !
* This Mr. Wall said at the Inst session of Congress
in the U. 8. Senate—“ Here, sir, in the presence of
the American people, I avow that I was a Federalists,
and acted with that party zealously and actively, so
long as their flag waved in New Jersey.”
j- In 1815, Mr. Taney denounced Mr. Madison as [
“ worthy only of a halter !” Wus it for this specimen 1
of Democracy that he received the reward of his pres- [
cut office ?
i This same James Buehanan once said —“ If I
thought I had one drop of Democratic blood in iny
veins. I would let it out.”
§ This Mr. Ingersotl once said in a letter to Mr.
Binns, dated June 7, 1807.
“ If I had liecn capable of reason and reflection w hen
the American Colonics took up arms against the moth
er country, I should luvi: hkk* * TORY, nor can,
I rvr.s consider that an appellation of teproach.”
J This Mr. Hubbard, U. 8. Senator in Congress,
was the prime mover ill getting up the meeting at
which delegates were chosen to the Hartford Conven
tion from New Hampshire, From this same .state of
New Hampshire, there isa Van Buren Representa
tive by the name of Samuel Cushman—the man who
is appointed by the party leaders in Congress to gag
debate by moving the provious question. This Mr. C
during the last war was an officer of a Society, and
publicly declared on the parade in Portsmouth, during
the war, asteported by the N. H. Gazette, that “he
hoped to God every Ame rican soldier who inarched in
to Canada would leave his bones there ”!!
II This Mr. John H. Premiss, is a Van Buren mem
ber of Congress from NewYork. Mr. I*, published a
paper at Cooperstow n, N. V. during the late war,from
which the following extracts are copied:
“ It is with sensations of indescribable pleasure that
I find myself enabled to announce the complete triumph
of the Federalists.” “It my hunihle labors in the
cause of iny native country have produced the change
in favor of federalism, in this county then have I ar
rived at the nehtne of my hopes, the summit of nil my
wishes.” “ The frightful Hydra of Democracy begins
to droop its head la-fore the Heaven derived spirit of
Federalism.” “ Democracy !” a monster wild us that
w hich roams the Lihiuu waters slid joys to drenrh his
tusks in blood—a pestilence that spreads contagion
over the whole extent of our country—a pernicious
hlust that withers evry thing it touches,”
** Robert Uuiitoul. Ksq. of Beverly.
Mr. Ruutoul was a member of the Legislature of
Massachusetts in 1811, It, 13,14, 16, and 111, during
the whole of the last war; was the revilier of Jclli-rson
and Madison ; the latter opposrr of the Inst war; an in
veterate for of democracy ; the advocate and delrnder
••I the Hartford Convention, and in IBM as a member
•f •'••• Legislature of Massachusetts, advocated und vo
ti us r that measure.
| iVimoi t.—We inlet from the course of the People's
Press ot A ngnstn, that Mi. Cal boon's friends in Georgia,
I in pnmiit el their eliimariral project tt*” reorganizing
j pint e, are nlnitil to support the Van Ilmen enndidntes
no ‘ oiigrsss. The room of this, of comae, will |.p, that
jh log a siusll laelioii, they will lie oltei ly mi allow ed op
in their new allies, ‘I la y may po-uMi tnttnbct eiiouelt
to delent their” Ihie allh’s/'and undo all Ue'v IHi VC been
doing for years! (nil nothing is more certuiit than that
tolal amiiliilalion “ill In- their bile.
This, in laet, ill l-e til -ir fate verv where out of the
limit* of South Carolina, Whrrevi i they may join tin)
Adininistrviiion pmi • i . lie . .i < *.p i lation ol bcncHt
tiug Mr (’ i lieeie tin y -nil b merged. In all interns
and purposes, in tlial paiiv.and b in Iv tilt) retneinbranee
of their existence will survive —ltichmimd II hig.
Loco Foco Literature.—An extract from the i,
ofMr. Cache!! of Montgomery county, KentuckVt
Loco 1-oeo candidate for Congress was cop.ed
some appropriate and not very flattering comments „
to the Louisville Journal. In reply t 0 this, the ’ ‘
person has come out with another specimen of hi I
erary ability. The following is the concluding Lit’
graph, in which he intimates his benevolent design ~,
on the ofteiuling editor. ° u *‘
- The first snuff I get at him, I, in the fierceness of
my wrath, will pounce upon him like a catamount on
skunk—snatch pieces of hide from him as big J *
muskrat skin at a grab—l will black both of his
pers—chaw off his lingers—crop his ears slit his n “
—knock out his ey e-teeth—bite off chunks offlesh hv
the pound—twitch off his light arm and beat hi m wit j,
the bloody end—l will crack his thigh bones & gre,*
my moccasins with the mtinnw—l will take his brain*
to dress buckskin ; and his skull in place of a tortoise
skell to make my wife a sotlp-gourd —l will literal!
eat him up, as a Yankee would a dish of codfish and
potatoes, and on the fragments I will feast my dog.
Yours rcH|!ectf u || v
ISAAC C’AC’HELL.
Hamilton Cos. la., July -21st 1828.”
The irredeemable* !—All the corporation. j n
ty and county of Philadelphia arc redeeming their thin
plasters, except the two Loco Foco districts of South
wark and Moyamensing! These are the patriots who
made such a row about bank rags and shinplailert
during the suspension.
WORKINGS OF THE SYSTEM.
The operation of the Sub-Treasury sy stem is well If.
liistraleil in (lie subjoined list of defaulting Lund Ollic.
Sub-Treasurers, nil of recent occurrence :
Land OJfice Sub-Treasurers.—The. following is a list
of defaulting Sub-Treasurers connected w ith || IP |, nn()
Offices in Mississippi, mill nt one point in Arkansas.
Allthese defalcations, it will be seen, are ol recent dale-
Due from W. i'. Harris, on tlie IGili of
March, IG3B, *lO9 l?s no
Due fromC. I). Bnvd, August I, 1837, ‘ 6u’lU7 13
Due from 1.. Hawkins, Nov. 1,1835,
Due from .1. W. Stephenson, ou ihe
28th of Jan., 1838, fiq OM) m
Due from S. \V. Beall, March, 1333, 38,895 39
Due from K. H. Sterling, Jan. 1838, ll ifi-J Yl
Due fioiu A. Mill In il,'.Blh Feb. 1837, ..1,834 55
Due from A. Hutchins, Nov. 1837, 15,235 nil
More (Imn half a million of the people's money xojg
hy Kitfttr Sub-Treasurers?
IlmsniiKTu’s Pili.s—.l uric nay to get Money from
a Honk. — A good joke is lold in the Cincinnatian, of ihe
extraordinary efficacy of these pills, in ihe most lioprlrss
rase. A merchant of Cincinnati, (ihe slorv snrs,) a9
refused a discount at bank, was disconsolate - had a
note to lilt next day, nml was out of funds. 6rs|mir
was written 011 liis fare, when be espied newspaper in
which was 1 •feted the t irrwmslance of an old and de
crepit! woman being restored to Miami leg youlh, b
merely reading ihe sign over one of Dr. fi’rnndrrtli's
•‘own olticcs.” All idea flashed upon him—he deter
mined to make the experiment ol trying llteir elficaee on
Bunk Directors, end accordingly he ippnired inmifili
nlcly to the office, mid procured 11 box. This he fbMnl
up with his note, and sent a coiinterhnpper to the Bank,
who presented the same to the Directors, and awaited
the issye.
The result will soon lie told—the sight of the box
worked upon ihcm so forcibly that they ordered the
money to be shelled out instunter!
Among the passengers in the Mediator is the Hon.
Richard Rush, who brings w ith him the avails of the
(smithson brquest, in gold, amounting to half a million
of dollars.
Letters from Lieut. Lynch, of the Euphrates strain
er, announce that be had ascended the river of the same
name from Bussoiah to Hit, a distance of about 500
miles in 120 hours—lt lat he had found no particular
difficulty in passing the Lunihim marshes, nor encoun
tered the slightest opposition from the Arab*. Lieut.
Lynch added, that he intruded to rnotions K* ascent
1 the next day (May 31, )nrtd had little doubt of prom-d
----ing as high up the river as Bales, the nearest point to
the great commercial mart of Aleppo, try which exploit
the original intention an! objrrt of the navigation of
that great river is concerned, would be completely ac
complished. —A’. Y. Journal of Commerce.
.a hi tv zsTtmiTr. or rttr. ati.
“ The wickedness of women is a subject upon whirrt
the stronger sex among the Arttlis, with an afibetw!
: feeling of su|ierior virtue, often dwell in commonrotv
versation. That women are deficient in judgement or
good sense is held as a fact not to lie disputed even by
themselves, ss it rests on an assertion of the Prophet;
but that they j-assess a superior drgrre of running is
pronounced equally certain and notorious. Their gene
ral depravity is pronounced to lie much greater than
I that of men “ I stood,” said the Prophet, “at the gate
of Paradise ; and 10. most of its immates were the pour:
and I stood at the gate of Hell; and 10, most of its in
mates were women.” In allusion to women, Ihe
Khaleefoh-'Omar said, “ Consult them, and do the con
trary of what they advise.” But this is not to be done
merely for the sake of opposing them, or when ether
advice can Ire had. “It is desirable for a man,” says
a learned Inian, “ before he enters upon any important
undertaking, to consult ten intelligent persons among
Ins particular friends; or, if he have not more than five
such friends, let him consult each of them twice; or if
he have not more than one friend, he should consult
him ten times, at ten different visits: if he have not one
to consult, let him return to his wife, and consult her;
and whatever she advises him to do, let him do the
contrary : so shall he proceed lightly in his affair, and
attain his object.” A truly virtuous wife is, of course,
excepted ill this rule-: such a person is as much respect
ed hy Muslims us she is (at least according to their
own account) rarely met with by them When wo
man was created, the Devil, we are told, was delight
ed, and said, “ Thou art half of my host ; and thou art
the depository of my secret ; and thou art lay arrow,
with which I shoot and miss not.”
[PETERS’PILLS.j
‘ -
fBNI IK uninrall* ltd reputation which IN ter’s Pill* have M*
I qmr> oa* a Medical Reiterative, t* IHr matt uqutuou
hlT"proof that can hr given, of their immense nn|Mtniit‘l* |’' e
attlictid, in ulnMMt every clan* ofthan**. The number < **••
u m received from Patient* recovered through their auaii*, •
really prodigious, mid the complaint* which they h*]?***!?
ar<- almost as varied as the) are nuim rou*. llut *ull tfccif * r ‘
wine in which tin y ar* more eapeeiaMy beueftcial than i
i other* ; and among tlio*e may be named the too oft* u fttalcojn*
plaint* of the atnmach anil Imwel*, nucha * Chelic, tlatuience
and IndiffCMtieu, for which they are not only a certain , but *
immediate cure. .
It ia well known, that from the disarrnng* *m* nt of thclltw
and Iwwtli. arise nine* tent ha of all tin- maladn * of ndiinM
declining lift’ ; that this in the foundation of/tofu tear y.V*
mut/ir pain*, iadijer.ttten. to** of appetite, Kr. and , ' l * , I , 7‘j?’ r
their turn, give forth to DHOPSY, IJVKK COMPUIM;
l-OSHCMIM lON anil lIAHITCAL I.OWNKSS Os SH”
I I S ; 111. II tun- IWr'. Pill. In inr thr very b< .1 nn iliji"’
lia. i-vrr Seen iliwiv.-i. il l.n- iln nu ipi. il il"' ll *’ *°*]” ‘ M|
tinea, are neceanarily the surest pit veil live* of those t,n ’
and alao general diaordera which embitter mature life • ltl h
of many millioiia to untimely grave a.
In * peaking thus, Hr. Peters arrogate* nothing to
that ha* not tarn conceded by the public. H*‘ *• *'„ r |,j ; |
quack or unknown simulator, wlm cornea before the . ‘
[ Ins own hen Id anil witueaa ; Imt ia pluc* and Ml a t**!***
1 Os *itnation by the patrouuge which he ha* ( tyoyed • ‘ , H J
ami which ia incrra*tnr to an extent anprecedi nuo .
mils of medicine, that inaket him r* fwl t U *? r * lu | |„ m*
which ia not borne out hy the moat ilifollihc pt**’ . .
he dm * not f. or to Ik* nut to th* teat in an) thing
proiniar*! rvapA cling ni Pi Ila. i},r
Dr. IVlnra is inont happy to he side to B ‘ a ’ . ,
niithoritv of n gre at number of regular ’. fy
wherever hia vegetable Pills have hern introdu ■ •
have ulinoHt aupererded the adoption of n<*n 11 . t | lt ,
peritonitis, lor their pet ulinr fucullv in •*•*! . f J llll( |
fdood, and at him In ling it to expel all hoxhnu 1 J l
| in filing at re tig th ami tune to the neryea, |"’ t
e*twe trum nmpiiring that at retig th tv hie n mu
; under, if at all, hy tliingeroiM remedies. nm nri( t r
Every geo illo box hoa tint eignalury of tn’ I (i|
oil the colored wrapper that envelops it, the u 1
which ia felony. a II I>.
JOO. PRIESTLEY PETERS J 1; ,
For Male hy II VK\ KY rtIIOTU ELL, Al
July 19
TO Till! Pl'ill.ie- a
\H ft number ol person* have been . j.q.
. touching the wholesale price id * * ||.i j l ' l
able Anti-Billioiia Pills,** when pun! ■
cipul oIRn i Liberty IHs ri r
upon to ntitko a public Muteoo ut ul hs an*"I’’ 1 ’’
refution to thi* matter. THrlv-fi* P’
Frumtiiia date ihc rn§h price wi'l ho V’ . , n r
htra per irrn**, pttyahle nt hill** current m | |(|
New York ; and nn iptunity ninlet a ... t
protence, Im* Kohl malar the rctuil puce oi
DOS* .. . * 1
Iferehnntf nrdetinf then Pills fimn the | I j j
New York Druigirlw, ojt TiMK,wiU be tn ’ °
| Dolliintnerfioxcn. # lfr .,inn to
The proprietor requests pnrticnlitr “V
■ udvr iiiMemciit, nn the immeiiin ly im ren’ f; „,er
I bia Pills, makes it m ibat hia bMSiw ((i
: tiona abottld Im* cfindueted without ~,, 4 ,i***-e.
time which would result frott’ n yariety o’ I !
! The proprietor would have n lurtlo i M ;| h
| llti* arrangement it* for New >rk den *
thoac who rraido in otb* i pb 1
I July 10, IU3B.