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1 DOMESTIC.
I PHitlBENl'I flElllfll.
Hit the Semite and House if Urpresi nluhrcs of the l\States.
■ Congress hy Ihe aci t f the 13 h of May lust, declared that
K ||, e act us the Republic of Mexico, a elate ol wai mate
that government anil the Until J Stat , anil ‘‘for
He purpose of enabling the government ol the U. Stales to
■os,cute said war to a speedy and mccea-ful termination, ’
was vestej in the President to employ -'the uavui
■l military fjrcea of the United States.”
I|i li is been mv unalterable purpose, since the com ence
■|, ut hostilities by Mevico, and ibe declaration ol the n
j^K|irc of by Congre-s, to prosecute t.e war in winch
H Cliun t,y was nnaieidably uivolnd will) the utmost rim
wnli a view to its - pecily and st.icis.-ful It uiiualioii ’
■ an honorahie peace,
all the operations of our naval and military
bale been directed witn this vi w. \\ bile the swuid
H been lie-U1 111 one hand, and our military mov. metit press-
into the enemy's count'), and its loss s inv.sled
Hnu’ navv, the tender ut an honorable peace has been con-
presented to Mexico in the other.
r to the ovenuies ol peace wliielt have been made by
■a government bate nut been accepted by Mexico. Ui ha ,
to avoid a protraclt and war, which hesitant y and delay
would be so well ealeul.it and to produce, I inform-
ill my annual message ol the 9;h Uecember last,
K lbs war would “continue to b prosecuted wnh vigor as
best means of securing peace,” and recommended to i
eatlv and f.vorabe con-ideralion the measur s propos
the Sccte a:y ut \\ ar, in lire icpoit acconq any ing that
j
my message of the 4th January last, these and other
rs deemed to be essential to the -spiedy ands ciess
■ termination” of the wai, and Ibe sltaiument of a just ■
■j boom aide peace, were recommend, and to ) our eai ly and
cuustiieralion.
H'i'bf woisl -tale ol things which could exist n a war with ,
■, t, a power as Mexico, would be a course of indecision and
on onr part Being charged by the constitution
Hi the laws with tile conduct of the war, I have availed
H’ r 4 * and vigor,
act “to raise f>r a limited lime an aJd.tlonal military
Hct>, and for other purposes*” end which authorizes the
Hsing of ten additional regiments to the regular atuty, to
Hve during the war. ai d to be do-banded at its termination.
Hitch was presented to uie on the 1 I -tlx install', and approv- j
■ on that day, will constitute an important port us our mile
■ IV fjrce. These regime-ms will l e raised aud moved to it-
Hi ol war with tne least pratticable delay.
Hit will be perceived that this act makes n provision for
He orgauiz ition into brigades and divi ions of ibe mereauej
H~. which it authorizes, nor f<r the appointment of gene al
H|ce s to command it. It will he proper hit authuri y lie
law to make such organiz ilton, and to appoint, by
with the adviie and consent of the Senate, such nuui
K, of major generals and brigad’cr generals as the efficiency I
the servi.e may demand. The numbci “( “tfi ers of there
Hades now in service are not mure than are reipii'ed for their I
Hspecti'e commands ; but further legislative a-tion during;
H u r present aes-ion will, in my judgment, be required, arid
H which it is my duty respectfully tu invite your a'tention
■ Should the war, contrary r 0 my earnest desire, be pin. j
to the dose of the term of sendee of the volunteers
in Mt xteo, wtu engaged fir twelve moritt.-r, an o i-:
v liunli - t f.i-cc w i.l j r.., | v becjine n- c s-arv
their place. Mmv of l! e vulunlreis now in Mexico, it
not doubt -I, would cl.Ci !i:'lv rnc if’, .1 the c .n. lu-i n
Hi their present term to n, iring the oar. Titer w -ui-!
a nto.e clli lent I . ci- tlnii coul 1 be speedily o’i-
me I by accepting ibe se. v ices ■•! an v new , m | s who niic'it
HHff- r their services. They would have the ad van*. tge ot t 1 e ,
and d-.-cpltue ut a vear’s service, an I wiil have
seen-tutsed to t'pe climate, a;. I be in less Jci.'-r
new i vies >1 sufleiing fioiti d.scares - f the round). —
in..n l*, tin ref-re, hi m-h.i ity be gvt n n rccept the
nt sttc’i ot the v ; jn'eo's n w in Mexico as the- state
the public seivice may require, and wli > inav. at the ter-
n us tin r pres-'iit t-rm, voluntarily engage lo serve
,ng the war wi'h Mexico, and ‘hat provision be made frr
the , flier rs. Should this measure receive
fcvoia e ci ii-bii *.iii.in of tb-ngress, it i- recoci'uendt
a bounty begunted to them upon their voluntarily u-
tht ir term us service. This would nut only be due
Ho these gallant men. but it would lie economy to the Gov-
because, if discharged at the end of the twelve
li e Government wonll be bud to incur a heivv
pense in 1 i tug mg them ha, k to tht n homes, and in a- ruling
the seat of war new Corps us fresh troops to supply their
mi By the act (if the 13th of May last, the President was ao-
am. to acci pt t e services ol v ilunteeis. “in co npjr.ies.
sqid un-, and legine nt-, ’ but no pr.ivi-i n was
■■rude 1 r h . ;:p Vacancies which might occur bv , h abler
isi hargi 6 i .'in the service, on account of sieUorss or other
.v now in sei v ;ce I ave teen tmielt reduced in monbeis.—
was any provision made fur filling vacancies of regi
■in, nt.,l or company officers who might die or resign. Infur
lias bet ntl ’em dat ttie War Department us the re-
uf nine than one hundred of these officers.
■■ They were appomti and by the knv authorities, and no in-
.rmjtroil bad been received, except in a few instances.
places have been filled; ami the etfi. tetirv us llte
Hill lech-, I recommend that authority he given to accept li.e
of individual volunteers, t” till up the places of such
may die, or become until l a the a. nice and be discharg
; and that provision he also made for filling the pi,rets of
and company olfi ers vvho may dn-or resign.—
■Hi!;, such provisions, the volunteer corps may he constantly
hi pt full, or in iv a, proximate the maximum number aulh >•
ezed and caliv-J into service in the first instance.
While it is deemeJ to be our true polit y to prosecute Ihe
I Wat in tbe manner iiioirated, and thus make the enemy feel ;
liis prt-sture and its evils, I shall be at all times ready, with
I tbe authority couf rred on me by the Constitution, and with
I nil the means which may be placed ut my command by Con-
I gross, to conclude a just and honorable peace.
Os equal importance wi h an energetic and vigorous proa
rsutton of the war aie the means required to defray its c-xjten-
I res, and to uphold and maintain the public credit.
In my annual message of tbe Bth December last, I suh-
I milted f r the consideration ol Congress the propriety of im
po ing, as a war measure, revenue duties on some of the ar-
I tides now embraced in the free list. The principal articles
now exempt ftom dnty, ft oat which any considerable reven
ue could be derived, are tea and coflee. A moderate reven
[ ue duty an these aitteles, it is c thnated, would produce an
nually an amount exceeding two aud a half millions of dd- j
tars. Ttiough in a period of peace, when ample means
coulJ be derived from duties on other articles for the support
z/f the govertimt nt, it may have been | r pet not to
i Kauri to a duty on these articles; yet, when the country is
engaged in a turiigti war, and all our resouices arc demand
rd to meet the unavoidable increased expenditure in main
taining uur armies in the held, no sound reason is perceived
why we should not avail ourselves of the revenues which msy
he derived from tine souice. The objections which have here
tofore ttitled to the nnpos lion of these duties were applica
ble to a state of peace, when they were not needed. We are
now, however, engaged in a foreign war. We need money
to pioaecute it, and to maintain the public honor and credit.
It cannot be doubted that the patriotic people of the United
Stales would cheerfully, and without complaini, submit to j
the payment of ibis addtiional duty, or uny other that may
he neetssary to maintain the honor of the country, provide ;
for the unavoidable expensca of the government, and to up- 1
hold the public credit. It la recommended tint any dutiea
which may he irnpoaed on these articles be limited in then
duration to the peiiod of the war.
An additional annual levenue, it is estimated, nl between
hall a million and a million of dollars, would he derived f mu
the graduation and reduction of the price of such of the pub- 1
lie lauds as have been long nflired in the market at the mini i
mum price established by the existing laws, and have re
mained unaold. And, in addition to other reasons Commen
ding the measure to favorable consideration, it i recommend
ed a* a financial measure. The duty suggested on tea and
cuffse, and the graduation and reduction of the price of the
public land* would aecuie an additional annual revenue to the
tieasury of not lass than three iniilioiia of dollars, and would
thereby prevent the neceasity of incurring a public debt an
nually to that amount, the iutereat on which must be paid
•can annually, and ultimately the debt itaelt, by a taxon the
people.
Ilia a aounl policy, and one which has long bean appro,
vad by the government and people ol the Untied Stales, ne
ver to icaort to loana unlese in case* of great public em- i
gency, and then only for the smallest amount which the pub
lic necessities will peiinit.
The increased revenues which the measures now tecom
mended would produce, would, moreover, cnsble the gov
rromrnl to negotiate a loan, for any additional sum which
may be found to be oeedtd, with more facility, and at cheap
ri ralce then cen he done without them.
Under the injunction of the constitution which makes it
my duly “from time to lime to give to Congress information
of the state of the Umcn, and to r. commend to their con
derail n such mca.uie.” as shall be judged -nece. ary and
expedient, ‘ I rvepecifully end earne.tly invite the action of
t-ooe.e- on the measure. herein presented for their consid
.ration. Toe public good, e. well .. . -enaa of my -espon
nl,||ny to our common eonstitu.nt., in n>7
periou-ly denta.ij that 1 should present them fur your en
lightened consideration, and invoke lavorable action upon
them befo e the close of your present session.
JAMES K. POLK.
Warbington, Feb. 13, 1917.
COXGUUKSIOiTtITINTELLIttEftCE.
Currtt]iunJeiice of the Charleston Evening Newt.
WASHINGTON, Feb. 13, 1817.
Tn the Senate to-day, Mr, Din, from the Commill e on
Commerce, reported a resolution, which lies over, request
ing the Secretary ol the Trea-u y to report at the next ses
sion, the cost ol electing anew Custom House for Charles
ton.
Some other matters hiving been disposed df, the Senate
resuiu.d the considers ion of the resolution df Mr. Yulee, to
expel Mr. Kirhie, ol the Uuion, for the libellous articles
published in his paper,
Mr. Western! made all kinds us a speech, having very lit
tle to-do with the resolution, lie cut right and left at both
political parties, and gave it as his opinion, that if the p o
ple knew of one hall the corruption that existed hete. llu-y
would me in then indignation, coma on to the Capital, and
throw the President and Congress into the Putouiac. Upon
the whole, it was a very laughable aflitir.
Mr. Calhoun made some brief remaiks in favor of the re
solution, m.d spoke of the aitides in the Union, as a most
llagr.nl libel upon the body.
Mr. Voice nude a long ,-peech in defence of himself and
h is lesoluuon.
Mr. llanegan thought the Senate ought 4o consider itselt
as sufficiently digiiifk'J to treat all such newspaper attaik.-
with silent contempt. If ike time should ever wire when in
the eyvs of the people the Sen iteeould be silecleJ by a news
paper ai tide, iScrialo.s might depend upon it that the lamp
ol liber y would be neaily extinguished. He intended to
vole against the resolution, becau e he thought such attacks
bene.it ■ contempt ; but weie he to vote for a resolution ol
this character, he would do it to purii.-h Mr, Kilchie as an
officer of the Senate, and not us tiie editor of a paper.
After further discussion, the resolution was adopted by a
vote ol Veas 27 ; Nays Si.
i cai-—Messrs. Archer, Badger, Butler,Cailhoun, Cilb-y,
P. Clayton, J. M. Clayton, Corwin, Crittenden, Davis, Day
ton, Evans, Greene, Huntington, Jainagm, Johnson of La.
M.iuguin, Mills r, MoreheaJ, i'earoe, Simmons, -Uptiam,
Webster, Wes. colt, VVoodbridge, Vulee —27.
Nays —Messrs, Allen, Ashley, Atcheson, Atherton, Bug
hy, Brciz-, Unglit, Caiueron, Casa, Chalmers, Dickinson.
Du, Fairfield, llanegan, liousluu, Mason, Niles, Sevier,
Suulv, Stu geuu, Turney—2l,
From the Charleston Mercury.
The Slavery Question in Congress.
The Southern Senators, Mr. Bciißir.vr Os <ia., and Mr.
Johns, >v o 4 MJ., have urged as a priuripal argument again-l
tUe Bill plac ng at the disposal of the President three millions
;of d. dlais tj aid in the conclusion of peace with Mexico,—
rial the purpose fur which this money is asked, is to secure
’ i lirge aocvs con of territory, iiom which the South is lo be
; exi led dby lw. They have appealed to Southern Senators
’ i) unite in resisting t sell me which makes the South expend
; ;ts blood and treasure only logive strength to its enemies,—
which makes our triumphs soicitlal and our acquisitions on
i•> the seal ol our subjection. The Washington Union treats
these arguments and ap|>eals slightly, aid in reference In Mr,
Berrien’s speech remarks as fdlows:
■•ILs appeii i,■ ihe South, and to aii the American Senators,
lei! with veiy little force upon our own ears. We aie not
apt to be intimidated, by eloquent horrors, orhy false alarms. :
VV e never despair of the republic. We neater mistrust the
ability of a free people to govern themselves, nor Ihe eonserv-1
alive spirit which has always presided over tbisgne.i/ confed
eracy if Stales. The Senator from Georgia appealed with ,
gicat emphasis, it is true, to the consei vative spirit of the Sen
atois; but we appeal with greater confidence, on bolder
griUnJs, on a still higher key, lo tile eonserv a ive spirit of the
American people and their enlightened agents, which has al
ways brought us safely out of the fiery furnace of the stven si
‘rials and the most culica) peri ds of our history. It was the
gen us of compromise and the liberal course of accommoda
ting iHtcnatf, which carried us thiough all the struggles of
the Fe eral Constitution, and preserved the unity of otir coun
ny. It was the genius oi'compromise which brought us safe
ly Ibrouglt the Missouri contest. It was the spirit of com
promise which carded us through the trying sceucs of 1832.
It is the sense of common benefits, the fair and generous par
iic-palion ol mutual benefits, aud mutual burdens, wnich we
must again invoke upon the present occasion. “Sufficient
unto the .lay ;says the hackneyed adage) is the evil thereof.”
When the proper tune shall cotne for the adjustment of this
que-tton, when we are about lo secure by the treaty of peace,
ratified by the constitutional authorities, any new territory
tor extending the present boundaries of the conhdeiacy, then
will the friends of the Union appeal to the “kindred blotsl
which flows tu the veins of American citwena—the mingled
blood (as Madison says) which they have shed in the defence
“I thitr racred rights,” to the great principle ot paiticipation,
wl> ch will bind the ci-partners together, to truth and justice,
to lead us out of any dilficuty which the crista may create.—
In a word, we trust to the good sense of our countrymen lor
a safe and liverance, and, therefore, wc listened without convic
tion to the gloomy eloquence of the Senator from Georgia.—
VV e cannot consent to abandon our character, our policy, our
national honor, our solid interests, and our sacred rights, fur
such imaginary apprehensions. We must flight this war out
bravely. We ruus; use all our means slid energies to com
pel an honorable and satisfactory |>cice —lo achieve the ob
ject which Geuetul Class's amendment of this day proposes.
And then, when our foreign relations have been honotably
adjust! and, we will, in a period of tranquility, sit down as c ilm
ly as p -ssible to settle the allairs among ourselves.”
Ti eie would seem lo bo something unaccountably gieen
in this burnt of young hopefulness from the editor of the U
niun, if we were not forbidden to attribute anything f uni that
j source to the a-dent enthusiasm of iiiexpeiienced juvenility.
! and the efure compelled to look for a solution consistent with
wa-y and politic diplomacy. The success of the measure is
important lo the s andtng of the Administration ; to its pres
ent comfort, to its appearance of lesvl relnp. If it fails, the
enemies of the {’resident wilt be apt to say he is like wisdom
in one pa'licular at hast, —that tie crielli alouJ and no man
regardetlt him. i'ltove who are immediately about him. feel
tils successt a or Ins failures as matter of personal triumph or
mortification. Thu. they will often exageiate the pnliiiea
importance of Ins rtTiuuiuetidutlon.s and equally underrate all
the objections to them.
We believe little ill this compromising spirit,on which the
Union rests so complacently. The evidences of it are all
wanting O - the contrary, the Northern politicians are ev
ery day adding l oco to the appeals of the Southern Senators.
On Si urdav, Mr. Drx pn seined in the Senate the billowing
resolutions of the New York Legislature,
liesolecd, That, us war now exists between the United
Sta ts and Mexico, it is (he imperative duty of every cit.zen of
this country to sustain lia government in all proper ineu-U'es
lor the prostculiou of that war, ir. such a manner as our na
tional honoi and iniereals demand, until it shall be terminat
ed by ail houoial le peace.
Keaolvcd, That no peace with Mexico can lie regatded as
honoiublo to the United Subs, which shall not secuie fmm
that Republic lull indemnity for the aggressions which it has
commuted upon ibe rights of this country and its citizens.
liesolicd, That f any trriilory ia acquired by the United
Stales, or annexed thereto, the act by winch such territory is
acquired or annexed, whatever such act may be, should con
tain an unalterable, fundamental article or piovislon whereby
slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment fur
crime, shall be torever excluded from the territ >ry acquired
or annexed.
Unsolved, That the Senators in Congress from this Slate
be instructed, and that the Representatives in Congress from
this Slate, be requested to use their best efforts to carry iuto
elloetthc views expressed in the foirgoing resolutions.
Reunited, Tlist the President, and the Speaker of the As
sembly be requested to transmit a copy of iho loregiug reso
lutions to each of ibe said Senators arid Representatives.
Ttiese resolutions passed the New York Assembly by a
vote of BG to 9—indicating a complete amalgamation of part
ies in the auti-slaveiy move. Similar resolutions, passed by
a similar luaion of panics in the Pennsylvania Legislature,
weie presented m the House ol Representatives oil Salurdsy.
The New Y'ork livening Foil, noticing this action of the
two States, says:
“These resolutions have been adopted, it is tiue, partially
by Whig votes, hut they have received in equsl support from
staunch slid tiled Democrats, men known to be utterly hostile
to abolition in every shape, and by no means indilTerent or
, insensible to (he impnitance of • good uudeistaudiug with our
, Southern brethren.
Adopted as they have been in this way, timullaneoualy
with and evidently in support of Mr. Preston King's move
ment in Congress, they indicate an amount of public feeling
at the North, on the subject of alavvry, pregnant with very
serious consequences U the government and the country.”
The Union will neither believe the assertion of the Soulh
nor Noith, —that th s movement is conceited, and designed
to bring the combined forces ol til the Free State* upon us.
and to found a great political party on the basis of anti-slave
ry. But the proof doca not stop here. On the 21st ol Jan
uary the House of Representatives of Ohio, adopted by a vote
j ol 43 to 12, the following resolutione:
Resolved by the (Jencial Assembly of the State of Ohio,
That the kicnalors and Representatives from this State m the
Congress ol the United States be, and they are hereby request
ed to procuc the passage of measures in ths National Legia
lature, providing for the exeluaion of slavery from the lernlo
’ ry ul Oregon, and also from any other territory that now ia,
or may hereafter be, annexed to the United Slates.
Kesolvcd, That the Governor be requested lo transmit to
each of the Sentr.ora and I*epiesenlativeß from this State in
the Congress of the United Slates a copy of the above resolu
tion, to be by thrm laid before their respective Houses.
The position of New ( EnglonJ is 100 well known lo need
exposition. That section claims Abolition in all its shapes,
as her offspring, and will not desert it now.
But if we could see ihe same unaniui ly of the South in de
fence, that chaiacterizea the North in attack, we shoulJ be
’ satisfied of the result, and test as calmly as the editor of the
; Un.vn. Not because there is any fraterrral regard for us, or
all) such patriotic spirit of compromise, na he Imagines, but
i because the South United, is much 100 respectable a power tu
|he trilled w ith. And sucb a union we look upon as a proba
ble result of this anti-slavery union at the Noitli. It becotn
, es now an obvious and imperious necessity, and the common
i division of parties will melt before it.
We Jo not Ibetefore assent to the position taken by Me-srs.
Berrien and Johnson. If the bill will aid in the settlement
of the war, let it become a law. If territory is acquired, the
Southern people will settle on it, and wc will si e who will
drive them out. Wo shall yet have an opportunity of judg
ing what sort of a thing a law of Congress is, enacted by the
North for the disfianclnsement of the South.
Nr. CnlliotiiTs Speech.
In -‘ the gerrtie passage of arms” between the Tennessee
Senator (Mr. Turney) aud the Carolina Agx, Mr. Calhoun,
the latter made the following reply to the wanton and un
p evoked attack cfli.e Tennesseean-.
Mr. Calhoun then rose and said ; I am really obliged to
the gentleman from Tennessee for giving me an opportu
nity lo repel a gieat -ninny insinuations which I have seen
upon this very subject, and the endeavor to fix upon myself
and friends rite responsibility of which he has spokt n. He
has got up and made a grave charge, that there was on this
side of the House a party roiuoined leg-ether in reference lo
presidential elections, who controlled all measures ill refer
ence to liar, J have alieudy denied that I was any rand;
date for the Presidency. I appeal to every friend —to nty
friends upon this floor, upon either side of -tire House, and
to every one in the Stale of S uth Carolina, if tny whole
course of conduct has not been this: that I would n ‘t ac
| cepi the Presidency, unless it com sto me by the voice ol
. the American people, and then only from a s nse t-f duty,
; and taken as an obligation. At my time of life, the Pnai
dency is nothing—nothingg ami for many a long year, Mr.
President, 1 have long aspired for an object far fe-igher than
the Presidency—that is doing my duty umierall circtrmstan
■ ces, in every trial, irrespective of parties, and without re
| gard to friendship or eanniiies, but simply vn reference to
the prosperity of thecountry. If my life be reviewed -heie
ifter, I leave it these who mxy review it the settlement ol
this question. What charges his he made out against nty
self and the few of my friends who have veted wiib tne du
ring the present session? Where has be shown that we
have rejected or abandoned any measures connected with the
conduct with this war ! One single act only ; ami that is ,
not voting for the proposition for lieutenant-general. Now,
Mr. President, on this we need no apology. That vote
needs no defence.
If the American people have been unanimous on any one
subject, they may have been oil that. Now tins is only one
act, and I am happy that here, lit uiy place in the presence
ol this large audience, to have an opportuui y to repel this ‘
charge, ao that the whole liulh may go forth in regard to it, j
But not a single other vole can be shown on which to rest,
this charge. For if there had been another, it would nut
have been added to the tong catalogue which ihe Senator !
from Tetiiie.-ste has drawn up against me upon other and i
irrelevant subj. cts, But tlrcre is another, which he sus
pects. He suspects that I wiil not vole lor the three million
bill; and that because I said, w eu I spoke on the subject.
1 waited for lurlher tlevelupeuiculs. Was there any thing, 1
Mr. President, in that—was the Senator ignorant that that \
proposition had been made in Ibe oilier House, and piubabl
would be made here, to slick the VV il not proviso on ill 1
put it to him—l put it to Senators on both sides, who repre
sent Southern portions of the Union—whether he or any ol
them will vote lor Ihe hill, if that amendment be appended I
Arid btcause I choose to make this reservation (and there
are o her reasons, not necessary to be stated al present e
qua.ly powe.ful) because I choose to make this reservation,
1 am to he held up as embarrassing Congress, consuming us
time, and opposing measares nectssary to carry on the war 1
Well, as to that consumption of time, it is one of the most
unfounded of insinuations. Is there any Senator at all, who
takes any pail lit the debates, wbo lias consumed less tune >
than tnysell? 1 have made but a sing e speech, the othei i
day, and that but an hour; and besides that, I have not ]
made a speech that has occupied five minutes; and yet, on
these grounds, amounting to nothing, wc are told that we
are to he responsible for every Ihuig connected with B‘ e sei ’
sion, done of nt t done ! VV ell, that shows a vciy deep leel
ing walking within. It may be iheie are aspirant* to the
Presidency, who think sumething may be gained by making
these charges, l know not. Or it msy be that the individ
ual feeling of the Senator himself frout some personal con
siderations, although 1 do util know how this can be, as 1
have never had the slightest personal difference with him.—
Well, h accused me of voting against the bill the othei
day upon the ground of some cunstuutional o jection, and
that 1 hail given a different vote iu theyearlßl3, Thete
was a bill passed ill 1813, hut is there any evidtnee that this
question was made or pit st ated I I believe the Senator
from Massachusetts (Mr. Webster) was then a member ot
the House. He may be able to tell. It is a long lime ago
I have forgotten all about it. Bui, to the best us myr knowl
edge, I never heard the question presenle I as to the consti
tutionality of tile provision, until It w s rai.cd by the Sena,
i lor loom Connecticut [Mr. Huntington] in the di cu-sion
here.
Mr. Webster here said, whether it was discussed eailier
than May 1814, I know not; but I know the qustiou was
not raised then, nor since, tdl now.
Mr. Calhoun. So l thought. Bui does not the Senator
know, that in these complicated measures, often very con
stitutional quations may not present themselves ! Now am
lto be charged, on such grounds, as having changed my o
. pinions—pleading r fancy ai one time, and dotage in anoth
er, lor auth is the langu age which the {Senator applies. —
Hut again : he spoke of the responsibility tor ihe war as ari
siug from the annexation of Texas. I did take a deep inte
rest in that measure of annexation, and to no act ol my Ide
do 1 teveri with more entireeaiiafucUoii. Annexation ai that
lino, according to iny opinion, was o question ol pure ne
cessity, 1 might go into this mallei it tt would not occupy
the time of the Senate. (Cries of “go on.”) According lo
my view the time was not propnioue in one aspect.
The then President had nupaity in either Hou.-e. I am
not certain that he had a single supporter in this ; and col
more than tour or live in the other. It appeared to me to
he a very unpropil ous moment, under such circumstances,
to cany through so important a measure. V\ ben it was in
timated to me that I would be nominated (or the office ol
Secreiary of Slate, 1 stiongly remonstrated against it to my
Irieods here ; but before my temoiislstice retched them I was
unanimously appointed, and was compelled to accept, I
siw that the administration was weak, and that the very im
portant measure would ire liable to be defeated. Hut circum
stances made action on it inevitable. 1 ascertained, from
sources peihclly reliable, that at tho World’s Convention,
the American Delegation suggested to Ihe Abolitionists of
England, that then was the lime to act. and if they wished
to aim a fatal blow at slavery, it must be in Texas, and in
order to do that, England must obtain control there. I re
ceived information I will not aay oificiet —but liom a quar
ter in which tlieie could be no mistake, that uu interview had
taken place between Lord Aberdeen and a deputation of the
World's Convention. 1 was then at home In South Caroli
na, and imuudialely trauxinitled to the Secretary of Stale
j Unit information, accompanied by my opinion that it demand
|ed instant attention. I suppose that letter and my commu
nication formed one of Ihe reasona for the movement then
made for annexation. W hat was then the condition us Tex
a !—Sue was weak and could not long lemain without the
support of UngLnd or Ihe United Slates. The British liov
eminent saw thie, und commenced its operations under the
suggest ion of the World's Convention, by pressing Mixico
to recognize her independence on condition of abolishing sla
very. The lime had come to act, and lor consequences to
be met, be they what they might- I accepted the ulfico with
all these difficulties before me. 1 said Una office is unaccept
able to tne. 1 goon with no small share of repuUitotl, tl l
may judge from appearances. I shall experience great diffi
culty in accomplishing the object for which I have been ap
pointed and may loose much reputation, but I must do my
i duty. I undertook it; and when l undertake a thing 1 go
slrailforwatd lo it. I placed the question on its true ground,
that this movement was intended lo bring ‘Texas under the
control of England, with a view to abolish slavery there, and
through thaq abolishing it throughout the country, A Ires
ty was lornied, and it shared the fate that might have almost
been expected from ‘he weakness of the administration. It
waa defeated, But the Senator t .iys i had stipulated in that
treaty that the Rio Ur.nide was the boundary.
Mr, ‘Turney. I remarked that I had never read the treaty,
but I understood that its terms went to the Rio Grande.
Mr. Calhoun. ‘1 lie Senator is just as wrung in that as in
all his understandings. No such thing—the line was inten
tionally left open. ‘The two respectable Commissioners from
Texas will bear me testimony as to that. It waa expressly
left open in order that the boundary might be subsequently
establiehed by negotiation with Moxico. I know thstaHen
ulor of this body put a construction on it similar to that of
die Senator from Tennessee, and strongly a.-sailed me on
that assumption. Hut it was so lar from true, that as soon
as the treaty was signed, I communicated directly with the
Mexican Gov- rnment, through our charge if affairs ; and
staled that I wis ready to settle all questions of difference,
and amongst olheis (lie boundary, upon the most liberal
principles. I did not apprehend that vrsr Would follow. —
But I am helJ responsible On Ibe ground that if Texes bad
not been annexed, we shoulJ not have had a Mexican war 1
Is be sure of that 1 Why, thia is an attack on Mr. Polk, —
What rs the whole staple of the’message, but the real cause
of the war was ’injuries committed on American ciliz ns long
before annexation I Has the gentleman overlooked that!
And did not Geneial Jackson and Mr. Van Uureti declare
that those injuries weie a just cause of war ? The immedi
ate cause of ‘.he war if he desirea to know, was ttre march
ing of our forcea from the frontier. [A Senator. Corpus
Christij—from Corpus Christi to Ibe banks of the Del Norte.
To repel that on the part of Mexico, is what the President
calls an invasion, assuming that Ihe Bio del Norte was the
boundary. But cun that be justly charged to annexation !
Il General Taylor had remained where he was, there would
hate been no invasion.
The evidence is clear. The fact is and cannot be denied
that General Arista communicated to Ucn. Taylor, either
by letter or a trusty agent, that if the American troops
would remain where they were, (at Corpus Christi.) the
Mexican troops would remain where thry were, o i the west
; side of the Uio del Norte. That both might send out de
tachments to the Sail Colorado, (a stream about midway
between die two places.) for the purpose of guarding the
j frontier and preventing jsruugglmg, and that there would lie
no conflict between them. If I am not mistaken, this was
: communicated to t c department, slid a call upon it would
I bring it foilh if it should be required. I think something
to the sarno effect was recently published Iu the t-oulhern pa
pers. [A Senator: Yes!] so then we have clear evidence
that the war was made by the older to march to the Del
Norte. That the President believed -that to be the boundary
1 do not question.
But the great question -comes up. Has the Executive the
right to detennine what our boundary is! When we have
a disputed boundary question —and we have had many
does 4t belong to the Exetulive or lo Congress lo determine
il. There are two ways iodo it. One is by negotiation and
trea-ty, to be performed by tbe Ex entire and ibis body, a
case thetwo nations agree to negotiate, Tbe other is, if the
paily disputes the boundary and u ill nol come to terms, for
Congress to declaie where the boundary is and maintain it,
if need be, at the It azurd of war. How long did the boundary
of Maine remain unsettled? From the acknowledgment of
independence ill 1783, down to the tune that the Senator
from Massachusetts closed il by a treaty. But did any ol
the Presidents ever think of marching troops upon the line 1
Fite British held -Detroit and Foil Stanwix after the treaty
ol peace until Jay’s treaty in ITBL Did General Washing
len undertake lo establish tire boundary by marching troops
ta ihe St. Lawrence, which was our boundary 1 If war,
then, has followed annexation, it is trot ta be traced ta one
Irom South Carolina, but to me from Tennessee.
I might say more on this subject, hut I will not detain the
Senate. The gentleman has made a great many charges a
bjut my political course. He has charged me with inconsis
tency, and represented me as voting-on all questions. The
gentleman's understanding on aiflerent sides of this point is
,ust as correct a3 on all others. I leave ail this to history. 1
will not say I have not changed my opinions on many things
—very little on constitutional points—and not many on ques
tions of policy. My Blind is indeed rather rigid. Like all
young men coining to Congress, I haJ iny opinions both as
to principle and policy, but had much to learn as to th-- actual
working of our system, which could only be had from actual
experience. At th it lime, the great question was the war
with Great Britain, in reference to which I took a bold ami
decided stand. 1 continued ill Congress but two years after
the war; and alter filling the office of Secretary of War and
Vice President, returned to Cungiess and took my seat in
this body in 1832-3; and from that day to this, the volume
ot my life is known to the country ; and I challenge the Sen
ator, or any Senator on this floor, to shew, from that da) to
this, wherein I have changed my views, lie says, that when
the question came up on the recognition ol Texas, 1 belonged
to the opposite side of the House, No. I belonged to neith
er s.dc. Several S.nators—the Senator from North Carolina
neatest to me, and the Senator from Massaclru-elis —can tes
tify as to that. I never met in caucus in consultation with
either side of the House. I took my own independent course,
standing neatly alone for some years, voting what I celi vod
to be the irueiuleresl of the country, irrespective of parly. —
And let me say, I have never attended those meetings for the
purpose of deliberation with gentlemen on this side of the
House, except during the period es excitement in the extra
session called by General Harrison in 1811, and part of the
next session, i attended then, becauso the Democratic party
had been oveithrown in the preceeding elections, and there
were at that tune great questions involved in the issues be
tween the parties, in which 1 agreed with them, and was op
posed to the opposite parly. 1 met only in refetence to the
arrangements lo sustain the Democratic parly in those issues,
hut not on subjects of legislation on which the party was di
vided.
Mr. President, I have been a long time a nu mber of this
body. It is the first time in which an assault has been made
upon me, and wi bout tbe slightest provocation. It seems
to me that if tbe gentleman had answered yes, when asked
.by me, it would have been more manly. But he pointed lo
’ me, and I could not remain silent.
! fits painful to me, sir, to come out on these occasions, I
j desire rather never to speak of myself, but 1 pardon tbe gen
! tleman, (or be has given tne an oppoitunity to set myself right
; on certain points, in relation to which I wish lo stand right,
and may take another oppoitunity to make tit) self more fully
! understood. As to the war, I have deplored it. I have de
plored il Tor its consequencics. 1 have deplored it for tbe
| manner of bringing it on. As lo my views in reference tu
1 the war, I have kept silent; assailed lute and throughout the
. country, my friends urged me to come out and explain at the
last session. 1 intended to remain silent until I saw a suit-a
ble opportunity for explanation. And bete let me say, wbat
just now cornea to my mind. Il may be asked, thinking as 1
! do, aa to the cause of tho war, wby I did not take some step
]to arrest the march of Ucneral Taylor! In the first place, I
never heaid that the march was ordered until a long time af
jlt r the order was given. The Senator from Delaware. [Mr
J. M. Clayton ] gave me the fi st intimation, that the order
! had been issued. 1 replied that it war Impossible, and could
not believe it unt I the fact was certainly asceilained. After
Genets! Taylor had actually commenced Ins march, I said lo
several us my friends he ought lo be stopped, it will bring on
war. I said also, if my memory serves me, the same thing to
: tile Senator from Delaware, from whom I first derived my in
| formation. (The Senator assented.) I said to him and oih
, era. that the Oregon and Mexicon questions are intimately
connected, that a war with England, m refetence to O egnti,
wouhl certainly involve in its consequencies a war with Mex
ico; and that a wav wilh Mexico, might also involve a war
about Oregon, or at all events prevent the settlement of our
difficulties wnh England, in releienco to it* Thalthua view
ing it. General Taylor, iu my opinion, ought to bo sloppi and :
and that I would lay a resolution on the table calling for the
order undet winch he marched, and would lullow it up by a
resolution to arrest his march, were 1 not prevented by the po
sition which I occupy. Os the two. I considered it more im
portant lo avoid a war with England about Oregon, than a
war with Mexico, important as I thought it was to avoid that.
That it was important l should maintain the kindest and
most friendly relations with the President, in older that I
should have aome weight in bringing ibe Oregon question lo
an amicable settlement; and that il I were to move, in refer
ence to the ordor given to Gen. Taylur. it woulJ, I leaied,
place me in hostile relations to the Executive, and destroy any
weight I might have with it on the Oicgon question. This,
with the hope that the Oregon question might ho settled be
fore an actual conflict between the forces under Gen. Tayloi
and those und r Arista, prevented inc from acting. Other
wise, 1 would certainly have taken a move to airestlhe march,
and thereby arrest the war. I have much more to say, iu
reference to the cause of this war, which I must postpone uu
til some fuilable occasion. I could state s-oxie facts in rela
tion to Oregon, but I am not at liberty, and therefore forbear.
I thank Ihe Benatc lor the kindness with which it has now
heard me.
Correspondence of Ihe Charleston Mercury.
WASHINGTON CITY. Feb. 16. 1847.
You will |ierceive by the repoil of Congressional proceed
ings tlial ill the House of Representatives the Wilinot provi
so has been attached lo the Three Million Bill, by a vole of
ayes 115, nmta 106, and ihe bill was then passed by a similar
vote, i, e. 1 lo ayes, 10G noes, though some who voted No
ora tht previous vote, voted Ay on the second, and vice verm.
It had been thought for some days past in thia city that tliia
inischiel-bieeding proviso would havo been delealed, so that
considerable surprize was manifested at Ihe result.
It is worthy ol remark lhat the South was true to itself on
this question with one exception—end that was John W.
Houston, us Delaware, who voted fortius Wilmot proviso,
although representing a Slave Slate. Every other represent
ative from the B'outliern Slates preset, l voted aoiinst the
proviso, and but one was absent from his seat—William F.
Giles, ol Maryland.
The following is an annalysis of the vote on agreeing lo the
proviso.
For the proviso. Against it. Nut voting-
I>. W, D. W. D, W.
Maine. 6 1
New Hampshire, 3
Vermont, 1 3
Massachusetts. 10
Connecticut, 4
Rhode Island, 2
New York, 20 13* l
New Jersey, 2 3
Pennsylvania, ti 12* 3 1
Delaware, 1
Maryland, 3 2 1
Virginia, 14 1
North'Caroline, 0 3
South Carolina, *7
Georgia, 33
Alabama, ti 1
Florida, 4
Mississippi, 4
Louisiana, *i *1
Texas, 2
Arkansas, 1
Tennessee, ‘8 3
Kentucky. 3 7
Missouri, 8
lowa, 2
Illinois, 2 18 1
Indiana, 5 B 8 If
Michigan, 2 4
! Ohio, 8 8 6
35 60 82 24 C
•Including Native. fTlie Speaker,
RECAPITULATION.
Deni. Whigs. Total
For the Proviso, -55 60 115
Against it, t®3 24 106
Not voting, l 6 6
Vacant, (New Hampshire,) 4
144 84 228
The following sre rhe members from the free Stall’s who
voted against the proviso.
New Yoik—Strong.
Pennsylvania—Black,Eroadliead, Erdman, Charles J. I
geraol, MeClean.
Miehigan—Chipman.
Indiana—Owen, W ick.
Illinois—Douglass, Ficklin, McClernard.
Ohio—Cunningham, Morris, Parish, Sawyer, St. John.
Total seventeen—all Democrats of course.
Those who did not vote were,
Hastings and l.effler, of lowa, both present in their seats.
Leib, of Pa., in this city hut mu in his seat.
Robert Smith, elf ill., not within ihe bar when the vote was
taken, and the House refused to allow his vote to l>e recorded,
had he voted it would have been in the alfi native,
Giles of Maryland, absent.
The vote on tire passage of tire bill, ah hough in numbers
precisely as that on the proviso—aves H-5, nocs UKi. yet dif
fers in its constituent parts. I have therefore made a simil
ar analysis on the passage of the bill, which is as follows :
For the Passage, Against it. Nut listing.
D. W, D, W. D. W.
Maine, 6 1
N. Hampshire l 3
Vermont, 1 3
Massachusetts, 10
Connecticut, 3 I
Rhode Island, 1 1
New York, 21 12* 1*
New Jersey, 2 3
Pennsylvania, 10 12* 2
Delaware, 1
Maryland, 3 2 1
Virginia, 14 1
North Carolina, 6 3
South Carolina, 7
Georgia, 5 3
Alabama, 6 l
Florida, l
Mississippi, 4
Louisiana, 3 I
Texas, 2
Arkansas, I *
Tennessee, 6 5
Kentucky, 3 7
Missouri, 6
lowa, 2
Illinois, 1 4 1
Indiana, 7 1 If
Michigan, 2 t
Ohio, 11 3 2 4 1
66 49 72 34 5 l
•Including Natives. +The Speaker.
RECAPITULATION.
Dem. Whigs. Total.
For the Passage of the Bill, 66 49 115
Against it, 72 34 106
Not Voting, 5 1 6
Vacant, I 1
144 84 228
All the Southern members present voted against the bill,
Whig and Democrat—the only one absent being Mr Giles
of Md. With them the following members from the North
ern States vnied against the bill, (Whigs in italic, Natives in
small caps, Democrats in Roman characters) :
Rhode Island.’— Vranshn.
Connecticut —Truman Smith.
New York.— Woodrcff.
Ohio— Hurpcr, Pariah, Sawyer, Scltenck, lance, Vinton.
Indiana— McGuughey.
Illinois—Ficklin, Henry, Hoge. McCle-n.ml, Robert Smith.
Total 10—Eight Whigs, one Native, seven Democrat*.
Those not voting on the passage ol the bill, were
Dougla-a of Illinois.
Foster and Leib us Pennsylvania,
Giles of Maryland,
Tilden of Ohio.
It can hardly be doubted but that the Senate will strike this
proviso from the bill. Wheihei the llouae will then recede
or defeat the bill lemains to be aont.
A Severe Rebuke-- The Tuscaloosa Observer, the new
democratic piper at the late seat of Government in ihe Stale
of Alabama, administers the following seveie, but just ami
merited rebuke to the slanderers of old “Rough and Rea
dy.”
Attach on Gen. Taylor.— Two members cd the House of
Representatives in Congress, have been knaves enough, or
fools enough, to com mem e a malignant attack on the war
worn veti ran who hasted our armies to uninterrupted victo
ry through the miasmata and marshes of the Rio Grande.—
I’hey dare to charge him with inefficiency, when tie never
tired a shot which did not tell; and with delay, when ho lay
on the banks of the fatal river with no meins us transporta
tion; and when unprecedented inundation* would have ren
dered all ruch means useless if he had them. Tnese men
are Ficklin us Illinois, and Thompson of Missis ippl. We
blush to say they are Democrats. We cannot believe that
they speak for any but themselves. But wbat we do not on
ly believe, but know, is, that Democrats or Whigs, if they
petsevete in this scanddous and disgraceful attack, they,
and all who alrel them, will rush upon their Own desltuc
tion. Tho South, at least, will aland hy their gallant son,
grown grey under his country's banner, and they will spit
with scorn on their faithless lepreseniative*, who, like
Thompson of Mississippi, date to truduce him from their
comfortable seats, whilst ho is still battling bis country’s lues
amid the tains and the lightnings of the tropics.
IMPORTANT FROM MEXICO, via HAVANA.
By the arrival if the biig Adeln, Capt. Watson, at this
port, we have been favored with the following interesting
and important items fiom Mexico. The; were furnished to
Capt. Watson ly Mr. Campbell, our Consul at Havana,
and were reccivej at that place, Li; the packet from Vela
Cruz of the Gth mat.
Santa Anna is still at San Luis Poloti, at the head of
22,000 men, generally occupied with his favorite amusement
of cock lighting.
Oen. J'aylor is said to have left his recent position and
passed Victoria at the head of 6000 men, supposed to be on
his inarch to Tampico,
’The clergy have refused to contribute the $8,000,000 at
tempted to be raised front them; they are much excited a
gains'. Manta Anna, and are endeavonug to get up pronoun
ctami'litus against him.
The whole cabinet of Santa Anna arc reported to have re
signed. Ureal jealousies exist ainung the dlilerenl | (ieinuals
in the Mexican Army, slid consequently much contusion and
disorganization prevails,
Veia t.'ruz is garrisoned by 3000 troops, dispirited and
expect to ho attacked by the Americans on the 2d February.
The best informed think the netslance which will tie made
by the garrison will he Iceble, and it will fail an easy con
quest. In the Castle there are only 1000 men, and badly
supplied with provisions, the chief dependence being on Ve
ra Cruz for supplies. Many ves.els laden with valuable car
goes have ruu the blockade, and entered diflerent pons of
Mexico j some ten have 101 l Havana for Alvarado and Tub
pan in the last month. A large French ship with a valuable
cargo has been recently csptuied, after having been warned
otfonce, fora second attempt to rnter.
The May Flower hail arrived in Havana with Lieut. Col.
Randolph s command of 318 men. The object ia to supply
medicines, which it apprar* had not been lurnialieJ in
sufficient quantities previous to her leaving Norfolk. The
men are tine looking zealous and anxious to meet the
Mexican* in ike lieUl ol bailie, or to plant die Stan Jan pie
sallied to them on the walls of St. Juan de Ulloa.
The Standard ia a beauiiful one, having on one aid the
arms of the Uuitud Stales, and the arms us the idohzeikiiale
of Virginia on the reverse aide.
Col. Randolph’s command are in fine heallh, exceptome
fS-men laboring under the affliction ol Syphilis. It w |„ r
their imprudence, unfortunately, that additional mejines
are needed. The May Flower will sail 7th mat. for omt
Isabel, that being the oiigmal destination of die vessel.
Ch. Ev. News, 16/4 if.
Tin: R>. litv Muv kmknt. — We know not that wotvn
ever hud so great reason to be proud of the public spuilml
I Moral ty of the ciiy of Savannah, as oil account of die tns
actions ol yesterd ,y. A meeting for the relief of iho sumg
poor of Ireland was held at the Exchange at 12 o’clock,!
at which resolutions were adopted and committees applied
to solicit contributions in the several wards So pronrptas
the action and so determined the spirit to afford instant ref,
dial, in the course of the afternoon, some 2.000 to 2/0*
bushels of corn weie transferred from the warehouse of Mgs,
Andrew Low & Cos., und placed on hoard the 13r, bate
Thames, bound lor Liverpool. This corn had been purcb
ed by the enterprising linn ui question some weeks limit
low prices, but, in consideration of the circumslantes, it Is
piomptly turned over to the committee at cost, the pailtei
gieeiiig to await the result of the collections vet to he mb
for their remuneration. The same house generally prom
to lotlvatc! all the corn and provisions which may he ss
hither horn die interior of the Slate, free of charge.-
r Mr. Cuyler, the President of the Central Rail Road, uI,
I a **tlounced at the meeting that Ihe Company would can
to this place, (ree of expense, any provisions which may U
otr, red at Macon, or intermed ate points on the Road. V\
doubt not dial the Macon and Western Road will do the samt
thing. What an opportunity is thus presented to the p opW
I of Georgia, for manifesting their gratitude to a henefice.it
I Providence for the abundance With which they have been
I blessed ! The advance in the prices of cotton and provisions,
, has given to the planters of Georgia alone, this y ears, sornc-
I thing like Five Millions ,f Dultars, Which they had no rea
| son to expect on the first day of October last. Will they not
j give liberally of their abundance to the poor, oppressed, slarv
j “‘8 millions in Ireland t Already it has been stated that lire
thousand Irish have fallen victims to the famine and dm
| plague; and yet the darkness galheis thicker,trtid the pesii
| lence rages only the more fiercely. Is it proper that we of
the cities alone should he ullovvrd the honuruLle privilege of
a InMniatesing to such wants'! Will not public meetinges be
’ held in all die villages and towns, and populous counties of
I ihe Stales for tire purpose of aiding in the good work ! J,et
i the people of Georgia now set a noble example to the will
fanatics who abuse us because nf our peculiar domestic in
| slitutions—let usyjrotc to them that we are not only able to
1 ftcd and clothe uur in groes, but that we are ready to give a
hundautly of our surplus to alleviate lire wauls and sufferings
ofll.e unlortunate subjects of the uttering dynasties ol Eu
rope.—A’uc, Rejiublehan,
MR. CLAY’S SPEECH, IN N. ORLEANS
Mr. Clay, having been invited by the committee of ar
rangemenls to attend the meeting, lock a seat near the Gov
ernor. An enthusiastic, loud, sod apparently unanimous
call for him was made by the audience, and slowly r'l-ing
from his seat, he a|>pi cached the foot of the platform and ad
dressed die meeting nearly as follows :
Mr. President and Fellow-Gitieens —l hesitated to ac
cept itie invitation which lias biought me here; being a
mere sojourner and not a member of ibis community, I doubt
ed the propiie y of my presence und participation in (be pro
cet dings of this meeting, and apprehended that my motivs
| might he misunderstood. But—on consulting my piltow.and
I considering that the humanity of the olject ot this assembly
I is hounded by no latitude nor locality, and ought to be Co
■ extensive with the whole human family—it seemed to mo
’ that all considerations of fastidious delicacy and eliquetto
| should he waived ami merged in a generous and magnani
mous ellori to contribute to the relics of the suffering, which
have excited our let lings. If I should bo misconceived or
misrepresented, the experience of s long life has taught me,
that the best response to misconception and misrepresenta
tion is ihe fearless and faithful discharge of duly, in all tho
conditions of I, fe in which we may be placed; un.l the best
answei to traduction and calumny, is conscious rectitude and
the approbation of one’s own heait,
Mr. President >• —lf we were to hear that large numbers
of the inhabitants of Asia, or Afi ica, or Auslr ilia, or the re
motest pait of ihe globe, were daily dying with hunger atld
famine—no matt, r what their colot, what their religion, or
what their civil zation—we should deeply lament their con
dition, und he irresistibly prompted, if possible, (o mitigate
their sufferings. But it is not the distresses of any such dis
tant re-iona that have summoneJ us together on this occa
sion. The appalling and h. art-rendmg distresses of l, e | an and
and Irishmen form th* object of our present connulution—
that Ireland which ha** been, in all the vicissitudpH of out na
tional existence, our friend, and has ever extended to Us her
warmest sympathy—those liishmon who, in every war in
which wo have been engaged, on every battle-field, from Que
bec to Monterey, have stood l*y us,shoulder to #hould**r. and
■hared in all the perils and fortunes of the conflict. T lie im
ploring appeal comes to us from Ihe Irish nation, which ia so
indentified with our own as to he almost part and parcel of
ours, bone of our hone and fle-h of our flesh. Nor is it anv
ordinary case of human misery, or a few isolated cusps of
death by aUrvatmn, that we are called upon to consider.—
Famine is stulkiu? abroad throughout Ireland; whole towns,
counties—countless human being-, of every ace snd of both
sexes —at !his very moment are ataiving nr in danger of star
ving to death for bread ! Os all th° so ms of dissolution ot
human life, the pangs and sgonv of that which proceeds from
famine are the most and cadful. If one dies fighting gloriously
for his country, he is cheered, in his expiring moment*, bv
the patriotic nature of his sacrifice. He knows that his sm
vivjng relations and friends, while lamenting hie log-*, will be
gratified and honored by hie devotion to his country. Poeti.
painters, sculptors, historians —will record hie deeds of valor
and perpetuate his renown. If he dies by the sudden explo
sion of the boilers of a steamboat, or by a storm at sea, death
ia quiet and easy, and soon perfoims its mission. A few pier
cing shrieks aie uilen and, he sinks beneath the surface, and all
is still and silent. Hut a death by starvation comes slow, lin
gering and excruciating. From day to dav the Wretched vic
tim feels his f|eh dwindling, his speech sinking, his friends
Filling around him, and he finally expires in horrible agonv.
Behold the wretched Irish mother —with haggard looks and
streaming eyes—her famished children clinging to her laHfi
ed garments, and g 7. ng piteously in her fare begging for
food ! And see the distracted husband and father, with pal
lid cheeks, standing bv, horror and despair depicted in h*
cnuntenance*-tortured with the reflection that he can afford
no succor or relief to the d< arest objects of his heart about to
he snatched forever from him bv the roost cruel of all deaths.
This is no Taney picture ; hut. if we are to credit the terrible
accounts which reach us from that theatre of miserv and
wretchedness, is one ol daily occurrence Indeed, no imagi
nation can conceive—no tongue express—no pencil paint—
the horrors of the scenes which are there daily exhibited.
Ireland, in respect to food, is differently situated from al
the countries of the world. Asia has her abundant supplv o
rice; Africa, her dates, yams and rice; Europe her bread o
wheat, rye and oats; America, a double resource in thesmxl
grains, and a never failing and abundant supply ol Indian
corn—that great supporter of animal life—for which we are
not half grateful enough to a bountiful and mefeiful I r( J vl *
dence. But the staple food of large parta or poor Ireland
the potato; and when it fails, pinching want and famine f> •
low. It is among the inscrutable dispensation* of Providence,
that the crop has been blighted the two last years ; and
the privation of food, and this appeal to the sympathy of *
merican heart* Khali it be in vain I Shall starving I'clan*
—the young and the old -dying women and children. 1
out their hand* to us for bread, and find no relief! 1
not this great citv, the world’* store house of sn exhaust rß<
supply of all kinds of food, borne to its overflowing warehou
se* by the Father of Waters, act on thi* occasion in a man
ner worthy of its high destiny, ami obey the noble impiui**
of the generous hearts of its biassed inhabitants !
We are commanded by the common Savior of Ireland * n, ‘
of us. to love one ann'her ns ourselves; and on thl*. ogt
with one higher obligation, hang all the law and lh* f ,r °l* *
of our holy religion. We know, that of all the fo’ins o
inanity and benevolence, none ia more acceptable ,rl
of (Jod, than the practice of charity. I.tl w* demonstrate ®u
love, our duty and our gratitude to Him, bv *■ liberal ion i
buticn to the relief of 11 i* sutFcring Irish chihhee.
Fellow Citizen* .-—No ordinary purpose has broog
together. This is no political gathering. If it had M
would not have seen me here. I base not come h> m*
speech. When the heart ia full and Agitated wV it* ” ‘
in# emotions, the paralysed tongue find* utterance ‘’ .
It is not fervid eloquence, not gilded word*, that Ire an
—but substantial fooik Let ua rise to the ‘ 1
duty which i* befitre us, and by a generous ■ u Pl ) v rv|,*l
magnitudo of our means, evmce the genuineness so
ity of our sympathy and commiseration. . , #ni i
At the conclusion of Mr. Clay’* speech, one
unanimous *hoot of approval was raided, in w it
and audience participated.
The (Treat Gun
targe ,un east in England, t“ replace in* “ ** wl || ,1
which exploited on board llie Princeton, j t ,
once he put on board tlie bomb kelcli at “ r,, ° ‘* .j ’h*
ken to the Gulf, to be Meed at Vera Crux. April,
War Department do not think it will ha u,t
at the soonest.