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A. 0. MURRAY,
VOLUME X.
THE AMERICAN UNION,
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A. A. GACLhTXG, 4 * Empire State.”
A G. Mritll A V, 44 American l’nion.”
The following eoinrminieatk'n was published in our
ivsue of tin 23d June, but a* there were several errors in
it at fiaen pullishal, which have been corrected by the
author, we insert it again, that his view* may be pro
perly laid before the public.
From the Soil of the South.
Agricultural Education.
Columbus, 20t!i March, 180a.
11,'V. (I’. 1). M aui in :
1), ,-r Sir : \ our esteemed favor of tl.e 17th j
iu-U has Ixs-w received. Vnti will please aroep! |
irtv ihatiks for the concern which you are tiiaui- |
f ti ..’liiior in the promotion of tlu*great agricultural
intercts of ihr-cotttHty. I think your pl.oi is;
not only beautiful in theory, but vvel! suited to
imparl valuable information, and perfectly prac- !
ji. alilo in its adaptation to the wants ofihe court- j
■ If is difficult however to anticipate what i
j. ,-!■,• s.-ntiaient will approve, and it occurs to!
tie- tail it niiglit be well to elecit expressions of
Opinion by a iittlo agitation of the subject, be-j,
fore the public, and I there‘ore suggest the pro-1
i.i'ieiv oi‘|iublidiiiig yottr letter, and tender to
you i[;a privilege ot the columns ol Mo Sod for
►.n il additional thoughts as you may desire to
<>:|Vr, in suppoit ot the plan. This will proba
bly Thaw out others, ami in this way, the whole
subject mav be discussed, and the public mind j
be prepared for its adoption. 1 have not thought
Milli.-iently oil the subject to very confidently of
fer an opinion, but should be glad to have the
ijtiesiioii examined, and see some move made fur j
the training of the young men of our country, to f
ineet the emergency which our wretched systems ;
of culture lots forced upon us. \uu will please j
excuse me for not saying more on this subject j
now, as it is one which concerns the wlioleeoun- >
try. and I hope you will consent to let than have !
the benefit of what either of us nay have to I
•ay.
I am very respectfully, your ob't serv’t,
J ami;s M. Chambers, i
Svnodicai. College, April 20th, 1855.
Col. jjlitAMiiuus :
Dear Sir :—Having reflected upon the sug
gestion of your note to allow my letter to you
of March I,7th to go into the Soil of the South.
1 have concluded to submit it to you for publica
tion, hoping that ty so doing, it may contribute,
tit least so far as its suggestions are concerned, to
the awakening of thought and deeper interest
among the people of the State upon the subject ■
of which it treats, Agricultural Education.
Your’s very truly,
Carlislie P. 13. Martin.
Col. James M. Chambers:
Dear Sir :—The interest you have manifest
ed in efforts to promote agrictffttffal improvement
and the opportunity your position as editor of
the Soil of the South lias given you to judge cor
rectly concerning the practicability of the plans
which may be entered npoti for that purpose,
induce me to adaffeM you and ask your opinion
respecting ‘lie probable success of an enterprise,
which 1 have long desired to carry into operation,
but concerning the success of which, though all
agree as to its desirableness and usefulness, there
has nevertheless obtained among my friends, to
whom I have submitted my plan, a difference of
opinion. The enterprise, to which I refer
is a scientific and practical college, connected With
Agriculture. That you may he able to form a
correct judgment concerninig the enterprize, I
will lay my plan before you a little more fully
First Item. ,
The Course of Study.
I. The English Language. —ln its Orthog
rathy, its Grammar, its Rhetoric, its Logic.
11. Tiie Earth. —lts Geography, Mineralogy,
► Geology, and Chemistry.
HI. Number and Quantity. —Embracing
Arithmetic, Algebta, Geometry, Trigonometry,
Surveying, Civil Engineering.
IV. Natural and Moral Science.—Em
bracing Natural Philosophy, Meteorology, Hot
atiy. Agricultural Chemistry, Ethics.
’ • Intellectual Philosophy, Political Econo
my.
®ht jlmcdtatt Union
VI. Ancient and Modern Languages, when de
sired.
Second Item. —ln connexion with the Insti
tution I propose to have a Farm, say, of two
hundred acres of land, to be cultivated in the
most careful and scientific manner, and every op
eration of the farm, to be made the subject of
daily observation and note by the students. A
1 regular note book is to be used by each student
. for the daily record of every operation, and an
hour each day is to be appropriated forfarm-in
-1 spec lion as much as for recitation in the School
room. Observations will also be made and notes
; taken concerning the weather the amount of
rain and other phenomena in meteorology.
I do not deem it necessary to enter into a mi
nute explanation of the abdication or the carry
ing out of this plan in detail to you, for you will
at once preceive that it embraces the charact r
of the soil, the kind of manures used, and the
manner of preparing them, as also the moJe and
time of applying them ; the manner of plowing;
the kind of plow; the time of plowing; the
time and manner of planting; the culture; the
result.
1 The carrying out of the plan just sketched
will he a scicntifc school, for all the knowledge
acquired would be classified, science being dasi
fied knowledge; it would also be a practical school
for all the knowledge acquired would be at once
applied. Agricultural Chemistry, in some form
or other, would be a subject of daily studv.—
With the smaller students, such a text book as
Johnston’s “Agricultural Catechism” would be
used, and witlt the larger ormore advanced schol
ars Cray’s Agiicultural Chemistry, or some oth
er of equal value, as Johnson's, Leibig’s, War
ing’s, <fec.
I do not propose to make it a Manual La
bor School; the labor of the farm is to be perform
ed by farm hands as on any other plantation.
The Farm and all operations are, so far as the
school is concerned, merely for observation, illus
tration and experiment. It is to be the great la
boratory of the school—it is to be its cabinet
and herbarium. This being the case, you at
once perceive that Botany, Mineralogy, Geology
and Agricultural Chemistry will be taught prac
tically.
I do not propose in this communication any
argument to show the advantages, distinctive
and characteristic, which must result from an ed
ucation conducted on this plan. They lie so ap
parent. it seems to me, upon the very surface of
the system, that I only wonder that all the
schools in the land have not been modeled upon
ibis practical idea. I will, however, simply add
t lie remark, that the distinctive characteris
tics of the plan of education I propose, are on-
SERVATIOV. EXPERIMENT atld PRACTICAL APPLI
CATION. For this purpose, in addition to the
facilities afforded the Students in their regular
duties on the farm grounds I would have them
: make annual excursions for botanic and geoio
! gieal study. 1 wish to see a system of education
! established which shall develop more fully the
powers of observation, of correct reasoning, of 1
‘just analysis and of drawing correct conclusions
trorn the facts observed and the analyses made.
And would not the system lam laying before
you accomplish those ends? Is it not based up
on the true Hacotiian I ‘hilosophy, of induction
of principles and practice from observed facts ?
Who can estimate the amount of useful knowl
edge a youth would acquirein tlt rec or four years
say from fourteen to eighteen yeats of age, un
der such a system of observation and experiment
as I have mentioned ? Would he not know a-1
ritliinetic ? could he not survey a field ? Would !
he not be familiar with Botany, Mineralogy,
Geology, Chemistry? Would he not be famil
iar with the composition of soils—and manures ?
—of plants and grains ?
Wo have liail exhibited in Georgia within the
past year, a nolle illustration of the high estima
tion in which agricultural know ledge is held by
one of our most distinguished citizens. I alluife,
of course, to the liberal endowment of the Ter
rel professorship in the State University for Ag
ricultural Chemistry by I>r. Tercel of Sparta.
I can speak of this donation, so far as the ani
i/nis of the endowment is concerned, in noneoth
er than in terms of the highest commendation,
but l cannot think, however, that the mode of
applying it is altogether the most effective and
best calculated to accomplish the end desired.
Had the same amount of monev, heenexpendcd
in founding an Institution, such asl have sketch
ed, it does strike me, that it would have accom
plished a much larger amount of good. It is
true, a learned and competent professor has been
found in Dr. Lee to fill the Chair, yet we know,
that what we learn practirol/y in all thesciences
—Botany, Mineralogy, Geology, Chemistry,—
which sciences are the frame work and soul of
agriculture is of infinitely more value to us than
the demonstrations of the lecture room, however
learned and beautiful. These, we know are
soon forgotten. What we most want to ad
vance the noble science of agriculture, is the
blending together of the demonstrations ofthe lec
ture-room and the demonstrations of practice.
Let the student see the operation as well as learn
the fact.
Much good sense is found in a short article
in the January number of the Soil, taken from
the Working Farmer, called “Agricultural Edu
cation.” Its recommendations tally with my
plan, l’lease let me hear from you at your ear
liest convenience. If I have failed to make my
self fully understood, I shall be happy to write
you again. I am just outof bed from an attack of
Neuralgia, and I am scarcely able to write at
all.
Very truly, your obedient servant.
Carlisle P. B. Martin.
Synodical College, Griffin, Geo., March, 1855.
Tlvles for Study. —The other evening, Pro
fessor Davis, the eminentmathematician, in con
versation with a young friend of his upon the
importance of system in studying, as well as
in everything else, took a piece of paper, and
wrote off for him the following important rules :
1. Learn one thing at a time. 2. Learn that
thing well. 3. Learn its connections, as far as
possible, with all other things. 4. Believe that
to know everything of something is better than
to know something of everything.
—• m ■ ■ -■
New clothes are great promoters of piety. A
new bonnet or anew dress will induce a girl to
go to church at least three times on Sunday where
she didn’t go ouce before she got it.
“Prove all thigs j hold fast that which is good.”
GRIFFIN, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, JULY 28, 1855.
POLITICAL;
LETTER FROM f OHM WlL80!T, ESO.
Washington, July 3, 1865.
Sir: On the 27th ultimo I received from you a
note advising me that my “appointment as Com
missioner of the General Land Office” was thereby
“revoked.”
The organ of your administration, the “Union”
newspaper, announced to the world that the re
vocation or removal was “solely on political
grounds.” Justice requires that those “poltiical
grounds” should be fully understood, and hence
this communication.
Prior to your election to the Presidency of the
United States, His Excellency Millard Fillmore,
on the resignation of my predecessor, influenced
only, as he assured me, by a design to promote the
best interests of that branch of the service, ap
pointed me Commissioner of the General Land
Office.
Being a Whig, I expected to be removed as soon
after your inauguration as a suitable person could
be selected to succeed me, and so stated to the
honorable Secretary. In this I was disappointed,
and hence, so far as you are concerned, Whiggerv
was not considered sufficient cause for my removal.
No process of reasoning, however, is required to
ascertain the cause ; you were pleased to advise
me of it, and to assure me. that the duties of my
office had been discharged with such ability, im
partiality and promptitude, that nothing but the
fact that 1 had attached myself to the American
or Know Nothing party, could induce you to take
that action ; that if taken it would be with deep
regret, but you did not see how you could do other
wise, with due regard to the interests of the great
Democratic or Union party. To a correct under
standing of your action, and the reasons for it, it
becomes necessary to consider the origin, princi
ples, and objects of the American party, and where”
in a connexion with it could militate against the
interests of “the great Democratic or Union party,”
so as to render such connexion a mortal political
offence, in your estimation.
First, then, as to the origin ok the American
Partt.
True patriots of all parties, who earnestly desir
ed the welfare of our country, and the perpetua
tion of the Union, on the principles laid down by
the sages and heroes of the Revolution, had seen
with apprehension and dismay, the pandering of
both the great political parties of the day, to for
eign and papal influence, —the corruption that had
grown out of such pandering, and the tendency of
that corruption to the.dissolution of the Union, to
anarchy, bloodshed and final despotism. They
determined to forget the old grounds of difference,
and to unite heart and hand in efforts to bring
back our institutions to their pristine purity. You
professed to think that there were no grounds for
such apprehensions, that the danger was magni
fied, and that the whole scheme was a plan of de.
signing politicians, to advance their selfish and
personal views.
What are the facts ?
Wc have seen the minions of Rome, hound hy
the most solemn oaths to advance the spiritual and
temporal power of the Papacy, striving to break
up and divide the school funds of several of the
►states, and of this District, urging, ns a plea, prin
ciples which would have subverted the very foun
dations of our institutions. We have seen them
strive, and in some instances successfully, to pre
vent the introduction of God’s Holy Word among
the Protestant children of our Public B'chools, not
satisfied to exclude it from the children of Roman
ists, but determined, if possible, wholly to suppress
this great charter of civil and religious liberty : at
the same time blotting out, orTulsifying history in
certain schools, so that the black and bloody deeds
of that Hierarchy, in past times, might lie unknown
to the rising generation ; which, therefore, would
more easily become their prey.
We have seen Romish ecclesiastics, claiming to
hold the temporal possessions of the Church in
trust for their master, the Pope, and when the
freemen of our country resisted such pretensions,
Cardinal Bcdini, with hands yet reeking with the
blood of Ugo Basel, and his fellow patriots, was
sent hero us “the Pope's Nuncio to Brazil, by the
way of the United States,” to adjudge and decree
questions of property between those minions of
bis master, and our fellow-citizens, promulgating
his bulls, with threats of anathema and excom
munication, against those who dared refuse obedi
ence.
After thus attempting to exercise civil and ec
clesiastical power in this country, this Nuncio, it
is alledged, claimed to be received as the Pope's
Ambassador, with all the rights, privileges and im
munities pertaining to that office. His request
having been properly refused, he sgsin sat himself
up as a ruler and a judge among us, till he found
that he had aroused the spirit that bad caused our
forefathers to seek a peaceful retreat in the then
wilderness of this country, from the civil and ec
clesiastical tyranny of Europe. Then he fled in
disguise, not to Brazil—that was a mere subter
fuge, but to the skirts of his master, where he awaits
a more favorable time, when, as in Bologna, be
can take bloody vengeanoe on those who resisted
bis tyranny.
Further: when the statesman, the patriot, and
the sage, who shed his blood in defence of his
country, and stood by her standard in every emer
gency ; who, overstepping al) other considerations,
wife found shoulder to shoulder with his compat
riots, in the memorable struggle of 1849, for the
integrity snd perpetuity of the Union, which cost
the lamented Clay his life; when thie puFe patriot
and distinguished statesman, in the Senate of the
United States, expressed his views on the question
Os demanding from the Catholic Powers of Europe
the right for our citizens to worship God hr thtwe
countries aa they pleased, aatf, after death, the de
cencies of Christian burial—rights which the laws
of God and humanity accord to all the children of
men—another of the Pope’s minions, and one who
claims, and is generally admitted to be, his expo
nent and vicegerent in this country, took him to
task for this debate in the United States Senate,
and, notwithstanding bis age and acknowledged
patriotism and ability, attempted to ridicule and
Catechise him like a school boy. He endeavored,
also, to break down the resistless force snd power
of the principles presented by this Senator, found
ed, as they were, on everlasting truth and justice,
by a tissue of sarcasm and sophistry, that could
have proceeded from no mind except on* trained
in the school of Jesuitism. And anon, when this
same dignitary of Rome was charged with trans
actions in real estate that had made him the owner
of millions, we have his absolute denial, covered
up with similar Jesuitical ’sophistry and ridicule,
till the facts were proved home on him by records
and figures.
We have seen the Papal organs in fluf country,
under the very eyes and sanction of Romish bish
ops, assure us that all power, civil and ecclesiasti
cal, of right belongs to that church, and when it
obtained that power, Americans need not lay the
flattering unction to their souls that there would
be any toleration, for they knew that Papacy was
right and Protestantism was hereticnl and wrong,
and that all the power of the church would be
brought into requisition to root out that heresy
and destroy it. And when a leading and influen
cial member of Congress, who bad just returned
from Rome, and was therefore supposed to speak
ex-cathedra, attempted, on the floor of the House
of Representatives, to palliate and excuse or deny
the most monstrous and despotic exactions of the
Papacy, hd was ridiculed and sneered at by the
Romish journalist of Boston, who scouted his ex
planations and denials, and scoffed at his glarings
as weak and imbecile, reiterating the claims of the
Pope to absolute supremacy, both in spiritual and
temporal matters, and sustaining the fundamental
doctrine of that church, to wit, that It is the same
in all ages and in all nations.
Thus it is, that the record evidence of these
claims of the Church of Rome to absolute civil
and ecclesiastical power, is uniform and consist
ent, os shown by these journals, while all denials
and explanations are merely oral, and can readily
be disclaimed as unauthorised, or denied. And
the only reason that American Protestants are
not now required to play their part in an auto
da-ek in this country is, that the Church of Rome
has not the power of inflicting that punishment,
but if matters were suffered to go on much longer
as they now do, they no doubt indulge the hope of
obtaining it.
Truly it was in the spirit of prophecy, that the
immortal Lafayette declared that, if ever the lib
erties of this country were destroyed, it would be
by Koiuish priests.
These are not all, however.
How was it, that the Pope's representative at
Madrid, was aware of the arrangment of your
Cabinent, in part, at least, before your inaugura
tion, as publicly stated in the journals of the day.
and still-uncontradicted? How was it that the
starving Catholic millions of Ireland, found means
to emigrate to this country, while many of their
fellow-subjects actually died of hunger, not hav
ing a penny with which to buy food to sustain
life ? How was it that continental Europe poured
out her tribute of hundreds of thousands of Roman
ists to swell the influence of the Papacy in this
country, when it was evident that those very men !
would be needed to fin the ranks of their armies, !
in view of the troubles then brewing, and which !
have since hurst forth like a volcano ? Can the
eyes of any man of reuson and reflection be blinded
to these facts ? Does it require great penetration
to see, that all these movements are part and par
cel of a great plan, concocted by the despotic and
Jesuitical Hierarchy of Rome and Catholic Europe,!
to subvert our free institutions, to destroy our lib
erties, and to combine civil and ecclesiastical pow
er in this country in the hands of the Pope or his
agents ?
What have been the fruits of these measures ?
Have we not seen by the act of 30th May,
1854, “to organize the Territories of Kansas and
Nebraska,” that tho alien, who had just landed on
our shores, bnd declared his intention to become a
citizen of our country, and take an oath to support j
the Constitusion of the United States, and the pro';
Tisions of that act, was authorized to vote and hold ;
office in the organization of those Territories, while
our own citizens, officers, soldiers, seamen, or mar- j
incs, or other persons in the army or navy of the ,
United States, or attached to troops in the service j
of the United States, were excluded from those
rights hy the same law, if they were on service in
either of those Territories? Whence this differ
ence—and why, after the Executive, through its
organ, had taken ground against that bill, did it
suddenly shift round, arid press this measure to
consummation, with all its force and power ? You
know the cau-c of all these things—sorely none
should know them better.
This is not all, however.
In some of these States, foreigners not yet natu
ralized, aliens—vote for Federal and State officers,
and many times, no doubt, actually elect their can
didates. Foreign incendiaries have agitated, and
continue to agitate, the slave question, till it has
become a measure in relation to which our breth
ren oi the North and South are now so sensitive,
that the very mention of it seems to threaten the
permanency of the Union. Corruption stalks with
brazen front in every branch of our government,
till it was truly said by a distinguished statesman,
thst there were but two roads to success—to wit,
the sycophantic, “where favor followed fawning,”
and of the millionaire, who bought it.
In tins condition of things, those of our citizens
who regarded the institutions oi the country as in
danger—without reference to party, laying aside
the minor differences that had heretofore separated
them, as by spontaneous movement united to ebeck
these evils; and the good, the wise, the great, the
philosopher, the statesman, and the patriot, de
termined to do all that a sincere love of country
could accomplish, to bring back our institutions to
’ their original purity, that they might be handed
down to poeterity, as they were left by our revolu
tionary ancestors.
This, sir, is the origin of the American party, or
organization ; snd now. ss to its principles These
may be summed up in very few words. Civil and
religious liberty—and the permanency of the Un
ion on the constitutional basis. Yes—civil and.re
ligious liberty, to the broadest extent, consistent
with the precepts of the Bible, the provisions of
the constitution of the United States, and the
faithful execution of laws.
We do not oppose men—iNiiivinuALi.v they have
our best wishes and kindest offices in their pursuit
of wealth and happiness. Rut when we find them
combining to deprive us of these principles, or to
dissolve this Union, we will oppose such combina
tions by all legal and honorable means.
Wc have been charged with persecuting Ro
manists ! The charge is fulse—for l know not a
man belonging to our organization, whowou'dnot.
at the hazard of his life, defend Romanists, or tiny
other sect, from aggression, for worshipping their
Maker according to the dictates of their own con.
sciences. But when we find Romanists banding
together, to combine civil and eeelesinstical juris
diction in our country, te subvert nnd destroy our
institutions, and to set up in their places the ah’
solute and despotic power of a foreign tyrant, we
will resist them, even to the death, if necessary ;
and we will equally resist such unholy combina
tions if attempted, by I’resbytcrinns, .Methodists,
Baptists, Episcopalians, or any other sect.
We have been charged with proscription. This
charge is not true. Like all other parties, where
men are sincere in their principles, we endoavor
to eloct those who will faithfully carry out our
principles. Is this proscription 1 If so. proscrip
tion should be defined as an honest adherence to
conscientious principles ; and with such proscrip
tion our Revolutionary ancestors, and every party
since that day, arc fairly chargeable. It is altedg
ed, further, that we are liable to this charge, be
cause men of opposite principles in some cases
have been removed to make way for adherents of
our order! I know of no such case. It is true,
that where the commissions of individuals h.id ex
pired, they were not reappointed, Americans huv
ing been selected to fill those offices. But is this
proscription ? Did the immortal Washington sur
round himself or his administration with Tories ?
And yet the adherents of Great Britain, the friends
of Kingly power, were no more Tories in those
days than are those of our own time, who are striv
ing to dissolve the Union, to subvert our iustitu
tions, and to destroy our liberties. But, sir, even
if wo were guilty of proscription, the charge comes
with a bnd grace from this administration, where
a mere difference of opinion is regarded as suffici
ent ground for removal, and where the vacancies
thus caused arc filled, to a great extent, with for
eigners. the staunch adherents of I’opery, or with
spies and informers, the base tools of had men, who
arc thus rewarded for their infamy.
Though you have thus virtually declared that
net ono of the American party, now including a
large portion of the entire population of this coun
try, shall have any share in the government of
their country, and that you will strike down every
individual of the Order within your power, rest
assured, that you cannot thus annihilate or destroy
that party, or crush the spirit of Americans, as
you have threatened. Tln'y are not of the stump
that can be bought or frightened. ‘ They are gov
erned and directed hy principle, and hy that they
will stand—and hear nnd forbear, if needs he—till
the time shall come when they may redress their
grievances at the ballot-box. Earnestly do I hope,
however, that the administration will be brought
to see the error of its ways, before that period ar
rives, and before the paticnoe and forbearance of
the American people arc exhausted, And although
its noon-day has been darkened by deeds suclu ns
those described, none would rejoice more sincerely
than myself, to see that darkness dispelled, and its
setting sun go down in a blaze of glory.
It is charged that had men have united with
this association for purposes of personal, pecuniary
or political preferment. Admitting such to be the
fact, and it may be true, is not this the case in
every association ? Was there not a Judas among
the twelve Apostles, who sold his Saviour for thir
ty pieces of silver ? Was there not a Benedict-
Arnold among the patriots and heroes of the Rev
olution ? And were there not swarms of Tories,
also, among them, who carried devastation and j
blond into the peaceful homes of those patriots nnd
heroes ? Sure y mankind have not become perfect
since those days, as you will readily see hy count
less examples among your own party.
We are further charged with opposition to for
eigners. and with ‘-obstructing the laws for the
naturalization of foreigners ”
The former of these charges is false. As already
stated, we oppose not individuals, foreign or native ;
hot when we find foreigners combining to oppress
the children of the soil; bringing with them the
absolute and despotic notions of their native homes;
and arrogantly thrusting aside native-born citizens
—claiming as a right, place snd power to rule
over snd trample us in the dust, wc resist and op
pose such sets, as alike disgraceful to the foreign
er and insulting to the native.
They are welcome to the hospitalities of our
land, to the protection of our laws—to the free 1
exercise of their industry and talents—and to the j
enjoyment of their religion, and the means they
may acquire. But we do nut want them to rule
over us—we believe wc are competent to that du
ty, snd perfer retaining that right.
The latter of these charges is simply absurd and
ridiculous, and never could have been harbored,
save in the brain of some romancer, or in the heart
of some pettifogging special pleader. The friend
of civil and religions liberty who fiiee to onr shores
from persecution snd oppression, to enjoy these
inestimable blessings, has been, and will ever be,
welcomed to our hearts and homes But the will
ing tools of Papal and Jesuitical tyranny, sent
hither to overturn and destroy civil and religious
liberty, cannot, and shonld not be thus welcomed ;
while the paupers snd criminals, who have Veen
sent here by the cargo, as to another Botany Buy,
whose ideas of liberty are bound up in licentioue
ness. and whose patriotism and suffrages are in the
market at a very low rate, cannot, and should not
be encouraged in tbeir transportation hither.—
Just such conduct on the part of Great Britain was
the cause of the strongest and most forcible re
monstrances on the pas t of the early colonists ; and
by such remonstrances Virginia ceased to be a
“penal colony. Those who desire the restoration
of such a state of things will, of course, sustain
such emigration. Certain it is, that the immortal
Jefferson never entertained such ideas, when he
penned the glorious document from which this ■
charge has been extracted : and it is equally cer-j
tain, that he would have scorned, with contempt,
any who would have dared so to construe it But,
j enough, the charge is too ridiculous and absurd
’ for consideration ■
Editor and Proprietor.
These, sir, as I understand them, are the “rsts
cipi.es “ of the American party : and now as to its
“objects.”
These arc briefly stated, and naturally Sow from
its principles. -They ate to restore our institutions
to the purity of their eary days, snd to require
honesty, integrity, and capability in every depart
ment nnd office ot the Executive, legislative and
judicial branches of our government. National
men fur national measures , a strict construction
of the constitution : the sovereign rights of sove
reign States fully respected ; the legal rights of
the people guaranteed to the utmost extent: civil
and religious liberty sustained and perpetuated ;
all attempts nt n union of Church hi and Mate crash
ed and annihilated : nnd the naturalisation law*
so amended that while the foreign born cititeo*
will he secured in all their just rights, those of thp
Americans will he fully sustained and protected.
Mere. sir. is a proper place to quote the language
of one of our (■enuan citiz-ns. in depositing his
ballot for the American CRndid.it"* t n late mu
nicipal election When sneered wn.i scoffed at by
some of bis countrymen for the course he weeper*
suing, and earnestly pressed by others to change
it, his answer was that of a parent and a patriot.
Gentlemen, said he. ! mn not voting for myself, I
am voting for my children ! Glorious sentiment!
He knew the blessings of civil and religious liber
ty. for he has lieen nearly half a century in our
country, lie knew, also, the evils of despotism
and Papacy, for he had suffered and fled from them
in Europe. He wished his children to enjoy the
former, and to escape the latter to the latest gen
eration Equally patriotic and noble was the sen
timent of an aged son of Erin Said he, I did not
come to this country to govern it, but to he gov
erned hy its equal and just laws. Had 1 preferred
the institutions of my own country, I should have
remained there: In ifilr opinion, no foreigner
should hare a rote in this country, but as that
rich boon has been awarded, mine shall go tot the
children of the soil. Thus you see, sir, that the
principles of the American party are sustained by
the right-thinking patriots of foreign birth, many
of whom, though excluded from our association,
vote and act with us
And now, sir, how can a connexion with a soci
ety having such origin, principles and objects mil
itate against the interests of the great Democratic
or “Union party’ - ’
To answer this question correctly, the principles
and organization of the great “Union party,’’ Dem
ocractic it should no longer lie called, should be
distinctly understood. 1 suy it no longer should
lie called Democratic, because those who have
honestly and uniformly acted with that party hare
been ruthlessly excluded from this administration,
and their places lilted with those wlm us consist
ently opposed it, and whose only recommendation,
as already state J. in many cases was that they
were spies and informers, or the abettors of Jesuits
and objects of their special favor. It is well call
ed the “Union party. ‘ because it goes for those
who sustain the union of Church and Btate. It is
well called the “Union party,” because it goes for
uniting all poucr in the hands of the Punaly.—
Hut when wo regard the incongruous elements of
which it is composed, and the evident tendency of
its acts, it is entitled to any other name than that
of “the Union party.’’
Hut in your rank’s there arc high and honorable
exceptions to these remarks—men who fully con
cur in our views, hut whu honestly differ with us
as to the necessity of such action as ours at the
present time. \\ lien they arc convincod, and they
soon will he. that tho causes of this organisation
now exists, they will act with us, for they are porei
patriots. If these views are correct, and the most
casual observer cannot doubt them, it will be read
ily perceived why a friend of the American Order
cannot he retained in this administration, with a
due regard to the interests of the “Union party.”
Hut when you were inaugurated, you did not
take an oath to promote the interests of the “Un
ion party, - ’ hut that you would “faithfully execute
the office of President of the United States,” and
“to the best of your ability, preserve, protect and
defend the constitution of tne United States.’’—
This constitution guarantees to us liberty of speech
and conscience. It was this liberty of which la
vailed myself when I united with the American
parly. No overt net had I committed, for well
you know, that I Imd not interfered in any manner,
in national politics in the elections of any of the
States. You yourself admitted the value of my
services i<> the government, and the fidelity, integ
rity. impartiality, rind acceptability with which
they have been discharged. You also know, that,
hy my knowledge of those duties, hundreds of
tnousands have been saved to the public treasury.
Whether those who, assasin-like. strove for my re
moval, while I was absent on the business
of the government, hoped by such removal’
to get me out of the wiy of their designs on the
treasury, you can best judge. You. however, l
exonerate from nil suci. motives. My notions, and
the cause of my removal, are thus fully r.nd hon
estly set forth. In the course I pursued, 1 dis
charg'd a conscientious duty to my Maker and my
country. God and my countrymen shilljodge
between us. and to the vprdict thus fo<int< 1 shall
humbly how. 1 fear not the future. A higher
Power governs your destiny and mine, and to that
Power, and my patriotic countrymen 1 look with
perfect confidence for justice. And unless that
Power mercifully changes your course of action, I.
fear that the language of that |mrtion of the Kible
wi 1 be applied to you, in the early future, where
it is said : *
“1 have seen the wicked in great power, ana
spreading himself like green bay tree. Yet fcfr
(Kissed away, and lu! be was not. Yea, I sought
him. but be could not he found.”
If thore is anything incorrect in this letter, or
matter you think would do you injustice in going
before the public, and will so stole in writing or
by a friend. I will consider your objections and de
lay the publication of it for a few days for that
purpose. Respectfully. 1 John VVii.son.
iiis Excellency. Vkanki.in Pierct,
President of the United States.
Cursit it Olt. —The order of lhs Pom to*
Archbishop Hughes is to crush out Kepqti&o
ism! Here is an extract flora tbsletter'of PoptF
Pius to f John Hughes, on bis Ist* departure front
Borne to return to the United States:
* If our Church is to fire it must he in Anier
ica. Governments and State* “re tottering here.
Every thing is uncertain. Another year O'd a
revolution may have swept ell away. My good
Archbishop, I lofjk to you for the future —
Svkead Komanibm in Amkkh a. CrI’SH oct
iteri'BUCANiSM. The Church may before a
mouth fee io your ehewe*-'”
/aid vet in the fStce of all this, Fttin, the bosom’
friend to Beverly L Clark, travels round with
that gentleman, and defends the Kotnan Catho
lic Church, and the a Clark
and Magoffin sheet, eulogizes almost to canoni
zation the Bight lieveretid Father Durbin, know
ing that this Jesuit will make all his church vote
the anti-Americail. ticket. Is it possible that
l’ro*tants will yield themselves to the Pope
and his minious to he bound hand and foot in
their outrageous slavery ? will they be so utterly
lost to all wisdom as to vote for a man whose
bosom friends at e Cat holies, and second Pope
Pius in his cry of f'ucsii ot r ‘iKt't r.ucANlss ’ —
Sou !h lit n (uchian.
.NUMBER 34