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A. 0. MURRAY,
VOLUME X.
THE AMERICAN UNION,
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A. A. i; \CLl.'l \llonpire •-'l;:1r. ’ L
A.II. Ml i; !I AV. •• A,I .iean l'iii"H “ ,
MFSCKIXANKOI S.
Robbing the Gallows.
When 1 first saw New Y->rk. in June IT’. 1 1. the
State prison was nearly being finished. !t was the
first prison or penitentiary ever erected lorn finn
ing eriminals and cheating the gallows “! its nun.
At that time forgery was death, by lsw rif tlie
thirteen I'nited States. A man named N’oah <lav l
ner was under sentence of death in New \ ink jail
for that crime. On tlie day appointed I went with
the multitude to see the execution. After gazing
for two hours on the rope with its iron hood, the
sheriff mounted the scaffold and read a reprieve. I
must confess I was sorely disappointed ! went to
see. a hanging, and behold it was not there.
J!y this time the rooms were ready to receive
convicts and the society of friends who w.a ■ the
first promoters of the humane system, obtained
from the Governor a perpetual reprb-ve. by substi
tuting imprisonment for life. Niu’u was a shoe
maker. and they procured for him a stool, la -t- and
awl. At the next court four convicts were atone
ed to'keep him company, lie taught them tomake
shoes, and 1 w lore I Slid there were upward of 1
shoe-makers in that prison.
Noah was tlie overseer i ftho squid. and having
conducted to the satisfaction of the keeper, at the
end of seven years the -society of Friends told tie’
Governor :
‘•Seven years ago you would have hung Noah :
now he is a reformed man. Here is a useful life
saved to society,” Nc.
They obtained an unconditional pardon. lie
dropped his prison frock, put tlie drab colored cre
ation on his back, and said ’thee’ and ‘thou’ with
the best of them. They hired a store advanced
him money gave him their boats and shoes to make
nnd he was soon in a thriving way, His hoots and
shoes were made by journeymen, married men.
who did their work in their own houses.
One day ho cut a pair of hoots, and on handing
them to his journeyman, remarked :
“Now, friend, then must bring home these boots
on fourth day evening ; 1 have promised them to
ft customer.’’
“You shall have them,’’ replied the journey
man.
Tho boots however did not come till the fifth day
evening. Noah was wroth, lie struck out a se
vere lccturo on the evils of disappointment, it be
ing the cardinal sin in tho whole (Junker fraterni
ty, Noah drew breath.
“Sir,’’ said the servant, “1 am a poor man, with
a wife and three children, the youngest only three
days old. I was obliged to nurse my wife and look
after my children—it was impossible to finish them
sooner.”
Noah would admit no excuse, and went on de
scribing the evil consequences of disappointment.
The man's Scofch blood boiled in his veins: lie
could bear it no longer; striking the counter with
his fist, ho said—
“l know sir it is a terrible thing to ho disap
pointed. 1 remember going up to the Park to sec
you hung, and I never was so disappointed in my
life as when the sheriff announced a reprieve !’’
Now this was a knock-down argument, a case
in point, a fact beyond all controversy. Noah was
dumb; ho opened not his mouth, but paid tlie man
for making the hoots, gave him another pair
to finish, and kept him in steady employment.
Noah went on prospering and to prosper. In
every strait the Friends lent him money and en
dorsed his notes. One day be borrowed sonic ex
tra hundreds, and obtained a number of endorse
ments on his own notes. The money ho packed
in his trunk, and the notes ho got shaved in Wall
street. That night he started for parts unknown,
leaving the men who saved him from the gallows
to mourn, not over the swindler, but over tbeir lost
monoy. He took with him a bonnie Quaker lass to
cheer him on the way leaving a wife and two
dwrghters, young women, to look for his coming.
mt Union.
It’s forty years since this occurred. He was
never heard of. From hcnco you may infer that
had he been hung in 17H4. (a thing 1 so devoutly
wished for) it would have saved the Quakers from
being robbed, and laid a multitude of sins. Noah
Gardner being the first specimen ol State Prison
roform, tho story is worth the attention of judges,
journeymen, coffin-milkers and grave diggers. I
was an eye-witness to theso incidents.
Mr. Printer, l nevor sail under a false flag I
writo over my own signature.
Grant Tiiokneurn.
New Haven, Sept. 1555.
♦ ♦ ■■ ■ -
Power of Music.
One stormy night a few weeks since, we were
wending our way homeward about midnight. The
: storm raged violently, and the streets were almost
’ deserted. Occupied with our thoughts we jiloded
| on, when the sound of music from a brilliantly il
j luminated mansion, for a moment arrested our foot
-1 steps. A voice of surpassing sweetness and bril
liancy commenced a well known air. We listened
to a few strains and wore turning away, .when a
roughly-dressed, miserable-looking man crushed
rudely past us. Hut as the music reached his cars
he stopped and listened intently, as if drinking in
the melody, and as the last sound died away, hurst
into tears.
We inquired the cause of his grief.
For a moment, emotion forbade utterance, when
he said :
“Thirty years ago. my mother sing me to sleep
with that song: she has long been dead, and 1,
once innocent and happy, am an outcast—drunk
ard •
“1 know it is unmanly, ’ he continued, after a
pause, in which ho endeavored to wipe with his
sleeve the lastly gathering tears. “I know it is
unmanly thus to give way; (mt that swrrt~tnne4
■brought hack vividly the thought of chihllmcd.
1 ler form seemed once more before me 1 I- j
can't stand it.———-
And before we could stop, ho rushed on. and
entered a tavern ne ir by. to drown remembrance
of the past in the intoxicating bowl.
Wbi!c filled with sorrow for the unfortunate man,
vve could not help reflecting upon the wonderful ■
power of music. That simple strain, perchance j
from some gay thoughtless girl and sung toothers
equally as thoughtless, still ha l its gentle mission . :
lor it stirred up deep feelings in an outcast's heart,
bringing back happy hours long gone by. —Albany
Knickerbocker.
Ami sin,;.— During tho last cholera season, a
newly c.ilight Dutchman made his advent in
city ol New Orleans, and set forth in quest of a
boardinghouse 110 enquired at the first one he
saw if they had the cholera in the house. The I
reply was Yes, and the Dutchy moved his boots. j
I it; asked the same question, and received the same
answer, at llivcc or lour others. Finally he found
a'landlord who. assured him lie. had no cholera in
the house, and there the Dutchman concluded to
tarry awhile. The landlord was a pious man, and
always had family worship before separating Tor
ihe night. According to the custom, therefore the
family assembled for prayer. Duringthe progress
of the e.vrci* e. the pater l'amilias groaned, and up
p q.pi’d Dutchy with—
i )!i InrL vat ish dor matter.
Nothing says mine ho.-r. and the reading of the
Su it lures wont nil. In a short time, however, the
landlord groaned again, and again Dutchy started
up witl> liis eves like saucers, saying
Dii mine Gotti dero ish soiue>]ing do matter
mit you !
No. said the landlord, adding, by way of quiet- j
iiig the I .'uteliman, I in a .Methodist, and it's a hah- i
it of the members of that church to groan during;
religious exercise.
Up jumped Dutchy, hat an 1 baggage and scud
ded ailing the street at a pace tlmt would shame
si 2 .4*• racer. Seeing a physician's sign, he made
a halt, and called the doctor to run quick to •Not—
What is the matter there, said the doctor: have
they got the cholera
No. hut mine Gott and llimmel. dey has got dor [
mettodis—more worse a s dor golem, and dor land- 1
lort will die mit it before you kits dare, if you do
not run fast.
.\Mt:i:i:ifAN and English Soi.hii;ksiiii*.— The
1 Baltimore Srn makes n flattering comparison !
between the operations of the Allies before Sc-1
basiopnl, ntul what an American army would
have achieved with the same means :
“Tiie contrast between the English system of
warfare and the American, is distinctly marked j
in the.current history of t lie siege of Sebastopol, j
and the record of our Mexican* war. Under the (
same loose discipline and systematic manage- j
ment of affairs which have characterized every
thing’ I British in the Crimea, our Mexican war
might have been protracted with variable suc
cess to this day, or brought to a close only, at an
expenditure of men and the material of war, not
interior to that before Sebastopol, lint, with
such men as Taylor and Scott, with skillful en
gineers, officers, from tins ranks of the people, and
the material of the army tilled with the zeal of
an honorable nationality, no number of men, no
form of defence or fortification, no ‘impregnable
forts’ could withstand them.
‘We do not intend any vain boast in dispar
agement of the achievements of the Allies before
Sebastopol. We do not pretend that Mexican i
fortifications or the defence of them were to be 1
compared with the Russian. Hut wc mean to
sav that the economy anil discipline, and stead-j
fastness of purpose, and zeal of execution which
characterize an American army, would, with the ;
same resources, have followed up successes and .
pressed an entrance into Sebastopol at earlier day J
ami at an expenditure of life and means infinite-1
ly less than that of the Allies.”
The Dublin Hospital Gazette states that dis-i
eased teeth have been rendered insensible to pain i
by a cement composed of Canada balsam and :
slacked lime, which is to bo inserted in the hoi- j
low of a tooth like a pill. It is stated that
such pills afford immediate relief in all toothaches
but chronic cases of inflammation. This remedy
for toothaches is simple, safe, and can easily be
tried by any person.
GRIFFIN, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 10, 18r,r.
POLITICAL.
Letter from the Hon. Jno. Macpherson
Berrien.
Hock Oct. 22, 1855.
To the Editors of thr Savannah Repuhlirnn —
Gentlemen :—The New York Tribune of tho
2Gth ult., containing a commentary on my address
to the people of Georgia, hns been recently forward
ed to me, I presumo by the editor, as the article is
editorial. I did not deem it necessary to reply to
Mr. Grccly. because apart frum its scurrility, the
sole object of the article seemed to be to expose the
allodged inconsistency of seeking the aid of nur
Northern brethren in the present crisis of our af
fairs, for the formation of a national party (ns ho
maintained was done in the address) and the South
cm doctrine of non-intervention by Congress on
the question of slavery in the territories; and 1
thought it impossible that anybody could he mis
led by so obvionsa misrepresentation. My address
was to the people of Georgia. It was made during
the canvass which preceded the Slate election.—
It presented no appeal to cur Northern brethren,
it did not suggest the formation of any party, hut j
simply announced my opinions on certain questions
which were being agitated in that canvass, in an- j
swer to enquiries made by citizens of Georgia with •
immediate reference to that election.
I had another reason for suffering it to pass with
out notice. I confess myself not merely careless
of tho approbation, but entirely indifferent to the
opinion of any man, who could rise from the peru
sal of stub an article, without a mingled feeling
of contempt for its impotence, and disgust ht its
scurrility.
More recently, I have seen an editorial of the
; Washington Union, in which the writer essays to !
; speak with The cnnfitlenOe of ime who liad thrown ‘
off the shackles of a government editor, ltd, Heins’
jurareiit rcrbei Domini, and with tho bearing and ;
port of a freeman, zealous?!n the cause of religious
liberty, to assume the office of instructin': his |
countrymen, and of misrepresenting, and censiir- j
iug those who differ with him. This too, without
a word of explanation on my part. I could leave to
i the intelligence of the people of Georgia, hut for’
1 1ho garbled quotation which furnishes tho ground I
I of this flimsy commentary, and for the fact that
it has been transferred to one of our own newspa
pers, accompanied by a flippant and licentious ed
itorial article commending it to public notice. I
could fearlessly leave it to the intelligence of my
countrymen, to distinguish between the “higher
■ law” doctrine of fanaticism —a law higher than
the constitution—one that absolves the abolition
ist from bis own oath, and the obligation which
! that instrument imposes—and the absolute right
I (for which 1 was contending) of every citizen to
| the uncontrolled enjoyment of his own private
judgment in the exercise of his elective franchise,
without which, we would cease to live under a free
government.
Hut the Washington editor has studiously with
held that portion of the address which was neces
sary to a correct understanding of the opinion
expressed. Here follows his quotation. I copy
from the Augusta Constitutionalist and Repub
lic:
“It would be wrong in the Government toniake
this religious test an exercise of discretion, which
the people have not entrusted to them. Thus that
which wmilil bo wrong in the Government, is the
right and duty of the citizen.”
The sentence as quoted, is nonsensical, and is
rendered so by interpolation,and by omissions.—
| Perhaps the latter may be attributed to tho blun
ders of the editor, or his copyist. 1 do not venture
to suggest an explanation of the former. Rut this
presents very imperfectly, the disingenuousness of
the quotation. That consists in separating the
sentence quoted, from that portion of the address
with which it was connected—in garbling it—an
operation which, according to lexicographers, is
“to pick out what may suit a purpose.”
That portion of the addressu from which the
quotation is abstracted, is .as follows Speak
ing of the principles of. the American Party, it
!says:
“One of these, that which announces their de
termination not to vote for, or appoint Romanists
to office, has been the subject of much reprehen
[ sion. and has been assailed as a violation of the
liberty of conscience, which issccured by the Con
stitution. The provisions of that instrument which
are supposed to be violated, are Contained in the
concluding clause of the third section: of the sixth
article, in the first clausa of the first article of the
amendments. The first after providing for admin
istering an oath to different public functionaries,
contains the following provision : “Rut no religi
ous test shall ever be required as a qualification
for any office or public trust under tho United
States.”
“The second declares —‘That Congress shall
make no-4aw respecting an establishment of
religion, or. prohibiting the free exercise, there
of.’
“By what process of reasoning, these provisions
of the Constitution can be made to conflict with
tho right of the citizen to tho unlimited exercise
of his own free and uncontrolled will in the enjoy
ment of his elective franchise, I am utterly at a
loss to dicovcr, and I have sought it in vain in such
arguments of the"objectors, as 1 have had an op
portunity of perusing. The first clause relates to
persons elected to office, and requires that they
1 shall have the oath offlifficc administered to them,
without being subjected to any religious test. —
And this is the whole scope, and effect of the ar
j tide. It does not even remotely interfere with the
I right of an individual to exercise his own judg
ment. in determining whether the religion of the
i candidate or the want of it, ought or ought not to
influence him in casting his vote for, or against
him. This seems almost too plain for argument.
; Ik a voter believes tiie religion of a candidate
TO BE UNSOUND AND DANGEROUS TO AN EXTENT
WHICH WOULD INDUCE DISTRUST IN THE ORDINARY
transactions of life, it is not only his bight,
BUT ms DUTY TO WITHHOLD HIS CONFIDENCE, AND
“Prove all things; hold fast that which is good.”
ms vote. No provision of tho Constitution for-j
bids it. and duty to tho country requires it.”
Then follows the sentence which the Washing-1
ton Editor proposes toquotc —ln the address, it is
us follows:
“It would be wrong in the Government to make
this test, because it is an exercise of discretion
which the people have not entrusted to theth, but,
have reserved to themselves. Thus that which j
would be wrong in the Government, is the right,
and duty of tho citizen.”
Overlooking the interpolation, anil tho omis
sions. which will be obvious at a glance, who does
not prcceive that this sentence has a direct refer
ence, a necessary connection, with that which 1
have emphasized’above, and cannot be under.-tood
when separated from it ?
What is it that it was asserted it would he wrong I
for tho government to do 1 Obviously to refuse
to administer the oath of qualification—the oath to
support the Constitution, to a person elected to
office, from a belief that his religion was unsound
and dangerous even to an extent, which would in
duce distrust in the ordinary transactions of life ?
And why ‘! Because the Constitution forbids them
j to require this test—because this would bo an ox-
I erciso oi discretion which the pooplo have not cn
| trusted to tho Government, hut have reserved to
themselves. The sum of the provision is this. If
the people elect a man to office, disregarding his
religious opinions, or his want of any religion,
Congress shall pass no law authorizing tho Gov
ernment to make this an objection to him.
And what is it which it was declared to bo the
right and duty of the citizen to do ! As manifest
ly it was, in the exercise of his elective franchise
to withhold liis confidence and his vote from a cun
; didate for office whose. religion ho believed to lie
’ unsound and dangerous to an extent which would
J .
! induce distrust “in the ordi nary transactions of
■ life. Who will have tho hardihood to deny this?
j And yet, this, simply, is the proposition stated in
the address. It says nothing of a combination for
; this purpose nothing of individuals binding them”
j selves by an oath to the exorcise of this undoubted
right for the plain reason that this requirement
j was understood to have been abandoned, and tho
i American party stood upon tho same footing as
j every other, approval of its principles being the
sole requisite for admission to membership.
The attempt to identify this with the doctrines
of abolitionism is absurd : the perversion by which
it is sought to accomplish it is palpable. I had
specified a case in which an individual citizen,
might do what'the government could not lawfully
do, namely: that such an individual for the gui
dance of liis own judgment in the exercise of his
elective franchise, might resort to a test, the nppli’
cation of which was by the Constitution prohibited
to the Government— that ho might rightfully de
cline to vote for a Romanist who was a candidate
for office, but that, if such candidate was elected,
j the government could not refuse to qualify him on
the ground of his Romanism. The Government
! editor perverts this into a general proposition, that
. what would he wrung in the Government would he
! right in tlie individual citizen, and attributing this
proposition to me proceeds to expose it, by an ex
hibition of the wonderful logical acumen which
i has so captivated the editor of the Constitutional
; ist ts Republic. It is as follows :
j “ Very true, say the Sowardites, and in likejman-
I nor it would he wrong in the Government (that is
Congress and the President) to say that fugitive
slaves shall not bo returned, as the people have
j not entrusted this power to them. Thus what
. would bo wrong iti the Government, would he tho
! right and duty of the citizen.”
Now one must have largo powers of deduction
; who could draw this conclusion, even from these
i perverted premises. In the.ease put, the Constitu
;tion and tho law to carry it into effect operate
I both on the Government and the citizen. Tho
j Constitution declares that fugitive slaves shall he
! returned. This ascertains the duty of the Govern-
I ment. The laws which provide tho means by
! which this return shall he effected, demand the
• obedience of the citizen. Rut the perversion is
too palpable : the attempt thus to assail the pro
position I have stated is too puerile.
A process of reasoning equally profound, just
now iet'urs to my recollection -and I will state it
I remember to have read or heard of a discussion
j between two angry disputants, as to the probabil-
I ity of the success or failure of the projected invn
j Mon of England by the elder Napoleon. Col. B
maintained that it would, nnd Mr. A. as stoutly
denied that it could be successful. The former as
serting that England had once been conquered by
France, referred to the invasion and conquest of
William the Norman. ..The latter denied tha f
William was a Frenchman. cSt. 15. thought to
close tho controversy triumphantly by the follow
ing syllogism :
The native.? of France arc FrcnDi'iirn :
William the Norman wa* a native of Franco ;
JTrg't William th • Norman was a
j but was instantly met by another, which eluted
the verbal discussion. It run thus —
A g'ioso is an animat ;
Col. li. is an animal ;
Ergo, Col. li. is a fronse.
The perfect parallel!-m of these two processes
of reasoning, cannot but he felt, let I hope the
reference will rumple no f others,
The Washington editor claims for the Aboli
tionist as on indieidi <T, the same right which is
; assertc 1 for the individuals of the American party
j —and it is conceded to him. But ho is no tcontent
; with this, lie gives his vote, and then resists the
j law t\ liich lias been passed in despite of it. In do
ling this he does not rest upon the plea prepared
j for him by his Washington friend - that whatever
would be wnting in the government would be right
for him. I® justifies bis resistance by an appeal
to a law higher than that constitution which he
has sworn to support, and which the people of tho
United States have declared shall be“ thr tSSjUrcme
law.’’ This is sufficiently absurd, but it is a bolder
course, and not so puerile as tho other, for what
provision of the constitution, or of any State for
bids an American citizen, in the exercise of his
elective franchise from preferring a native Protee*
| t.mt- and from so preferring him because he i*
. liotli native, and Protestant 1 lie violates no law,
cither constitutional or statutory. He exercises u
right which is absolute and undeniable. Why
should ho np|>ca! to any higher law ? mid where
then is the analogy *
Did tho editor htq>o by sophistry like this, and
by misrepresenting, and denouncing every man
who would not unito with him in thedenunciation
i
;of the American party, to appropriate to liis em
ployers. the recent triumphs of the Democratic
party and its extraordinary coadjutors ! Tho
hope is as vain as their triumphs will ho fleeting-
The great nnd lending principle of tho Amorican
party must an l will prevail. It is cherished by
the majority of the American people, by multitudes
who aro not enrolled in the order. The collateral
circumstances which decided tho election in ou r
State, will have no influence in the great nation’
al struggle which nwaits us. They will all he
merged in tho primary and vital issue which will
then he presented, that of native or foreign domi
nation in this great Republic. The American par
ty having divested itself of those objectionable fea
tures, which were deemed essential in its infancy,
now stands in the strength of its manhood— seek’
ing no concealment —openly avowing its principles
marshalling its hosts in the face of its opponents,
and bearing aloft a standard under which every
American may rally, inscribed with these glowing
words, “Americans SHALL govern America.
I have seen with regret, the editorial of the Con
stitutionalist rnd Republic which commends to
public attention the flimsy anil disingenuous pro
duction on which I have been commenting. When
the editor describes it as a “scathingproduction,’
“ presenting Judge Berrien in an attitude anything
hut creditable to the statesmanship and patriotism
of that gentleman.’ he indirectly attributes to me
a want of patriotism as well ua of statesmanship.
Now, Mr. Gardner has been politically associated
with, and politically opposed to me. He has.
. moreover, just passed through a canvass abun
dantly characterized by bravado and abuse. Yet
iii every aspect of our relations, and even at this
moment, I bad supposed that I hud sufficient claims
. to bis respect, to have protected me from such an
. imputation. Our relative positions considered, it
may perhaps be thought that ho undertakes as
much as he is entitled to, when lie attempts to sit
, in judgment on my claims to statesmanship. Tho
correctness of this pretension, however, concerns
! him, rather than myself. But when ho attempts
to connect me, a Southern man. with abolitionism,
to place the opinions which I have announced,
“side by side with Wnt. li. Seward's”--cspecielly
when he imputes to me a want of patriotism—ol
love of country -love of tho hind which guvo mo
birth—ho charges me with a crime of the deepest
dye; nnd in so doings forgets the respoetduo to
i me, to himself, and to his own conviotions of truth.
I will not be tempted to recrimination—it would
i not become me. Mr. Gardner lias, I hope, not de
liberately converted bis press into a vehicle of cal
umny. Against one who had some claims to Ids
respect, he has preferred a charge, which, in com*
mon with the people of Georgia, he knows to bo
false mid unfounded.
1 have said that in my address to tho pcoplo of
Georgia I made no appeal to our Northern breth
ren, and I did not. J;inee its publication I have
seen with unfeigned pleasuro, in a leading New
; England journal, wlmt 1 rejoice to receive as evi
• denec that conservative men in Massachusetts are
i disposed to forego the further agitation of the sla
very question—to consider as false nnd calumnious
the accusations which .have been made against the
people of the South and to deal with us in the
fraternal spirit which has heretofore united us.
‘l'o this awakened spirit, which is the spirit of free
men—of American freemen ifevoted to the preser
vation of our glorious Union—to tho conservatism
• of that gallant State, heretofore so illustrious in
• our national history, I do not fenr, ns a southern
Whig, to make an call upon them to
stand forward in this perilous hour—to banish
1 j from the politics of the, State the distracting ques
-1 tion of slavery, which- has strengthened fanaticism
and alienated us from eacfiXther—to leave it, with
all its rosjionsibilitioß, where it exclusively be
long''. to the States in which it exists to unite
with us in one grand national effort to free us
from the dominion of spoilsmen anil fanatics and
the corrupt foreign influence which sustains and
supports it— uqd once more to renew, on the altar
. of the Constitution, our united vows of fidelity to
the Union. Respectfully yours,
Jno. Macpherson Rekhien.
Fmm the Mobile Advertiser.
The Democracy, the South and the Union.
As often as once in four year*, on the approach
of a Democratic Convention for nominating can
didates for I‘resident and Vico President, weare
certain to find the leading Democratic papers at
the South, that in tho interim eat fire after tire
mo t approved secession pattern, becoming in
tensely national* devoted to the union ofilie States,
and exhibiting the most charitable and ra
ternal feelings towards the Northern wing of
their party. A little more than four years ago
the people of the South were assured by these
lenders, with the zotil and earnestucsss that sin
cerity arid a vivid sense of imjiending danger
could seemingly alone inspire, that no tnen of any
party wore reliable at the North—that all were
leagued against our rights and immunities and
rl.at resistance,’even to crossing bayonets and ex
changing bullets, was inevitable if we would pre
sene our institutions from destruction and our
honor froth tarnish. The cry of wolf was
rung so incessantly thronghout mtr borders that
timid people, unacquatited with political guli
traps solemnly believed the hideous monster was
really “on the walk”—to bo trow the figure
employed awhile since by a cty cotcmpor
ary—-was at our very doors, and doubtless slept
with an eye open that lie might not devour theui
without heir know ledge or resistance.
A few months passed on, when presto, change !
The wolf became a very quiet, inoffensive lamb,
and, as if to atone for tho bard thing they had
reported about him r his recent villifiera topkWjtt
tenderly in tbeir arms and pressed him affiietioiH
ately ami complacently to their forgiving bnoM*.
Editor >d Froprietof:
The tocsin sounding danger (to the South—
no! but) lo the success of the Democrat MMy
in the approaching ] ‘residential canvaaa, wits
now heard and Southern fire eater* Rnd Nortb
ern Free Soil era sit down, “cheek by jowl,” it #
grand “pow wow at Haltimore, and with emhq
siiLsm effervescing like uncorked eliMMtfMi
declare the great I htnocrntic family reunited
nnd agree to support a regular Do wo Eaator, ,
genuine Yankee, for the highest office fa Ufa
Union.
Tho “reorganized” triumphed. Hut the Fiona
Administration signalized its accession to
by deliberately violating the pledge* nfiof.
it was elected. It set diligently to work fa
“crush out” the only friends of the South moofa
tin- New York 1 ‘eniocraey, the “Hards,” and to
exalt her bitter foes, tho “Softsit sftpftorfad
tho Kansas-Nebraska hill, when cornered, and
excused itself at the North on the |>lsß tilt its
passage would prevent the ndmiiiion of ms.
morn slave States ; it played “last Rad IfTOM” W
on the t ‘-ulmri question ;it made itself lw
3 stock by its naval exploit at Greytown ; ifaj
in brief, conducted thingagenerally so bnngtfaff
!y, that, were tho Whig* in powor. Rod guilty
of one-tenth its misdeeds, the change* woura
have been rung incessantly throughout the Sooth,
and very likely nnolher ’ Nashville Convention
would have lxeii the consequehce. Yet Mi ft
syllable of dissapprobation was heard frosn th#
whilom secession press—not a nolo of MrtAag
was sounded..
Ihit another change is indicated by tbft puH*
tieal horoscope. Tho injustice,
and wretched bungling of tho
both in its home and foreign policy, and threat
enin'-,’ signs of danger, in the future, to tho coun
try. aroused a strong feeling of nationality and
patriotism throughout the land, which *o6n
made itself practically felt at the fount of all
er among ns the ballot-box. The old WJtig asa
Democniic. parties beheld with amazement tho
strides the new party was making to infioefiOtt
and power. Town after town, city after city,
and Statu after State, bowed in submission toitt
mysterious sway, and tho prospect wna ahnofa
curtain that it would sweep the Union and MR
trol the next ]'residential election. When
became evident, ah ! then it was that Souther*
I tomoerat i<-presses and peripatetic orator* fait tb#
scales f.dl suddenly from their eyes, and discov
ered the old Abolition wolf, gaunt, fieroc .Mil
hungry as ever, on hi- now accustomed walk, Id
quest <,f Southern prey. Then was tho cry of
Northern aggression nnd Northern enmity retir
ed. echoed nnd re-echoed in ercry Southern Stat#
where an election was pending; then wert South
ern men told lo burnish their armor and imfeST
their firelocks, for tho great struggle whichtb*jl
intimated, was close impending. Hut agafa fa#
political current shifts, and w behold annthef
change. The American party, portly from temeb
erv, mistaken policy and mismanagement, and
partly from the calumnies and mitapprehoM)o#l
to wliich it was subjected, lose* fujirestiga afla-t
vincihlitv, is defeated in Virginia, North Carolfa#
and Alabama, conquers only by a fierce *ffoggW|l
and witli the loss of its Governor, in tdHtfara
and holds out little encouragement for aUecMW
Georgia; whereupon Democracy again fiftt It*
drooping head, and see* hope of electing toe nnt
i ‘resident, and so holding on to the rain* ofpow- 1
er. Now a change of tactic* is desirabid Afar
tho cry of wholesale Northern uusouodncMtUUfa
be abated, and, it is already (at fa#
‘uienth” time ,1 liat tiie “wolf i off the track,* thnf
the Northern Democrats are amazing proper 0-
lows, that, as Wise nays, we have whole hoCtefa
good friends at the North, and that tbeg|loildue
Union must endure forerer.
There are some Democratic journals fa the
South, however, that do not seem to reltlll the
“blow hot and blow cold” policy of the zeakfal
party organs, mid who insist that when they fa*
ed “wolf,” they meant flint they mid. At Ufa
head and the ablest of those sta ndatheCharlfaMi
Me-enry. ‘I hat print refuse* to credit the atooj
that the Northern Democracy are a whit efeaJD
er than any other party in thjlt faction* oA
avers that even if they were, they Ae fa * mow
less minority. This is decidedly frank, and n
view of the Mercury’s previous position, manly:
but it doos not accord with the present poGfa of
the central organ, nnd ltenoe the official fat##
reads its Charleston cotcmporary a seriona MmA
ily on its indiscretion, or rather its editatfakfa&
pitude. In its issue of Oth insL, the Union faj#
of the Mercury!
Fortunately for the maintenance of Ute UfaM
fulrclatioiis of tho two section*, that j~nmal Wnfa
representative Rnd exponent of the wish of AM#
and impotent minority of the Southern ptwk
in the promulgation of sentiment* ao ‘lrrcoonclD
able with a sincere loro of the F ederfa Cfli^pS,—>
Fortunately, 100, the people of tbft North hav#
not yet been led into the error of mistaking th#
wishes of a few extreme Southern enthanMfaMft
fanatic* for Southern sentiment.
We call the foregoing ratber cool, fa tWfita#
of tho course which the whole Southern ‘Daffifa
cratic press were purruingicarceafa
with surli “aid and c omfort” as theeentinlqmn
could render them. The Mercury simply rdHhSi’
to quit the trail because the Administration* fa
timatc* the chase is over, and Tor thta mV
dination tho would-be leader of the
nounces it unreasonable and bftd-fifapma; tiff
stigmatizes it as “a representative of the with of
e lean and impotent minority” — a* * ffiooffent
enthus'iist and fanatic.” In another porthwefffil
article, the Union remarks!
’We will not insinuate that there jiSVf.Mdfa*
standing or concert between Northern wd Ijneth’
ern to the effect that they are to 00-tiMMtataf jMff
efforts to accomplish the object of aisnnioo. Oft
the contrary, we wdl not dispute thai thehfapl*
ity between these ultraists is as l itter abdeefatat
as they respectively proclaim it to be, bot'atfalt
same time it is not the less true that tt>#y ift|
making their respective ultraism* eCntnHe (of
purposes which is common to both— >4lM #fafa
throw of the federal Union. IheaQitlMM Cun
aticdwells upon the violence end bittfatifa* tiMti
abolitionist for the purpownfexettingUlMKlffP
ern people to hostility against lb* North, tfad fa
that way lo build up a purely sectional
northern party st the South. The llorifctift
abolitionist re*6rti tosinular faiffjj ti .Swelling
the ranks of the anti-*oothe*n party iklfaiwC
The result fa that whilst inrlkl ifa faNtihtifa
fanatics can find no language stnfag tfafaNl*
express their detestation of eeeh ejjfifa
(fWf</f on fatrth
NUMBER 49