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THE GEORGIA JOURNAL. VOL. I. mm MILLEDGEVILLE, TUESDAY, MAY 15, 1810. No. 9P« PUBLISHED BY SEATON GRANTLAND, (PRINTER TO THE STATE,) ON JEF YERSON STREET, OPPOSITE THE NORTH END OF THE STATE-HOUSE. TERMS THREE DOLLARS PER AN NUM, ONE HALF TO BE PAID IN AD VANCE. ADVERTISEMENTS WILL BE THANK FULLY RECEIVED, AND PUBLISHED AT TIIE CUSTOMARY PRICES. CONGRESS. DEBATE, On aur Commercial Intercourse, and Foreign Relations* April 12,1810. The House in committee of the whole on the bill (No. 2) concerning commercial intercourse, &c. Mr. Gholson saidhe could not be lieve that this assembly would con sent to this bill in its present form, and he felt strengthened in this opi nion when he recollected that they had determined, after solemn debate, that they would not abandon the po licy of the last three years without some substitute for the measure at present in existence. The bill on the table was in direct hostility to the eense of the House as expressed on that vote, for it provided for the re moval of every species of opposition to the belligerent edicts. By the 3d section of the hill no opposition was to be made either to the decrees or orders of France or G. Britain till an accommodation with her enemy, by which accommodation the cause of our difficulty must in some mea sure cease before any measure of re- eistence to the authors of it could be interposed. Another objection to this section, Mr. G. said, was that it held up the honor and character of this nation to the highest bidder, with a view to operate on the belli gerents to do us justice. Was this the tone which a free government should use ? Are we, said he, be come so insignificant that we ate not only to intreat but to purchase jus tice ? If justice can be obtained in no other way but by purchase, sub mission myself is preferable to jus tice obtained in this way. He ap prehended that every man who had had the slightest co-operation in the measures ot the government, must have in view the lreedom and liber ation of the commerce of his own country. Was there, he asked, any expectation of liberating it by sub mission ? Did gentlemen expect, by- cowering before the British Lion and Gallic Eagle, to free commerce from its shackles ? So far from hold ing out to the belligerents any* in ducement to repeal their edicts, the bill if passed would fasten them still more firmly’. To destroy the dange rous character of the bill, he moved to strike out the first section of the hill, and insert three sections, provid ing 1. For a non-importation of Bri tish and French goods ; 2. to invest the President of the U. S. with a pro visional power to suspend the law as to either belligerent which should re voke its edicts, and 3d, to employ the army and navy' ot the U. States to en force the system. Mr. Garland said that it was not his intention to trespass on much of the time of the committee, but, as he disapproved in part ot the original bill and the amendment, lie would ask the attention of the committee until he stated some of those objections. He said his friend from Virginia (Mr, Gholson) had built up in his own mind tt phantom of honour and resistance, which turned out to be the old imper fect non-intcrcourse, which had sunk millions for the agriculturists of this country, and had sunk much of the honour of this nation, while it had produced nothing beneficial. How long (asked Mr. G.) will this nation run the round of extravagance and folly? Will not gentlemen profit by experience and abandon this restric- i tive svstem, which has been so injuri ous to the nation ? Mr. G. said he had supposed there was not a man in the nation that contemplated the continuing the non-intercourse longer than the end of the present session ol Congress ; hut,strange as it might ap pear, that measure was again brought forward and the nation asked to re enact it, and to employ the land and naval force of the United States to en- *a vagueness force its provisions. Mr. G. said he thought that it would better comport with the honor and interest of the na tion to employ the land St naval force in the protection of our rights by re sisting the encroachments of our ene mies, in preference to imposing re strictions on ourselves which have no effect on our enemies, Mr. G. said he objected to the original bill, as be ing too week a measure. He wished to adopt something of energy, and asked il it would then be in order to move an amendment to the bill, by striking out the third section, for the purpose of inserting a new one. (The Chairman said the amendment could not be received untill a question was first taken on the amendment ot tered by T the gentleman from Virgin ia, (Mr. Gholson.) Mr. Garland then said that he hoped the amend ment offered by his friend from Vir ginia (Mr. Gholson) would be reject ed, and that then he would move his amendment; and for the informati on of the committee he would read in his place the amendment which he contemplated offering, which was to strike out the third section of the o- riginal bill and insert— u And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be and he is hereby authorised and required to employ the public armed vessels of the United States to convoy the ships ind vessels belonging to any citizen or citizens of the United States, la den with goods, wares or merchan dize, the growth, produce or manu acture of the United States or their territories, the property of such citi zen or citizens. Provided always, that such goods, wares and merchan dize are not contraband of war, and that the ship or vessel on board of which they are laden is not bound to a port blockaded by a belligerent power. And provided farther, that such ship or vessel is not bound to any port or place belonging to any nation having in force orders, edicts, or decrees against neutral rights, in any port or place in the actual posses sion of such nation.” Mr. G. said, that at a proper time he would submit to the consideration of the committee the amendment which he had just read. He said that was calculated to protect the honor of the nation and the rights of the citi zen, and it was that kind of protection which the nation had it in its power to afford and which the citizen had a right to expect. Mr. G. said, he was persuaded that if this nation would only take a manly attitude, all our differences with the European nations would be shortly settled ; that our commerce would be restored, and that the treasury of the nation would be replenished ; but so long as we pursued this indecisive course of im posing restrictions on ourselves, G Britain never would negociate with us. Mr. G. said he would read a part of Mr. Canning’s communication to Mr. Pinkneyour minister in London. “ Mr. Canning added, that it was a- nother favorable circumstance that the non-importation system, which seemed to be in contemplation, was to be applied equally to both parties in stead of affecting as heretofore Great Britain alone.” Mr. Garland said he thought that this proved that the non-intercourse was a favorite system with the Bri tish ministry, and we have plunged into the vortex, and ever since had been in fact aiding Great Britain in the execution of her wishes. All that Great Britain wanted, was to give to our commerce that direction which best comported with her inte rest, and to impress our seamen at pleasure; and, so long as we will permit her to do that, she has no in ducement to negotiate with us. But, Mr. G. said, he was persuad ed that if this nation would put her commerce under the protection of the national flag, that', Great Britain would not make war upon it for the purpose of enforcing her orders in council, and if she did, the soonei this nation knew it the better. Mr. G. said that in case his amendment hould obtain, he would then prepare the details of the bill embracing the principles contained in the amend ment which be had offered Mr. Gholson said that there were and generality- remarks of gentlemen who had oppo sed the amendment he had offered, which furnished the best shield a- gainst their refutation. We are told in a loud voice and imposing manner (he said) that the embargo and all our measures have only operated on ourselves. I hold it to be a strict principle of reasoning that when a position is laid down, before you are authorised to make any deduction you must shew that the proposition itself is correct. Until this is done no inference or conclusion is war rantable. But gentlemen have re versed the order of reasoning and as sume that to be true which remains to be proven. I have over and over again called upon gentlemen to meet me on the practical results of the re strictive system, upon the ^prices which our adversaries have been compelled to give lor our products, and which they receive for theirs. They skulk out of the argument. We hear nothing but declamation. We hear now on both sides of the House, that the system only works calamity on ourselves. In what, sir, do you see its mischievous ef fects ? You look for them in the declension of the prices of the pro ducts of this country. Are they not equal to peace prices ? You art told that the system has had no ef fect whatever on Great Britain. When you appeal to her prices cur rent, you learn that from the com mencement of the embargo with the exception of the short interval of Erskine’s arrangement, she has paid exorbitant prices for our produce ; that American articles have in many cases sold for treble prices. Is it not a fact that she is at this moment pay ing advanced prices ? It is that part of the non-intercourse act which bears with most severity on Great Britain, that I have proposed to re tain. The amendment embraces the non-importation clauses, only leaving to our citizens the full liberty of ex portation. If we say to Britain we will cease to purchase her merchan dize, unless she will treat us with justice and thus through her interest obtain an accommodation with her, the oceanis freeto us—Let us there fore come soberly to the question, and count the consequence of the non importation system to Great Britain. Let us meet it as it should be met, argumentatively, and not by decla Their appeal to the government would be loud, incessant and effectu al to for a change their measures. The system of non-importation will press upon Britain with extreme severity, whether it regards the course of exchange or the balance of length, h take any justifiable means, trade. Take from her the American I would prefer the means which I market and I will hazard the position believe best adapted to the end ; that you change the general balance these, as 1 have stated, are in myo- on can be afforded in that way. Our vessels are not (though I am willing to use them as an auxiliary) equal to the defence of our commerce. My object is justice for my country. To obtain this object I would go any of her trade with the whole world, against herself and that to an enor mous amount—consult her commer cial writers, sir. They will tell you that it is of the very first importance to her at all times to have the balance of trade in her favor. No nation can grow rich without it. Another ef fect of this system would be to turn our commerce into the channels where it will be most beneficial to the country, But the gentleman from South Ca rolina has told you that it will pro duce a deficit in the next year’s reve nue of ten millions of dollars. The gentleman upon consideration will, I presume, admit that he is mistaken ; for the impost on the whole amount of importations from Great Britain and France do not amount to ten mil lions. The deficit will not bear any proportion to the amount of the re venue on merchandize from those countries. Our merchants will with heir capital apply themselves to other quarters of the globe, and on the importations from other quarters you will receive a revenue—not so great, I admit, as heretofore. But how long since, has it been found out that we can practice no self-deni al j that no matter how great the ob ject, we cannot practice forbearance for a few weeks or months ? Was this the doctrine held at the time the embargo was laid. No, sir ; we were told that a bonfire had .bet ter be made of all our surplus pro duce—that the sordid love of gain was too pitiful a passion to hold a place in the patriot breast. This Hall resounded with such discourses last winter. Great God !—How are we changed in the short space of twelve months ? Then every thing was to be sacrificed on the altar of patriotism. Now you are told of the utility of the measures then applaud ed, and asked what good they have produced. Sir, is there anj republican in the House who will un dertake the assertion that you have mation or mere assertion that it will by your measures produced no effect? have no effect. I would ask gentlemen in the first place to explain to me the cause of the present course of exchange a- gainst Great Britain. Is it not a fact perfectly well known that money in other parts of Europe is now worth from 20 to 30 per cent more than bills on England ? This can be attributa ble to nothing else but the pronibi- tion ofher American intercourse. It is because we do not owe to Britain as much money as we formerly did that bills on that country have de creased in value. A system ofnon-im portation will turn the course of trade with Great Britain entirely in our favor. Before the embargo, we sold to Great Britain about twenty milli ons per annum of our produce and purchased from her thirty five milli ons, leaving a balance annually of fifteen millions against us. Under the proposed system, we shall ship to Great Britain, and receive money in stead of merchandize in return. The balance must then be in our fa vor. The trade to that part of the continent, which will be open to us, is always in our favor. We shall get better prices for our produce and obtain articles in return cheaper But do you believe that the export trade to this country is no object with Great Britain, that it will pro duce no effect at all to abridge the exportation of British products in an amount equal to thirty five millions of dollars l Where is she to send this excess of merchandize ? She is excluded almost entirely from the continent of Europe. The U. S. as « customer are worthy more to G. B. than the world besides. When the continent was open to her, one third of her exports were to this country. What would be the conduct of her manufactures, if in consequense of a system violating our rights they were :n the deprived of a market for their goods Will any gentleman say that the cm bargo and non-intercourse have not produced important modifications of the orders in council, jarrendering the transit duty, aud narrowing down the blockading system ? Do gentle men say that in consequence of our restrictive system Britain has not pad three times as much for cotton and for articles of subsistence as before it was adopted? France has paid S 60 a hundred lor tobacco-—-and yet we are told that the embargo and non-intercourse have had no sort of effect. At this moment too from the effects of the non-intercourse they are paying exorbitant prices and suf fering the inconvenience of the want of a market for more than one third of their surplus products. When we speak of the impropriety of a mea sure, we should examine into it, and not make declamatory assertions that it is a bad measure because it is bad measure. I admit that the measure may in the next year cause a deficiency in the revenue ; but by thus avoiding the commercial chains which by submission we should lorge for ourselves and posterity, we may in succeeding years experience a re UUndency of revenue that would not otherwise accrue, and which will more than compensate for any pre sent loss. We have been told, sir, that the amendment which I have proposed pinion commercial restrictions, I will go along with gentlemen in reducing the expences of the country ; and if reduced as I believe they may be, I have no doubt that the revenue which we should derive under the amend ment I propose, would be as ade quate to meet the expences of the go vernment as under the original bill. If we keep up the present expensive establishment, the revenue under the project of the gentleman from South Carolina would be no more adequate to the expences of government than under any project if these expences were reduced ; and by adopting the amendment which I have had the honor to propose to the committee, you would avoid the servile depen dency on the pleasure of other nati ons. One of the belligerents plun ders and bums your vessels at sea or sends them in for adjudication. The other manly coaxes your citizen* to violate their allegiance, and licen ses them to carry on a nefarious trade forbidden by the law of the land. Yet notwithstanding this treat ment, which gentlemen of all parties acknowledge to be unjustifiable—(Si I have been delighted to see a speech livered in the other branches of the Legislature by an enlightened fede ral Senator (Mr. Bayard) which ac knowledges that we have been most scandalously treated by Britain as well as I 1 'ranee) we are told that the country will be ruined if we do not buy French and British goods ! To day, sir, I learn for the first time that sending our produce to G. Britain at her own prices, subject to her orders in council, to every restriction which she may think proper to impose, and giving her own prices for her fabrics, is the tvay in which we are to get rich. Would the fathers of our re volution have supported a doctrine like this ? Would they have said that we could not subsist as a nation without purchasing British merchan dize ? The charge though not so intended is a libel on the country ? It is immaterial in a mere pecuniary point of view to me as a planter, af ter I have sold my produce whether I purchase my coat (if compelled to purchase it all) of an Englishman or of a citizen of N. Y.; still l should buy it from my fellow citizen, whose interest I consider myself to promote: It should not be concealed, sir, that we can subsist without British or French fabrics. Is there a state in the union which cannot either manu facture for itself or be supplied by its sister states in abundance ? If we did not receive a dollar’s worth of goods from foreign countries I will not say we should be the less happy for it. The part of the country where I live is a tobacco country 8c has depended until lately on foreign fabrics for wear and consumption. Since the commencement of the sys tem of commercial restrictions, many large and respectable families do not consume twenty dollars worth of fo reign goods....and are we on that ac count less happy or the less indepen dent ? When habits of this Kind take root and are encouraged, the ne cessity for a great revenue at once ceases. This system, however, we are told is not only a deteriorating but demo ralizing one. Whom does it de moralize ? The violator of your laws, the man who substantially com mits treason ? For the violation of a system adopted in opositionto the is a sort ofmancevre to augment the belligerents is as suhstanly treason as navy. Sir, I will go with the gentle man ; I will take this system and re duce the army and navy to any de gree which prudence can warrant. The fact is, you may take the convoy- principle, arming the merchantmen, or any other system of active resis tance to the decrees against our com merce, and it is impossible to render it adequate to the end in view. There is not a practical man in the state who believes that full protect: was the desertion of Arnold. Does the gentleman talk of demoralizing these men whose only God is mo ney, who violate without scruple e- very obligation moral and political? Their morality cannot be injured by any act of yours, for they have no morality. This measure may re form, it cannot demoralize them. It seems the system we have pur sued, and which I propose to con tinue, as rot only det-r:orat'.vc as to