Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

Vo i.. I. MlLLEDGEVILLEv WEDNESDAY, JUNE 20, 1810. No. 34 i&gSSi PUBLISHED BY SF.ATON GRANTLAND, (printer TO the STATE,) ON JEF FKRSON STREET, OPPOSITE THE \ NORTH END OF THE STATE-HOUSE TERMS THREE DOLLARS PER AN- ’ NUM, ONE HALF TO BE PAID IN AD VANCE. ‘ * ADVERTISEMENTS WILL BE THANK- * FULLY RECEIVED, AND PUBLISHED AT TilF. CUSTOMARY PRICES. mon cause with Great Britain. We hope the time is near ait hand when the influence of European polities will cease to he felt in these United States. There are certain land marks, which we trust will"be coeval with time—a democratic system of repre sentative government, and this op posed to aristocracy, no matter by POLITIC A I, zur'c cf American property in tli.N port amounts to upwards of two nulions of dollars, and, without a shadow of pretence, the property i- conveyed by land from the i >rt of one nation to that of another, and there it is ordered to be sold, and the money paid into the public trea sury. In alF this conduct there is be the only test of party in republi can America. (~From tlx Democratic Press. J THINGS AS THEY ARE. These United States of America our mercantile interest should seri- nre at the present moment placed in a peculiarly delicate position as it re gards our European relations. Afew days ago we took occasion to animadvert on tl what has been done.” The recent advices from France and England compel us un willingly to resume the subject. We say unwillingly, because the inves tigation will afford very little to com fort, when compared with how much of which we have to complain. Some time ago the purport of a private, and as we believe a confi- ilental letter from Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Smith, was in some way or n- ther made public. Its contents, as stated, ied us to believe that Great Britain was about to send out ano ther minister to replace Mr. Jackson. Whether she sent one or not, nevei has been with us a matter of much mo ment; but the expectation once formed, attaches to it a variety of reflections. It has been considered as a stron proof of her ardent desire to preserve peace between the two countries, and an unequivocal evidence of ner dis approbation of Mr. Jackson’s con duct. In proportion, therefore, as «,ve have anticipated this manifesta tion of good, so much the stronger must our resentments be on experi encing a disappointment. Mr. Pickering, when passing through this city a few days ago, said to an influential democrat, “ Well, air we have now a freetrade.”— It’was asked, in reply, “where tir” for assuredly never was our commerce, apart from municipal re straint, more limited or more shack led. The settle of things which now governs Europe has but little inte rest, and proportionally less influ ence with us : indeed, of what mo ment is it to us whether Bonaparte elevates one of his new Austrian connections to the ancient kingdom of Poland, taking from Austria, Rutl and Prussia the territory they ously consider where we arc. It is now too late to ask where toe iccrc, when the tenth congress let go our last hold. A few revolving months will destroy the vestige of anjui.udt, system—precious apology! yet there as it regards the policy and justice is a newspaper editor amongst us what specious name called, ought to p littleness which disgraces the act; say that its value is fifteen millions of traftes, is it a sum of so much'magni- Reverting to our more immediate|tude as to induce France to place subject, wc think it is high time that herself upon a footing with the Bar bary slates l We may confidently ask what has been our conduct to deserve such unprincipled conduct? The due de Cadore’s letter may considered as an apology for this robbed from those brave and unoffen- mg people ? What interest have we in the sin gularly portendous drama, the scenes of which will soon unfold in the o- verthrow of the Ottoman empire ? True it is the consequences will doubtless affect us; but in our actual position we can only contemplate a generous and an independent nation anxious to preserve inviolate a con scientious neutrality, rewarded hv one of the belligerents with open fraud, and by the other with the ba sest perfidy. . , . , f It is here we wish, for the sake oi discussion, to ask a question, how it has arisen that in our formation of parties in these United St".‘es, we have mixed so much of European politics ? In the settlement of ge neral and slate consitutions, Euro pean governments have neither rela tion nor sympathy. It is a melan choly fact that, with the exception of the United States, there is not a Feoresenutive government on the face of the earth. True it is at the dawn of the French revolution, we had a deep interest in the national prosperity of France : she had strengthened our hands, and suppo. t I tl our cause against the merciless > rant of the seas. But /ill any man pre tending to common s.nse, connect the Bonaparte dynasty with that glorious epoch, or say that becaus we wished a free and independent re publican government, we are o course bound to support her in al the atrocities that mark the conouc of her rulers under every modifica tion of tvranny ?—-We hope not: as well might wc fall into the opposite error, and sav that, because France ated, confiscated, and o- ol the embargo. All the invective used against that salutary measure loses its force when wc look to the conduct of both belligerents, and we ask any reasonable man to say whe ther it would not lie far better that the millions now afloat where at home rather than jeopardised between the orders of council ol England and the retaliatory decrees oi Fr .nee. The time is fast appro filing whe;. we shall have to look our situation in the face, and it is a question we propose to every class of citizens, where are toe now ? Wc lay it down ns an incontrover tible principle that ever since tin. ear 1801, the conduct of the United States towards the European powers has been bottomed on an undeviating system of dignified impartiality— She has conscientiously and judici ously avoided all interference in the tremendous conflict which has nearly overwhelmed one of the fairest por tions of God’s creation. We invite our citizens to examine what has been the reward of our inviolable neutrality •? England has impressed our sea men, violated the sanctity of our un disputed jurisdiction by the foul commission ot murder in our own waters. She has trampled upon our national flag ; she has excited our citizens to violate the laws of the u- nion ; she has employed emissaries to stir up discord ; she ha3 sent min ister after minister to insult the ex cutive—and she has aggravated iur profligate conduct by continued pio- mises of justice, and invariably, when put to the test has lepurtod from the me of rectitude. iLr proinisses arc always fair : a generous, but mis taken confidence has always made us secure, whilst the denoument is al ways some new and atroci us insult. It would be easy to exhibit the con duct of Great Britain in terms of much stronger reprehension without my departure from the most scru pulous veracity. France has confined her injustice to a single point—the plunder of our merchants’ property, both by sea and on land. The sequestrations at Ant werp and other ports, anterior to tlie embargo, mark an unprincipled system of corruption and robbery. She has made the injustice of her ene- ny a pica for attacking her lriend. Her recent conduct at St. Sebasti ans * is without a parallel. T he sci- who has been base enough, or mean enough, to call this infamous produc tion “ an elorpient and important state paper r To remind a generous na- t.ou ol us obligations, if any such ex ist, is at best but to cancel their me- i it, but to recal the memory of our former dependance on a foreign na tion is as dastardly as it was unne cessary. Wc believe in this suc- . inct view of the conduct of Great Bntain and France, we have done them no more than justice. Let us now look at the recent ad vices from France and England, as they’affect our future relations with those Countries. The arrival at New-York from St Sebastians announces the nomination of a new minister from France to this country—he is to accompany the Russian ambassador. The object of this mission is at present entirely conjectural, but we shall lie sure of not materially erring if we take it for granted that one important part of his communications will relate to the freedom of the seas 1 There was time when we were almost induced to believe, that Bonaparte was sincere in his intensions not to stop short of obtaining from his enemy, the re may he urged, tp shew that the dis contents in Canada, arose from sour cos widely different from French In fluence, but there can he nojust cause shewn why France should depart from her invariable policy, which al wavs has been to improve every dis aster that has befallen Great Britain jl© promote & extend her own influence it may therefore be fairly presumed that, as in our own case, without having been even remotely concerned in the cause, she will on the first fa vorable occasion, iinjwove the event to her own aggrandizement. 1 Presuming on a French influence in Canada, we are led as it were, im perceptibly to view our position in Louisiana—and the eventual cession of the Floridas ; the easy access ofivision is sufficient to bring the inainuatioi into disrepute There* are a&Any arguments which magnified by’ t\ie satellites of that old good will only expressed—any thing favorable from that quarter has been ind inveterate enemy of our.coun try. The Jdhn Adams is at Cowes —the John Adams waits the treaty —Msr. Pinkney’s name is first in the list of embassadors—Mr. Pinkney is well received at court, Mr. Elliot departs from London with the treaty —and a thousand talcs were rapidly circulated in the London news-pa pers, well knowing that there are pa pers enough here paid for retailing these swindling relations—we have no doubt that Congress prolonged their session for .weeks, ^t no incon siderable expcnce, in the expected arrival of the John Adams. They adjourned; the duplicate despatch es arrived, and lo 1 our golden dreams “ like the baseless fabric of a have vanished. the first with the two latter, by means of the Ohio, and the Mississippi ne cessarily present reflections, which cannot fail deeply to interest every friend of his country. We present to their immediate consideration some weighty queries.-—Fist, Is the cession of Louisiana to these United States by France, so guaranteed, as that Bonaparte can find no pretence to call the validity of our title into question ?—Second—Has not Spain, Mr. Pinkney’s letter to the Mar quis of Wellesky is marked with', the unassumed candor of his govern ment. lie has taken too much pains to persuade, hut he has not been wanting in spirit to evidence the candor and justice of his country’a cause—We could' have wished he had been moore plain and much less elaborate. A government like Great Britain, familiar with all the finesse of Deplomacv, treating with a Mi ni nt of the Bourbon Dynasty, ceded die Floridas, to France ?—And will •lot France on taking possession, fc view the ancient disputes relative to he navigation of the Mississippi ? Connecting these circumstances and surmises with the known policy of Napoleon, we seriously ask, whe ther there is not sufficient reason to induce a most cautious policy in all our negot iations with that wily mon ireh. What renders this subject more important at this moment is, the expected arrival of a French Minister. The subtile policy of Bonaparte >y some act previous to the dethrohe- bister, conscious of the rectitude of his cause, may possibly have surpri sed him, they may have for a mo ment lulled him into an indiscreet se em ity; the consequences, are no ways important, their views are the more clearly seen through, and their wretched policy despised. . We ask our citizens, was it digni fied on the part of Great Britain, to keep the John Adams from the 2d January to the 14th March, for such an answer to such a letter ? Perhaps there is not any ground more cen surable than the over-anxious desire manifested by Mr. Pinkney* to pre serve the relations of amity and good cognition of this unalienable right of Ch eat Britain is worthy of remark ; all mankind, but the violation on his " c 1 ’ *" lart of rights the most sacred, and so intimately connected with that principle, give us ample reason to fear that there is but little confidence to be placed in Lis professions. The man who plunders by land would ihew as little mercy by sea, if he had the power, yet we have ho doubt but e will renew the application to this ouniry to join “ the Northern Con federacy”—and what course we are to pursue is a subject of the most se rious magnitude. There are circum stances which regard our local relati ons with France, sufficient to justify the utmost jealousy and precaution. The commotions in Canada have not passed unnoticed, it will be well correctly to ascertain how far France is active in producing the germ of a revolution in that colony ? The; charge of French influence in the Parliament of Lower Canada is no proof of the fact, on the contrary— the charge unsupported by evidence, when compared with the folly of will between the two countries.' We are not disposed to pass over all the Oral assurances given by lord Wei lesley to Mr. Pinkney. do do do do do do Salem do do bass qaestri therwise rohbeu our merchants we are, therefore, bound to ma*e com- # A list of American vessels in France and Spain under sequestration Ships Sally, Scott, New-York Commodore Rogers, Shuter, do Brigs Camilla, Shuter, Marv Ann, Lawson, Schrs. St. Tammany, Henry, Tantivy, Perlcv, Prosperity, Selby, Young Connecticut, Robbs, Ship Wells, Sampson, Brig Enterprizc, Brown Schrs. Hetty, Woodbury, Betsv, Holmes. do Salem, Cheevers, do Ship Eagle, Ashton, Philadelphi AT TOUT PASSAGE. Brig Fox, Collins, Roebuck, Sloan, Andrew, Caggins, Schr. Spencer, Moffit, Exchange, live, Eieanor, Gover, Po,t Boy, Adams, Trim, Bumbury, Post Boy, Spurrier, regardless of his attrocitics, he sends a minister, there is always something to be gained by a Negotiation. Great Britain promises to send one, she amuses our Minister with the expectation of an efficient change of system, and then terminates the ne gotiation with a sang froid that can >e only accounted for on the suppo sition that negotiation was useless. In all this we contrast the wisdom of statesmen with the quibbling chi canery of pettifoggers. Much wiii d'-pend on the proposi tions which Bonaparte may submit to cur Admintration, we are bound to nect the propositions of France with frankness yet with the most scrupu lous watchfulness ; her recent con duct has not inspired us with any confidence in the justice of her sys u-m or the goodness of her disposi tion, very far from it, yet it is our policy, and that policy is founded on justice that we should do all that wc honorably can to resuscitate ourccs of amity and friend- hq Schr. Independcnca, Dashicll, Bal- s i,jp. [tunore. \v e are about to hazard a conjcc- Ship Ann, Pendergrass, New-iors ture the issues of which of arc cvciy Brig , Keener, ^ do way important.—Suppose that France Schr. Abigail, VV’oudbridgc, Marble- s | lou ld propose the cession of the [diead Fl or idas, and that the terms should Spring Bird, Tucker, do include an indemnity for the seques- Josepii, D. Stacv, do (rations and confiscations under the Two Brothers, Dixcy, Boston ( ] ccr(i cs of Berlin and Milan—and Brig Eliza, Macy, do fi^at she exhibits an undisputed title Cupid, lit uston, Philadelphia that neck of our Continent, the In all nego- ciations where a generous confidence is the basis, much more is said than written, but the impression made up* on a virtuous mind is equally strong and even sometimes deeper, the a- nimation of tone, the lively jesture of a man inspires a reciprocit of sentiment and leads to an almost im plicit confidence. We are told that our government anticipated a favorable issue to the negociations of St. James. We are told to look for the failure of our ne- gociation with England to the aban doned conduct of those who not only palliate, but openly defend Mr. Jack son’s conduct. If Great Britain has for a moment rested her expectations on the return of nnglo-fcderalism to the administration of the United States, she must he without excepti on the most deceived and the weak est government on earth. If she ex pected the resolutions of the Legis lature of Massachusetts in 1809, to pave the way for the assendency *of her Politics in this country, her mi nisters and other correspondents were more fit for Bedlam than St. Stephen’s Chapel. After all the proofs Great Britain has had, that these United States were unaltera bly determined never, no never, to make common cause with her, is it possible she can have cherished a Swallow, Barry, do AT DERMIO. Brig Hawk, BonJ, New-York Schr. Freemason, Murray, do Hawk, Coff, Baltimore Two Sons,——, ■ * M cZ ick, , Marblehead Cargoes—168 casks and 1450 bags coffee ; 371 bales and 13G1 ilbags cocoa ; 4510 bales cotton; 11 'ca.^ks, 35 seroons and 65 cases Indi- 36 bales and 1556 bags pepper; Philadelphia^ hh( j 3 to j, aC co ; 1192 bbls. pot ash ; 82 tierces roco ; 19 bales and 25 seroons bark ; 125 bbls. rice 2978 quintals Campeachy logwood ; 230 do. Fustic ; 44 boxes sugar bales nankeens ; 1 do. peltry; 170 tintala beeswax ; 130 do. cod- do do do Baltimore do do do Phi lade l phi q» fish. possession of which is so extremely important to our future peace and happiness ? Such a proposition would give birth to a variety of considerati ons :—The validity of her title—and the sincerity of her disposition faith fully to transfer. These are reflections which cannot fail to excite the liviliest emotions—Should any terms be pro posed consi ,ient with national digni ty we are sure they will be met with a sincere disposition to restore a spirit of reciprocal good will, but we hope that every guarantee which cau tious prudence can dictate will bt> imperiously insisted on. The recent communications from Great Britain are far from realizing he golden dreams which our anglo- lederalists have so constantly anti- fuint hope that we should so wan tonly risk our dearest interests to ost Boy, apurric . ‘ q^c cargoes of several vessels are ipated—the treaty—the skeleton oi at it. jfas ue t ‘ - treaty—the mere outlines—tilt Shir Mary Eliza,Smith, Baltimore r.c. u.r.. t serve her sordid views? She'well knew what we wanted—a solid sys- tan alike acknoiulsdgcd, and protect ing cur lawful intercourse with the surrounding nations. After an anx ious period in which our hopes have been constantly flattered—we re ceive a cold disgusting communica tion ! It is said lord Wellesley’* letter is written in a gentlemanly style, he it so, and what does it a- mount to ? In the first place a need less waste of time has taken place. The British minister on the 3d of January could have given that answer :—It did not require ten mi nutes to frame such a reply. But af ter such a profligate lavish of preci ous time where are we ? We are told, that if Mr. Jackson had beha ved amis* our ccmplair.ta ouglvt to