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c J> en vn uV>: lo hi? majesty,’r«)ujJand isffiter.t as to the actual appoint*’dress la vale. Those \vh. ia.v-i iia-|tir»s md .i is triu ilvit the sc V'nit -d Spates ought notlmcntor respectability of a successor, ' J have corrected Tift*. We can to whose mission he .gives a mere or dinary complexion. Persons of all parties, our com- ■'asily account k>r this insult—as a nation they are entirety ignorant of th. \ gnu v ot a representative go v«rn inept—they have no idea of a responsibility to the People. Mr. J.uuivn insuks-our government, but nulling must tie t-aitf or done until iiiu government is informed, and then \vc arc .to rely on the* interposition cl - their authority, as though we were unable to protect ourselves and our government from the ihsolencc of their minister. The gross ignoranci which in this instance, the British secretary betrays, of our institutions, is alone sufficient to shew that h< was no way qualified for the nego tiation. 1 gaorance is always accom panied with impudence. We are i old, Mr. Jackson mein no insult ! There is so much rudeness in this covert insinuation, that we are ar a loss to conjecture the motives which .could have led to the declaration. This unaccountable production, ter minates with an assurance which Mr. Jackson had already communi cated to the public thro’ the British prints in N. York—that no othei minister would be sent out—but that he, Jackson, would be instructed, “ to deliver over the charge of his majes- ct tv’s affairs in America to a per- ,l sou” (i. o. Phincas Bond,) “ pro- “ perly qualified to carry on the or- “ dinary intercourse between the two tC governments"—we presume this, clause of tfie letter was written in the lull expectation that their friends “ the Ah'A'ex'junto'’—had triumphed, that Mr. Pickering was at the head ot affairs, and some minister already, ou the wav to England/ to atone for; the gross insult Mr. Jackson had ex perienced. To he serious, there is more meant by this expression than meets the eve. Mr. Jackson will as we have seen Leges Angjifo JVIutarior own more clear and not less forcible him sent to jail tor having described prisoned him, have refused to listen to my voice, weakly expressing the strong principle ot the law, the un deniable claims ol this Englishman’^ mercial citizens, and the inhabitants!* 4 birthright.”—Your voice may come of our trading states, have seen with more force, may command in the adherence to the British or-greater respect, and I am not with- punish him. And moreover, it is in ders in council, the rejection of Mr.jout hope that it mav prove irresisti-jtne nature of all power, and espeeiai- Erskinc’s arrangements and this lct-'ble, if it proclaim to this House ofjly ol assumed and undefined power, ter of the British secretary, the evi-jCommdns, in the same tone a3 the|to increase as it advances in age, dences which his Britannic majesty’s tongues of our ancestors proclaimedland, as Magna Charta and the law; government chases to give of its dis-to the kings of old, 44 Nonlumus of the land have not been sufficient to positions towards America. Mr.-Jackson, for his deportment at Copenhagen, is rewarded by the American mission, which besides its general value and importance was peculiarly valuable and important, at i moment when the successes of the enemies of Great Britain have dri ven their whole diplomatic corps from the continent of Europe, ex cept the two ministers who reside with their Portuguese and Spanish armies. We are to see-how the king of Great Britain wil) reward Mr. Jackson for his innocent deportment towards the government of the U. States.—Democratic Press. November, 180,". When Ln.glun l has proclaimed her sovereignty tini- 'versal,by the preter.rion of subjecting ■the universe to a tax on navigation. one man actually irnail ior dispict ing those gentlemen, but the fate this one man (as the effect of all j\ ishments) will deter others from ex- and by extending the jurisdiction ■ f pressing their opinions of the cor.-(her Parliament over the industiyct duct of those who have the power tojthe world. His majesty thought that it was the dutv oral! independent na tions to defend tlu ir sovereignty and to declarers denationalised (denation alises) those vessels which should •urge themselves under the dominc- ion ol England, by recognizing, ti e sovereignty which she arrogated t - vtir them. SIR FRANCIS BURDETT, TO HIS CONSTITUENTS. Gentlemen, The House of Commons hnv- t , ing passed a vote,which amounts to a 1 c *P^ e '"as, that was so daringly \ io language, 44 The laws of England shall not lie changed.” The principle, follow-citizens, for which we are now contending, is the same principle for which the people of England have contended from the earliest ages, and their glorious suc cess in which contest are now upon record in the Great Charter of our rights and liberties, and in divers o- tlier subsequent statutes of scarcely ess importance. It was this same great priciple which was again attack- d bv Chailes I. in the measure of ship monies, when again the people of England and an uncorrupted 1 louse of Commons renewed the cou test ; a contest which ended in the imprisonment, the trial, the condem nation, and the execution of that ill advised King. The self-same prin- in our protect Mr. Jones the conduct of one of the member outrage upon public feeling, as an H is Majesty distinguishes the search (ia visite) from the recogniti- ivhat security have we, unless thisjon (recconnaissar.ee) of the vessel., power of imprisonment be given ttp.'-d he recognition has no other end that we shall not sea other men sentjtuar. to ascertain the reality of the flat, to jail for stating their opinions of I he search is an interior ir.qucs* b leclaration, that ati Order of theirs is to be of more weight than Magna Charta and tile laws of the land, i lated bv his son James the Second ; for which violation, he was compelled to flee from the just indignation of think it my duty to lay my serftiments people, w ho not only stripped him ol his crown, but who prevented thereon before my constituents, hose character as free men, and e- ven whose personal safety, depend in so great a degree, upon the deci sion of this question—a question of no less importance than this : whe ther our liberty he still to lie secur ed by the laws o' - our forefathers, or be to lie at the absolute mercy most probably, before Ins departure, pm-t of our fellow subjects collected make this deputation, and if our gu- \ eminent receive, either the .com munication or the credentials of tin new tool, they will disgrace, irre deemably disgrace, thecountrv which will pour the full mearsurc of indig nation on-their devoted heads. If either of the English consuls dare to present any such documents, we hope the President will annul his Exequator. What! shall we refuse to communicate with Jackson and he compelled to communicate with his deputy ! Forbid it all that’s manly and honorable ! After this issue of our negotia tion with England, a resident min inter at London can no longer be ne cessary. With them, promises are but the vibrations of sound ; and the most sacred engagnients are but the engines of conveniency ; moral rec titude is no longer the basis of Na- t.onal Intercourse, and European C ourts seem to affix, a superior va lue on that minister who is capable of the greatest duplicity : but the idea of placing our importance in the s ale of nations by the rank of the minister they may chuse to nomi- m mate for the station, is us ludicrous «s it is inefficient. We shall very soon have to deter mine our course amidst the evils which corrupt and treacherous Eu i ope leaves for our choice ; but one thing is certain, ii we are true to ourselves, we shall view their folly with a conscious dignity and heart that crown from descending to his fa- nily. In ail these contests, the cour age, perseverance, and fortitude of our ancestors, conspicuous as they were, were not more so than their wisdom ; for talk as long as we will about Rights, Liberties, Franchises, Privileges and Immunities, of what tvail are any, or all these together, if opinions i otten boroughs, respecting placemen and pensioners sitting in the House ; or, in short, for making any declara tion, giving any opinion, stating anv fact, betraying any feeling, whether by writing, by word or by mouth, or by gesture, which may displease any of the gentlemen assembled in St. Stephen’s Chapel ? Then again as to the kind of pun ishment ; why should they stop at sending persons to jail. If they can send whom they please to jail ; if they can keep the persons, so sent, in jail; as long as they please ; if they can set their prisoners free at the end of the first hour, or keep them confined for seven years; if, in short, their absolute will is to have the force of law, what security can you have that they will stop at imprisonment together by means which it is not ne cessary for me to describe. In order to give to this subject all the attention to which it is entitled, and to avoid the danger to lie appre bended from partial views and per sonalfeeling, it will he advisable to argue the question on its own merits, putting the individual (however we may deplore his present sufferings) out of view; though, at the same- time, every man ought to consider the case his own ; because should tin- principle upon which the gentlemen of tlu: House of Commons have- thought proper to act in this instance, cells, and load them with chains and bolts? They have not gone these lengths yet; but what is there to restrain them, if they are to be sole our persons can, at the sole will and judges ol the extent of their own pow although the variety* of the flag be ascertained, and of which the result is either the impressment of indivi duals, or the confiscation of merchan dise, or the application of arbitrary laws or regulations. His Majesty could place no reli ance on the proceedings of the Unit ed States, who having no ground of complaint against France, comprised her in their acts of exclusion, and since the month of May, have for bidden the entrance of their ports to French vessels under the penalty of confiscation* As soon as his majes ty was informed of this measure he considered himself bound to order reprisals on American vessels, not only in his territory, but likewise in the countries which were under his [•‘influence. In the ports of Holland, ? If they have the absolute power of ini-^P a ' n * °* and Naples, Aine- prisoning and releasing, why may ncan vessc s “ a ' c ^ ctn seized, be- thev not send their prisoners to Yor"k' cause jail, as well as to a jail in London r Why not confine men in solitary the command of any man, or set of men, be seized on, thrown into prison, and there kept during the pleasure of that man, or set of men ? If everyone of you he liable at any time, to be sent to jail without trial, and with out oath made against you, and there be detained as long as it pleases the pat ties sending you there (perhaf to the end of your life) without any court to appeal to, without any means of redress ; if this be the case, shall we still boast of the laws and liber ties ot England ? Volumes have been wiitten by foreigners as well as be once admitted, it is impossible fori 1 '.'' our own countrymen in praise of any one to conjecture how soon he P art0 ^ our ^ a ' v > which, in soad- himself mav be summoned from his mirahle a manner provides for our dwelling, and be hurried without tri al, and without oath made against him, from the bosom of his family, into the clutches of a jailor. It is, therefore, now the time to resist the doctrine upon which Mr Jones has been sent to Newgate ; or, it is high lime to cease all pretensions to those liberties, which were acquired by our forefathers, alter so many struggles, and so man)’ sacrifices. Eitiier the House of Commons is authorised to dispense with the laws of the land, or it is not. If the Con stitution be of so delicate a texture, so weak a frame, so fragile a substance, that it is only to be spoken of in terms >1 admiration, and to be viewed merely as a piece of curious but un profitable workmanship ; if Magna ft it satisfaction, that we do not par-'Charta, and all the wholesome laws ' .cipate m their eventual disgrace. Let Dome, ticjllirmfacttires be fos tered, a National Spirit cherished, and the nation itself be armed and disciplined. We must rely upon ourselves, and the sooner this convic tion becomes universal the better. The Debut of the Marquis, of Wellesley. The* British secretary for foreign affairs (Lord Wellesley) appears for ;he first time to the people of the U- nited States, in his recent enmmuni ations to our minister, Mr. Pink ney. It is fair to.remember, that when only speaking unrecorded word*, he rather blamed Mr. Jack- eon, gave voluntary, correct and sn- tislSetory assurances, that lie would be withdrawn, and replaced by a res- pectabl - successor, with a view to a desired adjustment. But in his lei- i r ot March 14th, which he com- lnHt.d to write lor ten weeks, he ; vows that the British government do not iilame Mr. Jackson, or in < t ur winds acquit him, refers to hi •ai, '-.ueh as Harvey, Drake, llailt of England, be a dead letter ; in that case the affirmative ot the propositi on may be admitted ; but if the con stitution lives, and is applicable to its end, namely, the happiness of the community, the perfect security of the life, liberty and property of each member, of all the members of the so ciety, then the affirmative of the pro position can never be admitted ; then must we be free men \ no better security, no ml protection, for our rights and li berties, than the Laws atiu Constitu tion. We seek ior, and we need seek for nothing new ; we ask for no a,ore than our forefathers insisted upon as their own ; we ask lor no more than they bequeathed unto us ; we ask for no more than what they, in th Testament which some ot them had sealed, and which the lest of then were ready to seal with their blood expptssly declared to be “ the birth ugin ol the people of England,* hiamel j ,“ the laws of England.’’—T !these Jaws, we have a right to look vith confidence, for security , i personal safety against any attacks of men in power.—This has, indeed, been in all ages, the pride of our coun try ; and it is the maintenance of this principle which enabled us to escape that bondage, in which all the States and Kingdoms in Europe are en thralled by abandoning and yielding it up ; and we may be assurred that if we now abandon it the bright days of England’s glorv will set in the night of her disgrace But, I would fain believe that such is not to be our fate. Our Forefa thers made stern grim-visaged Pre rogative hide his head, they broke in pieces his sharp and massy sword. And shall w e, their sons, be af raid to enter the lists with undefined privi lege, assuming the powers of Pre rogative ? I should be told, perhaps, that there is not much danger of this pow er being very frequently exercised. This same apology may be made foi the exercise of any power whatever I do not suppose that the gentlemen of the house of commons will send any of you to jail, when you do not displease them. Mr. Yorke did not move for the sending of Mr. Jones for we need'to jail, until Mr. Jones displeased more power- him ; but it is not a very great com pliment to pay any constitution, to say that it docs not permit a man to be imprisoned, unless he lias done something to displease persons in power. It would be difficult, I should suppose, to find any man upon earth, however despotic his disposition, who would not be contented with the (.c , respccti ■tun, and •civ C\ Ml'.'WCd ncnhagi in; ticsc law; >y: a d i. is tii • individual thro’ m , now iinpi: icd for re Americans have seized French vessels. The Americans cannot hesitate r.s to the part which they are to take : they ought either to tare to pieces the act of their inde pendence, and to become again as before the revolution, the subjects of England, or to take such measures as that their commerce and their in dustry should not he tariffed (tariffs) by the English, which renders them more dependant than Jamaica, which, at least has its assembly of represen tatives and its privileges. ’ Men without just political views, -.vithbUt honor, without energy, may allege' that payment of the tribute imposed by England may be submitted to, because it is light; but whv do they not perceive that the English will no sooner have obtained the admission of the principle than they will raise the tariff, in such way that the bur den at first light becoming insupport- necssary to fight ers, and if they are to exercise those powers without any control, and with out leaving the parties, whom they choose to punish, any mode of ap peal, any means of redress. That a power such as this should exist in any country it is lamentable to be obliged to believe ; but that it should be suffered to exist, aiul that its existence should be openlv and even boastfully avowed, in country, whose chief glory has been its free constitution of government, is something too monstrous to be he lieved, if the proof were not before our eyes. Had the least doubt hung^e,"it will then be upon my mind of the illegality ol the f or ] lonor proceeding in the present case, it would have been altogether removed by* the answers given to the referen ces made by* me to the Great Lu minaries of our law, and to the laws themselves. The arguments bv which I endeavored lo convince the gentlemen of the house of commons, that their acts in the case of Mr. [ones were illegal, I shall now lay before you in a more full and connect ed way than it possibly could have been done by the parliamentary re porters ; and in doing this I shall do all that remains in my power towards the correction of this, as I deem it most enormous abuse of power, and most dangerous of all encroachments upon the rights and liberties of En glishmen. I remain, Gentlemen, your most obedient humble servant. FRANCIS BURDETT. Piccadilli/, March 23, 1810. ___ DOMESTIC. OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS Triplicate. Extracts of a letter from Gen. Arm strong to the Secretary of Slate, dated Paris 17th February, 1810. “ The note from Mr. Champag- ny, a copy of which is enclosed, was received yesterday* ” This goes by the way of Eng land and may not he much later in reaching you than my* dispatch of the 28th ult. which took the same route.” 1 lie undersigned has rendered an account to his Majesty the Emperor uul Kitic. of ih g, ot the conversation he lias rower of sending to prison, duringliiad with Mr. Armstrong, Ministei lis pleasure, every one who shouhi Plenipotentiary of the United States lure to do any thing to displease America, iiis Majesty authorises .im.—Besides, when I am told, that him to give the following answer:- here is little danger that the Gen- His majesty should consider his ■uun ol the House of Common*- vill often exercise this power, 1 can- iot help observing, that though tin xamples may lie lew, their effect will .uturally be great r.r.d general. Aijcouucii, and above The undersigned avows with frank ness that France has every* thing to gain from receiving well the Ameri cans in her ports. Her commercial relations with neutrals are advanta geous to her. She is in no wav jea lous of their prosperity. Great, pow erful and rich, she is satisfied when by* her own commerce or by that of neutrals, her exportations give to her agriculture and her fabrics the pro per developemcnt. It is now thirty years since the Uni ted States of America founded, in he bosom of the new world, an in dependent country, at the price of the blood of so many immortal men, who perished on the field of battle, to throw of the leaden yoke of the English monarch. I hese generous men were far from supposing when they thus sacrificed their blood for the independence of America, that thei e would so soon be a question whether there should be imposed up on it a yoke more heavy than that which they had thrown off, by sub jecting its industry to a tariff of Bri tish legislation and to the orders in council of 1807. If then the minister of America can enter into an engagment, that the American vessels will not submit to the orders in council of England, of November, lS07,nor to any decree of blockade, unless this blockade should be real, the undersigned is authori sed to conclude every species of con vention tending to renew the treaty of commerce with America, apd in which all the measures proper to con solidate file commerce and the pros- peritvofthc Americans, shall be pro vided for. I he undersigned has considered it his duty to answer the verbal over tures ot the American ministtr by* a, 1 ritten note, that the President of the United States mav the better know iecrces ot Berlin and of Milan, a lolating the principles of eternal jus u e, ii they were not the compelled onsequence ot the British orders i- die friendly intentions of France to- all, of thn.»o ol; wards the‘United States, and her fa