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Voi.. I. THE GEORGIA JOURNAL. MILLEDGEVILLE, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 8, 1810. No 41 PUBLISHED by seaton grantland, lution not to remove the Embargo. except by substituting war measures against both belligerents, unless ei ther or both should relax their res trictions upon neutral commerce. Upon this subject some important communications have been made to me by Mr. Madison, and several of the members of this goverement, which I will accordingly lay before you, as I confidently believe they were delivered from an unfeigned de sire that they might produce the ef fect of leading if possible to some ad- (pRINTER TO THE STATE,) ON JEF- , PERSON STREET, OPPOSITE THE NORTH END OF THE STATE-HOUSE. TERMS THREE DOLLARS PER AN NUM, ONE HALF TO BE PAID IN AD VANCE. ADVERTISEMENTS WILL BE THANK FULLY RECEIVED, AND PUBLISHED AT THE CUSTOMARY PRICES. (£7° Maj. Benj. Taliaferro, will be a candidate at the ensu ing election, to represent the citi -ens of Baldwin, in the Senate this State. August 1. 40 ■ ■ tf. Wanted, A so^er. indudrious Weaver. One who underftinds his bulinefa may receive the higheft wages in cadi, and his hoard ; for particulars, enquire at this Office. April 10 24—</* j-justment of their differences with G. actual state of the affairs of this coun- Britain, so as to enable the govern-jtry, the particular situation of the mentand the nation to extricate them-government and ruling party, and selves from the present very distres-jlrom certain private but important sing dilemma in which they arc invol ved. Mr. Madison expressed his firm Holt’s Ferry. All persons travelling on horse-back, may cross at my Ferry for half price. Thaddeus Holt. March 13 20—tf Take Notice ! f T forwarn all perfona from harboring or trading with my wife Eliza, the having left my bed and board without any provocati on. AH thofe afting in contravention of this notice, will be profecuted to the ut nioft rigor of the law. James Cupp. July 85. 39 26t. Great Britain and the United States, and that he thought that the obvious advantages which would thereby re sult to both countries were a suffici ent pledge of the sincerity of his sen timents. The reasons which induce me to believe that the views and determi nations of this government, as des cribed to me by Mr. Madison, are their real sentiments, and that they will pursue that course of conduct which they have marked out, arise from a mature consideration of the conviction that when the documents referred to in the President’s Message should be seen bv his majesty’s go vernment, and the correspondences between their minister in France with the French minister respecting the de crees of Berlin and Milan,should be deliberately considered ; particularly communications which have been made to me by some of the members of the administration, who are sin- cen.lv desirous of a concilation with G. Britain. It is evident from every thing which has lately taken place in this country, that the people at large arc desirous of h living the Embargo removed ; but it is also to be collected from the result of the elections throughout th hem that their sentiments coincidt with those of Mr. Madison, whicl I have detailed at some ier.gth in tip preceding number of inv dispatches respecting the proper course of con duct which ought to be pursued b\ the United States, in their present situation although they had differed as to the propriety of laying on the Embargo, as a measure of defence, and had thought that it would have been better to have resorted to mea sures of a more decided nature at first, but that now they had no other means left, but to continue it for a short time longer, and then in the event of no change taking place in the conduct of the belligerents towards the United States, to endeavor to assert their rights against both pow ers ; but that if either should relax in their aggressions, they said they would vote for taking part with that one against the other which should continue its aggressions President to place the conduct of G Britain and France towards the U- tiled States in a fair light before the .jublic. He seemed to check him- ;elf at the moment he was speaking ipon that subject, and I could not get him to express himself more dis tinctly, hut I could clearly collect from his manners, and from some slight insinuations, that he thought the President had acted with par tiality towards France.—For he turned the conversation immediate lv upon the character of Mr. Ma dison, and said that he could not be accused of having such a bias towards France : and remarked that Mr. Madison was known to be an admirer of the British constitution, to be generally well disposed towards the nation, & to be entirely free from any enmity to its general prosperity. He, appealed to me, whether I had not observed that he frequently spoke with approbation of its institutions, its by the committee of Foreign Relati ons in their report to the House of the strong remonstrance of Mr. Arm- United States, that the present ruling Representatives, and which had al The Subscriber Will either sell or lease for a term of years, his Property in this place Possession will be given the 1st of January next. A. M‘Millan August 1. 40 2t. Valuable Land For Sale. T IE Subscriber offers for sale his frac tion, No. 222, on the Garrison Toad about 12 miles from MilledeeviHe Thr strong to the French government of the 12th Nov. 180T, that it would be acknowledged that the United States had exerted all the efforts which re monstrances could have been sup posed to be capable of producing, and that in failure of any effect from them, in pursuading the French go vernment to withdraw their unjust restrictions upon neutral commerce, recourse might have been had by the United States to measures of more activity and decision against France ; but that in the mean time Great Bri tain had issued her Orders in Coun cil, before it was known whether the United States would acquiesce in the aggressions of France, and thereby rendered it impossible to distinguish between the conduct of the two bel ligerents, who had equally commit party have a decided majority of theb'eady passed in the committee of people with them, and as they have ' pledged themselves not to repeal it, while the restrictions upon their neu tral rights continue in force by both belligerents, without substituting war measures, and as they themselves acknowledge “ that the ultimate and only effectual mode of resisting such warfare, if persisted in, is war,” and that a permanent suspension of commerce would not properly be re sistance, but submission I cannot therefore conceive that it would be ic whole House, and would perhaps soon pass into a law, seemed to him to remove two very important grounds of difference with Great Bri tain, viz. the non-importation act, as applicable to her alone, and the Pi •esident’s proclamation, whereby die ships of Great Britain were ex cluded from the ports of the United States, while those of France were per mitted to enter, but now, by the non- intercourse law both powers were placed on the same footing; he did not possible for them to retract their de-jpretend to say that this measure had durations, and indeed, they wouldibecn taken from any motive of con- not have the power of continuing the cession to Great Britain ; but as in Embargo more than six months, and tact those consequences followed, he tract contains no 1-2 acres, the quality ofj b - . ,, . , the land is good—about 60 ac res enclosed W aggressions against the Lmted It is an excellent ftand for a Tavern and States. Store. My 8. Charles Gildon. 28—14t. D'OaiESTI The correspondence between Mr. Canning and Mr. Erskine laid before the House of lords of Great Britain, and printed by their order, contains four letters from Mr. Erskine which do not appear to have been published in any English or American newspa per. They are now published from a printed copy lately put into our hands, all the other papers contain ed in that collection having already appeared in the papers.—A at. Int. (No. 8) He went also into all the argu ments upon that subject which are detailed in his correspondences with the American ministers in London and Paris, as published in the docu ments referred to in the President’s Message, but which I do not now re peat, as my object is merely to inform you of the result of his observations which was, that as the world must be convinced that America had in vain taken all the means in her pow er to obtain from G. Britain and France a just attention to her rights as a neutral power, by representati ons and remonstrances, that she would be fully justified in having re course to hostilities with either belli gerent, and that she only hesitated to from the difficulty of contend- Dispitch from the Honorable David d° so ? . . , , , , . ' J - - - „ . mg with both ; but that she must be of course, therefore, they must sub stitute war measures when it should be withdrawn, unless they were to a- bandon all the principles they have laid down, and to change all the re solutions which they have so une quivocally expressed. It is true that they might possibly do so, if they found themselves pres sed by the number and strength of their opponents, or by a change in the opinions of their majority amongst the people ; but it is plain from the decision in the House of Representa tive in Congress, upon the resolutions proposed by the committee appoint ed to consider the subject of their Foreign Relations, which were car ried by a majority of eighty-four to twenty-one, that they have not lost any ground in the present Congress, and the result of the elections for members of Congress, proves, that ul- tho’ they have lost some votes in the Eastern states, that they will have Erskine to Mr. Secretary Canning, dated IVashin^ton, 3d December, 1808. Sir, The government and Congress have been quite at a loss how to act in the present extraordinary and em barrassing situation of their public affairs, and they have not yet deter mined upon the measures which they mean to pursue ; but I think that I may venture to assure you that the Course of conduct recommended by the committee of the House of Re presentatives, to which was referred ’ the Documents mentioned in the Pre sident’s Message to Congress, will Mr. Gallatin remarked to tfle, thati ener gy Rid spirit, and that he was the resolutions which were proposed thoroughly well versed in its histo ry, literature and arts. These observations he made at that time for the purpose of contrasting the sentiments of Mr. Madison with those of the President, as he knew that I must have observed that Mr. Jefferson never spoke with approba tion of any thing that was British and always took up French topics in his conversation, and always praised the people and country of France, and never lost an opportunity of shewing his dislike to G. Britain. At the close of my interview with Mr. Gallatin, he said in a familiar way, “ You see, sir, wc could settle a treaty in my private room in two haurs, which might perhaps be found to be as lasting as if it was bound up in all the formalities of a regular sys tem ; and might he found as reci procally useful as to a treaty consist ing of twenty-four articles, in which the intricate points of intercourse might he in vain attempted to be re conciled to the opposite, and perhaps, jealous views of self-interest of ttye respective countries.” I have taken the liberty of detail ing to you the substance of this unof ficial conversation with Mr. Galla- an, in order to explain to you the grounds upon which I have formed my opinion that the members of the present government who it is expect ed will belong also to the next, would be desirous of settling the differences of the United States with Great Bri tain to enable them to extricate the country and themselves from the dif ficulties in which they are involved ; for it is now, I believe, determthed that Mr. Gallatin will accept his pre conceived they might be considered as removing the two great obstacles to a conciliation. This he wished might be the case, as he intimated to me that such steps were about to be taken by Congress upon another very important subject of the differ ences between the two countries, as might have a further effect in leading to a favorable adjustment of them He informed me, that a law was a- bout to be proposed to Congress, and which he believed would pass, to in terdict all American vessels fron receiving on board any foreign sea men, under heavy penalties or for feitures, and that already the ships of war of the United States had been ordered not to receive any, and to discharge such as were at that time driven even to endeavour to maintain her rights against the two greatest powers in the World, unless either of them should relax their restricti ons upon neutral commerce, in which case the United States would at once side with that power against the o- ther which might continue its aggres sions. Mr. Madison observed to me that it must be evident that the United States would enter upon measures of hostility with great reluctance, as he acknowledged that they are not at all prepared for war, much less with a mower so irresistibly strong as Great on board. This subject is alsoallu ded to by Mr. Giles, the Senator, in. - bis speech, who is high in the con- sent ofiice under Mr. Madison, fidence of the government, and, it is which was at one time doubted. said, is to be Mr. Madison’s Secre The character of Mr. Gallatin mus. great majority out of the whole num-jtary of State, Mr. Gallatin also said, P e well known to you, to be he m her of the nc -.t Congress. that he knew that it was intended by the greatest respect in this country For these reasons I conclude that'the United States to abandon the at- for his unrivalled talents as a fman- tempt to carry on a trade with the cier am * as a statesman the government party could carry along with them the support of the people in the measures which they might I resolve to take, and have al ready explained why I believe they will adopt the course of conduct which I have described in the foregoing part of this dispatch, arising out of the state of the country and their own particular situation, and I will there fore proceed to explain mv private in substance, at least, be adopted for power so irresistibly strong Britain, and that nothing would be thought to be too great a sacrifice to tbe present, with certain amendments so as to give some time previous to its going into operation. It is not, however, denied by those even who have introduced this mea s, Are that it is only of a temporary nature, and that the United States may he driven to adopt a more deci-ng ded course of conduct against the ligerents, and therelore the alte belligerents before the present Con- tives were Embargo or War. lie con gress closes, or at anv rate soon after fessed that the people of this countrj the meeting of the new legislature, in were beginning to think the tormerl There can- colonies of belligerents in time of war which was not allowed in time of peace, and to trust to the being per mitted by the French to carry on such trade in peace so as to entitle them to a continuance of it in time of tv ai In this manner he observed all the points of differences between Great Britain and the United States might reasons for feeling confirmed in their.be smoothed away (was his expres- opinions, and will have the honour sion) and that the United States of laying before you some important would be willing to put the inter communications which were made'eourse with Great Baitain upon a to me by some of the members of perfect footing of reciprocity, and government, unofficially,butwitliDvould either consent to the arrange the preservation of peace, excep mr 1 llm thev m ; g h t produce a'ment that the ships of both nations Independence and their honor. ^ TTavorable effect towards a concilia-.should pay the same duties rccipro- tion with G. Britain. I beg leave tally, or place each other simply up to refer you to my next number in on the footing of the most favored which they are detailed. said that he did not believe that any Americans would be found willing to submit to (what he termed) the en croachments upon the liberty oi the hts of the United States by the bel- rna- I have the honor to he, with the highest respect, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, I). M. ERSKINE. consequence of the feelings and sen timents of the Eastern division ot the United States, which has almost uni versal! v expressed a disapprobation of the continuance of the Embargo, and has begun to shew symptoms ot a dr termination not to endure it much longer. The government and party in pow er unequivocally express their reso- alternative too passive, perhaps soon prefer the latter as even less injurious the interests and more congenial with the spirit ot a free people. He declared to me that every o- oinion which he entertained respect ing the best interests ol his count! \ .cd him to wish that a good under- -tar.ding sh> ulil take place be tv een (No. 9.) Dispatch from the honorable David Erskine to Mr. Secretary Canning, dated Washington, 4.-th Dec. 1803 Sir, In the course of several private interviews which I had with Mr. nation. I have no doubt that these commu nications were made with a sincere desire that they might produce the effect of conciliation, because it is well known that Mr. Gallatin has long thought that the restrictive and jealous system of non-importation laws, extra duties, and other modes of checking a free trade with Great Britain have been erroneous and highly injurious to the interests of America ; he informed me,distinct- Gallatin the Secretary of the Treasu-j'y, that he had always entertained r V and with Mr. Smith, Secretary I hat opinion, and that he had um- ,'fYhe Navy, I have collected from['ormly endeavoured to pursuade the not I think be any reasonable doubt entertained that he is heartily oppo sed to French agrandizement, and to the usurpations of Bonaparte. He was an enthuseist in favor of the French revolution, in the early peri od of it, but has long since abandon ed the favorable opinions he had en tertained respecting it, and has view ed the progress of France towards universal dominion with jealousy and regret. How far the good will of this go vernment and country towards Great Britain may be worth, in the estima tion of his Majesty’s government, the sacrifice of the orders in council and of the impression which they might he expected to makeon France, it would be presumptuous in me to ventuic to calculate, but I am tho roughly persuaded that at that price it might be obtained. I have endeavored, by the most strict and diligent enquiries into the s and strength of the federal party to ascertain to what extent the r would be willing and able to resist die measures of the party in power, and how far they could carry the o- pinions of this country along with them in their attempts to remove the .•mbargo, withput recurring to hosti lities both against Great Britain and France. Upon a nurture consideration cf