Newspaper Page Text
communication of my sentiments in
this new and extraordinary crisis of
our r.ffairs, I cannot conclude with*
cut expressing the gratification I
should feel, if some of tho«-e persons
with whom the early habits of my
life were formed, would strengthen
my hands, and constitute a part ol
mv Government. With such sup
port, and aided by a vigorous and
united administration formed on tlie
most lil eral basis, I shall look with
additional confidence to a prosperous
issue of the most arduous contest in
which Britain was ever engaged—
You are authorized to communicate
these sentiments to Lord Grey, who,
I have no doubt will make them
known to Lord Grenville.
“I am'always, my dearest Fre
derick, your ever affectionate Bro
ther.
(Signed) “ GEORGE, P. R.
" Carlton Houfe, February is, IBIS.
“ P. S. 1 shall send a copy of this
letter immediately to Mr. Perceval.”
Letter of Lords Grey and Gren
ville, in answer to the above : ■ ■
“ February 15,1812.
Sir—We beg leave most hum
bly to express to your Royal High
ness, our dutiful acknowledgments
for the gracious and condescending
manner in which you have had t!r
goodness to communicate to us the
letter of his Royal Highness the
Prince Regent, on the subject of the
arrangements to be now made for the
future administration of the public
affairs, and we take thfc liberty of a-
vailing ourselves of your gracious
permission, to address to your
Royal Highness in this form, what
has occurred to us in consequence
of that communication.—The Pi ince
Regent, af ter expressing to your Roy
al Highness in that letter his senti
ments on various public matters has,
in the concluding paragraph, condes
cended to intimate his wish, that
some of those persons with whom the
early habits t.f his public life were
formed, would strengthen his Royal
Highnest, hands, and constitute a
pan of his Government ! And his
lloyal Highness, is pleased to add,
that with such support, aided by a
vigorous and united Administration,
formed on the most liberal basis, he
would look with additional confidence
to a prosperous issue of the most
arduous contest in which G. Britain
has been engaged. On the other
parts of his Royal Highness’ letter
we do rat presume to offer any ob
servations ; but in the concluding
paragraph, in so far as we may vtn
ture to suppose ourselves included in
the gracious wish which it expresses,
we owe it, in obedience and duty to
his Royal Highness, to explain our
selves with frankness aud sincerity.
We beg leave most earnestly to as
sure his Royal Highness, that no sa
crifices, except those of honour and
duty, could appear to us too great to
be made, for the purpose of healing
the divisions of our country, and uni
ting both its government and its peo
ple. All personal exclusions we en
tirely disclaim ; we rest on public
measures ; and it is on this ground
alone that we must express, without
reserve, the impossibility of our u-
niting with the present Government.
Our differences of opinion are too
many and too important to admit of
such an union. His Royal Highness
will, we are confident, do us the jus
tice to remember, that we have twice
already acted on this gl impressi
on ; in 1809, on the proposition
then made to us under his Majesty’s
authority ; and last year, when his
Royal Highness was pleased to re
quire our advice respecting the for
mation of a new Government. The
reasons which \vc then humbly sub
mitted to him are strengthened by
the increasing dangers of the time ;
nor has there down to the present
moment, appeared even any approx
imation towards such j»n agreement
of opinion on the public interests, as
can alone form a basis for the honor
able union of parties previously op
posed to each ether. Into the de
tail of those differences we are un
willing to enter: they embrace al
most all the leading features of the
present policy of the empire ; but ’ is
Royal Highness, has himself been
pleased to advert to the late delibe
rations of Parliament on the affairs
of Ireland. This subject, above all
others is important in itself and con-
r eettd with the mest pressing dan
gers. Far from concurring in the
btntiments which his Majesty’s ^lin
isters have on that occasion so re
cently expressed, we entertain opi
nions directly opposite » we are firm-
V persuaded of the necessity of a to
tal change in the present system of
that country, and of the immediate
repeal of those civil disabilities un
der which so large a portion of his
Majesty’s subjects still labour on
account of their religious opinions.
Io recommend to Parliament this
repeal, is the first advice which it
would be our duty to offer to his
Royal Highness, could we, even for
the shortest time, make ourselves
responsible for any further delay in
the prospect of a measure without
which we could entertain no hope of
rendering ourselves useful to his Roy
al Highness, or to the country. We
have only further to beg your
Royal Highness to lav before his
Royal Highness the Price Regent,
the exprssion of our earnest wishes
for whatever may best promote the
ease, honor and advantages of his
Royal Highness’ Government, and
the success of his endeavors for the
public welfare.
We have the honor to be &c.
(Signed) “ GREY.
“GRENVILLE.”
To his Royal H'ghnefj the Duke of Yorke.
ORDERS IN COUNCIL.
In the English House of Com
mons the 13th of Februbary, Mr.
Whitbread brought forward his pro
mised biotion for the production of
papers relating to the Orders, and of
their bearing upon America.
Mr. Perceval (the Premier) re
plied to Mr. Whitbread. From the
declarations of the Minister in this
Speech, we have no hope of the re
peal ol the Orders in Council. The
following are extracts from the
Speech :—
Mr. Perceval said, “ he agreed
with the hon. gentleman (Mr. Whit
bread,) in considering the subject as
one ol extreme importance and in
terest. It was, moreover, a subject
of great importance to us whether
it was this country that should be
forced into a war (if war could not
be avoided) by America, or whethet
the war should proceed from any
misconduct on the part of the Bri
tish government. He must howe
ver, always maintaiu, that as to the
spirit of conciliation always profes
sed between the two countries, it
was most sincere upon our part.—
The government was alive to all the
advantages of reconciliation with A-
merica; but still they felt it their
imperious duty not to abandon those
maritime rights which this country
had ever maintained, and which, if
once relinquished, would leave the
country but little more to give up.”
Again—
“ He thought the gentlemen who
supported the original measure in
1806, (Mr. Fox’s blockade) ought
not now to be the persons to raise
their voice against the justice and
the policy of tho measures since
pursued. He should be at all times
ready to maintain, that they were
consistent with justice and policy,
and with the relation which 6tates
bear to each other, in the extraordi
nary circumstances in which the
world is placed at the present mo
ment. When the hon. gentleman
talked of mercantile distress, and at
tributed it all to the Orders in Coun
cil, he must positively deny that it
was occasioned by those measures ;
on the contrary it was' owing to
them the distress was not much grea
ter. It was to what was called the
Continental system that this mercan
tile distress was -owing; and this
system had been much controuled
and checked in its progress by the
Orders in Council. As the hon.
gentleman has professed not now to
enter into the argument of the jus
tice and policy, of those measures,
he should also content himself with
just glancing, as she has done, at
the reasons which-made him consi
der them neither unjust nor impoli
tic. He deprecate hostilities with
America (if they could be avoided)
as much as any man; for he agreed
with the hon. gentleman, in believ
ing that the true prosperity of A-
nierica would produce the prosperi
ty of Britain ; and that there was
much greater advantage to be deri
ved from the wealth of America,
in a friendly commerce, than could
be expected from provoking hef to
war. Under these impressions, he
thought that peace should be main,
tained and preserved as long as
it could be preserved, without aban
doning those maritime rights which
this country had always claimed and
exercised. But although he saw great
evil in a war with America, yet he
cuutd not conceive it an qyil of so
great a magnitude as it appeared
to the honorable gentleman, who
looked to it as likely to produce
the ruin of the British empire. No
one circumstance would be found
in all the papers between America
and France, which shewed the least
intention of diminishing in any man
ner the real effect of the Berlin and
Milan decrees. The Continental
system was to be preserved in all its
force, & there was not to be the slight
t ot relaxation in favor of this coun
try, of a single point of it, even if it
should consent to abandon the Orders
in Council.
Mr. Perceval concluded by ob
serving “ the hon. Gentleman seem
ed to think, that the correspondence
between the two countries was now
finally closed, and that therefore,
there could he no danger in their
production. He, for his part, hoped
that the correspondence was not fi
nally closed ; and while a hope of
that sort remained, however slight,
he would wish to cherish it, and do
nothing which could increase irri
tation.
He thought it possible that there
were points in those discussions which
might still be brought to a favorable
issne, and which could hardly be ex
pected if those matters were publicly
discussed in that house. He was
extremely desirous to believe that the
final issue might be different from
what appeared the ptesent state of
thing and therefore he did not feel
himself at liberty to go freely into
such a discussion until the final de
termination. There were many points
in the conduct of America which he
could not now characterize by those
epithets that he would conceive him
self justified in using, if an amicable
settlement of those points became
impossible.”
For the motion 23—against it 136.
Yesterday, at three o'clock, Lord
Viscount Castlereagh was introduced
to the Prince Regent, at Carlton house
and received, at the hands of his Roy.
al Highness, the Seals of Chief Se
cretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
In accepting a seat in the Cabinet,
lie has stipulated to come in free as
to the Catholic question ; that is, he is
at liberty to vote for it or against it, as
he likes, but he is ncit pledged either
way, and it is understood that other
persons, who may have voted for the
Catholics, and may be disposed to
coalesce with Ministers will not be
required to read thfeffr recantation, in
order to render theitaselves amiable
to Mr. Perceval.
February 18.
Letter oj the Prince Regent to Mr.
Perceval, dated Carlton House,
Feb. A, 1811.
The?Prince of Wales considers the
moment to be arrived which calls for
his decision with respect to the per
sons to be employed by him in the
administration of the Executive Go
vernment of the country, according
to the powers vested in him by the
Bill passtd by the two Houses of par
liament, and now on the point of re
ceiving the sanction of the Great Seal.
The Prince feels it incumbent up
on him, at the present juncture, to
communicate to Mr. Perceval his in
tention not to remove from their sta
tions those whom ho finds there, as
his Majesty Official servants. At
th£ same time the Prince owes it to
the truth and sincerity of character,
which, he trusts will appear in every
action of his life, in whatever situa
tion placed, explicitly to declare, that
the irresistible impulse of filial duty
and affection to his beloved and af
flicted Father, lead him to dread
that any act of the Regent might, in
in the smallest degree, have the ef
fect of interfering with the progress
of his Sovereign’s recovery. This
consideration alone dictates the de
cision now communicated to Mr.
Perceval.
Having thus performed an act of
indispensible duty, from a just sense
of what is due to hit own consistency
and honour, the Prince has only to
add, that among the man) blessings
to be derived from his majesty’s res
toration to health, and .o the personal
exercise of his Royal Functions, it
will not in the Prince’s estimation,fie
the least, that that most fortunate e_
vent will at oucc rescue him from a si
tuation of unexampled embarrass-,
ment, & put an end to a state of affairs,
ill calculated he fears to sustain the
interests of the United Kingdom, in
this awful and perilous crisis, and
most difficult to be reconciled to the
genuine principles of the British Con
stitution.
A very hot press took place on the
river early yesterday morning. The
Fcrcibl« were oollcd out to assist the
impress service. About 2C0 r.'fti
were taken on board the Tender in
consequence.
March 9.
Disturbances at Nottingham. The
town of Nottingham on sunday pre.
sen ted a novel, and in some degree,
a terrific appearance. The military’
attended divine service with fixed
bayonets. An opinion prevailed,
that an attempt was to be made up
on the county prison- for the libera
tion of the persons confined there
on suspicion of being concerned in
the breaking of frames : a guard of
twelve soldiers was therefore placed
at the prison to prevent surprise.
An express arrived on Saturday for
as many hutsars as could be spared,
to proceed to Sheffield, the soldiers
being drawn from thence to Hud
dersfield, &c.
March 12.
The Gazette of Saturday contains
the following appointments Lord
Castlereagh to be one of his majes
ty’s principal secretaries of state ;
Cholmondelly, lord steward of the
h> useliold ; the marquis of Hert
ford lord Chamberlain ; the marquis
of Winchester, groom of the Stole ;
and J. Simeon, esq. (master in chan
cery) count Munster, and colonel H.
Taylor, commissioners for the man
agement of the king’s property.
The total amount of taxes, fcc. ap
plicable to the service of the public,
deducting ths charge upon the con
solidated fund for the year ending
Jan. 5, 1810, is 25,748,807/.; 1811,
30,415,940/.; 1812,26,830,591/.
March 13.
The earl of Guilford, lord Say and
Sele, and several other noblemen,
have been applied to by His Royal
Higness, with an earnest solicitation
to act with Mr. Perceval, but they
have all steadily though respectively
declined all connection with that
learned gentleman.
New York, March 30.
The Emperor of the French has
seized on Swedish Pomerania, as
part of a plan to appropriate to him
self the whole southern coast of the
Baltic.
The London Statesman, of the 13 th
ult. contains a long article on the sub
ject of American affairs, & observes,
that it was believed, that Bonaparte
intended to send the Scheldt fleet
out half manned to the United States,
where they were to receive a full com
pliment of American Seamen. The
editor notices this with great since
rity, and really believes the fafct—
To meet this new calamity (savs the
editor) our WISE and ENERGE
TIC rulers have ordered a number of
ships of war to be commissioned, and
press warrants to raise seamen ; but
let the Pilots ol the nation beware,
before it is too late, of the consequen
ces of provoking hostilities with the
United States.
©onu^tic.
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE.
IN SENATE.-—February 22.
Mr. Burnside from the committee to
whom was referred the eighth item
of the governor’s address relating
to the amelioration, revision, and
consolidation of the penal code ;
and the petitions of sundry citizens
of this commonwealth, on the sub-
i ect of abolishing the punishment
>y death, and the substitution of
hard labour for life in the place
thereof, made further
REPORT,
That they are deeply impressed
with the importance of maintaining a
humane and efficient criminal code
for the preservation of good order
and the promotion of reform amongst
those who under the influence of un
subdued and vicious propensities, of
fend against the laws.
They-cannot withhold their appro
bation ol the benevolent interference
of the ’egislature ; manifested at
different periods, in ameliorating the
punishment, which in times less en
lightened, have been dispensed to
malefactors ; nor can they refuse
their approbation of the sentiment'
of men esteemed for their wisdom,
judgement and experience, who, with
the minds of statesmen, possess the
hearts of philanthropists, whose si
tuation afforded them opportunities
of knowing and witnessing the effects
of ameliorated systems of penal Idws,
as well as those of a severe and san
guinary kind, on the state of socie
ty, and the immediate objects of the
law ; And who have furnished to the
world their decided testimony of the
preference that should be given to the
humane, over the homicidal code.
Bui whilst your committee* take
pleasure in reviewing those a cts of
philanthrophy, which have so justly
exalted the character of Penn ivlva-
nia, and improved the conditi in 0 f
civil society, they feel a decided/, con
viction of the propriety and policy 0 f
extending still further the bou- sdary
of humanity, by abolishing the pun
ishment of death, altogether, th treby
obliterating the last features c. f san
guinary law, that remains to sully
the pages of our criminal jurispru.
dence.
Your committee might refer to thn
weighty and powerful examp! *, fu r .
nished by our divine legislate' r and
redeemer, whose laws are fc unded
on mercy ; whose precept3 bi Tat he
the most benign spirit of wisdoi n and
benevolence, and whose doc trines
teach us humanity and lovt i; by
which we are bound to save, i nther
than destroy, and to afford ever ,'y op*
portunity of repentance and an lend-
ment of life to the violator of tht s law.
Independent of the many f *>und
theological reasons that might I ie ad
vanced to disprove the right which
governments assume, to take away
human life, it is believed tha it am
ple evidence can be exhibit! id on
the ground of political exped iency.
The punishment by death w as in
troduced and has its origin in the
earliest ages, when barbarisi a was
predominant, when legislatior i was
most imperfect, principles of male
volence and revenge dictated a prac
tice so abhorrent to the dignit y and
feelings of rational beings ; L ait in
this enlightened age, the weak plea
of necessity can alone be offere d for
its continuance. Why then * :onti-
nue it ? When it has been de tnon-
stratc J by the reform in the | >enal
code of Pennsylvania, that sine t the
various crimes inferior to wilful m ur
der (which were formerly puni shed
with death) have been punished with
hard labor and solitary confinement;
those offences have been less fre
quented and less atrocious in 4 their
character, notwithstanding the un
precedented increase of population
within the state. This diminiifilon
of crime is to be attributed as well
to the suppression of ignominious
punishments, which are ealeu! ated
to harden the public feeling, as tc * the
nature of the punishments so ha ppi«
1y substituted.
Amongft the various objections to < the
nature of fanguinary laws which r.Sight
be advanced, your committee are f orci.
bly flruck with one which they brfieve
must render a change highly exped jent»
The public fentimt-nt has now become fo
,averse to the punilhment of death, that
when our citizens are required to 'jfet in
judgment on the life ot a fellow m Jrtal,
the tender fympathies of our natur e are
fo' awakened, that it ia difficult to . sffect
the conviction of thofe charged wit h the
horrid crime of murder. From the same
caufe arifes great difficulty in procuring
witnefses j many being dispofed to with
hold information, rather than become
inftruinr ntal in deflroying a human being
in obedience to the law.which they can
not approve- Thus the intention of
the law is defeated ; and thofe who would
cheerfully concur in convicting -offen
ders if the penalty were left than death,
are now the means of their escape
Believing therefore that found pioticy
would be cdnfulted. and a lerious nbfla-
cle to the adminiftration if justice be re
moved, by subflituting imprifonment for
life in every cafe where death is now the
punilhment for murder ; that juries and
witneffes would be unembarreased *in the
profecution of their duties; the culprit
would receive merited punilhment, foci-
ety would be fecure from his future mis
conduct ; and what is of infinite import
tance the hardened offender has *an op
portunity of, and inducement to'repen
tance.
Your committee fubmit the following
refolution, viz.
Resolved, That a committee be ap.
pointed to bring in a bill, abohfhing the
punilhment by death within this com
monwealth, and fubftituting, in lieu
thereof; hard labor for life.
New-Hampshire Election. We
have not received the complete're
turns of the election which took place
in this state a few days ago. It ap
pears however that there will cer
tainly be a Republican Senate and
House of Representatives, and there
will probably be no Election for Go
vernor, owing to the scattering votes,
the Republican candidate being >a
new one and not very generally
known throughout the state. We
shall lay before our readers a com
plete return of the Election- whcnca
ver received—-Vat. Int.
The votes for Governor, in New*
Hampshire, on the 21st March, from:
166 towns stood thus—for Gillman,
14,658—for Plumer, 14,179—twenty
nine towns yet to be heard frooif