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foreign relations (Mr. Porter) that
it was inexpedient to lay an embargo
for 60 days until we were within 60
days of preparation for war, and who
said he was in favor of an embargo
as a preparatory measure.
He “said there could be nothing
more cruel to the merchant, who has
given 10 dollftrsper barrel for ilour,
and who has incurred thc^xpence ol
shipping, &c. to carry it to market.
It will also be the ruin of the plan
ter. He intreatcd t^e house to de
fer it, until the merchant, who has
bought on credit of the planter, can
turn himself. There is no alterna
tive—the merchant must be ruined
and the planter greatly injured.
He wished that we might think of
the mills at Brandywine and Peters
burg. There is no calculating the
benefit which would arise from de
ferring it a week, and no possible
good can arise from hurrying it. If
it is to ruiu the allies upon the Pe
ninsula, upon the argument of gen.
tlcinen, it cannot answer, as no one
can suppose they have not 90 days
supply on hand.
Mr. Wtdgcry spoke with much
passion and warmth in favor of the
embargo and war.
Mr. Stewart said, if it was in or
der, he would aek the gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. Widgery) a few
questions. He would ask that gen
tleman if he was during the last em
bargo a ship owner ? If so, did he
not go to England during the em
bargo ? If so, how did he go ?
Mr. Widgcry answered that he
went by water.
The Speaker said the questions
were not in order.
Mr. Stewart said if they were not
in order he would sit down.
Mr. Minor said, that however
trifling a nature .other gentlemen
might deem the subject under dis
cussion, he must still be allowed to
consider it the most interesting in its
uature, and the most important in its
consequences, of any that had occu
pied the attention of (he house dur
ing this long seesion ; that in many
instances, a much more full conside
ration than it had yet received, had
been given to subjects comparative
ly of far inferior importance ; and
if the ordinary limits of one da*.’s
sitting were not sufficient for the
purpose, it had been usu.l to ad
journ the discussions over from day
to day until it was completed. Mr.
Milnor said he could not see why
this measure, the declared precursor
of almost immediate war, and there
fore involving considerations of aw.
ful moment to the whole communi
ty, should be treated in a different
way. If gentlemen were not dispo
aed to yield to the suggestions of his
friends who had advocated a post
poncment for a few weeks, or for a
few days, he trusted they would not
now object, considering the lateness
of the hour, to postpone the sub ject
for one day. Ihey would not, Mr.
M« hoped, compel the house to conti
nue in session, and finally act upon it
vith bodies and minds too much ex
hausted for the exercise of thut sort
of attention which it merited.
He said he abhorred concealment,
and therefore would frankly avow,
that as the committee of fort ign rela
tions had made known their intention
to submit this proposition, and as lie
had no doubt that many persons
whose ships and cargoes were near
ly ready for foreign voyages, would
avail themselves of the information,
one object of his feeling anxious for
some delay was, that they might ef
fect their wishes before this perni
cious measure should be carried in.
to effect.
But Independent of this consi
deration, certainly a full opportunity
of discussion could not be afforded to
members, if a vote were taken to
night,& without meaning any reflec
tion on gentlemen, Mr. M. tho’t thty
would be better capacitated after the
repose of an adjournment fora cool
and deliberate decision. To be sure,
he said, they had appeared to find
some relief from their fatigue in fun
& merriment, in which the honorable
gentleman from New-York had de
termined this a fit occasion to indulge
—I wish, said Mr. M. the consti
tuents of that learned gentleman, and
other of his fellow citizens whose ruin
will follow the adoption of the mea
sures which he advocates, had occu
pied the galleries of the house during
the delivery of his amusing speech,
that we might have seen whether with
all their respect for his learning and
talents, they cou'd have joint d in the
merriment excited by the honorable
gentleman’s sneers at the seriousness
which, affected on this occasion^
minds differently organized from his
°wn—whether they would have join
. in the boisterous laugh, and clap-
Pmg of hands in which gentlemen
it consistent with their
own characters, and the character of
this house,so vcneraehtly to indulge.
Mr. M. added, for my own part,
Mr. Speaker, I was shocked at ^the
want ot feeling and dignity mani.est-
ed in the speech I have fefered to, and
feci degraded and morticed thut we
are to be led like a troop of buccha.
nals, piping and dancing to the fune
ral oi the peace and happiness of our
country.
Mr. Archer inquired of the spea.
ker, whether, if the gentleman from
Pennsylvania intended to close his
observations with a mere motion of
adjournment it was in order for him
to- proceed.
The Speaker said that he thought
it was not—that ihe tules of the
house must operate equally to ex
clude debate on the part of the mover
of such a proposition, as upon other
members of the house.
Mr. Milnor said had no intenti
on to violate any rule of the house, 8c
yielded with pleasure to the opi
nion of the chair, he therefore moved
to adjourn.
Motion lost.
The question of indefinite post
ponement was then taken, and de
termined in tiie negative—ayes 42,
noes 72.
Mr. Smilie then moved that the
house concur in the amendment ol
the Senate.
Mr. Randolph moved a postpone
ment till Monday next, that it might
produce as little suffering as possible.
Mr. Porter said, he had been a-
gainsl an embaigo at the present
'time-, and war the othef day in favor
of a postponement; he voted against
the engrossment, but finally voted
in favor upon the passage of the bill,
and he should now vote in favor ol
the present motion.
tits of the people, have no longer
aav plausible grounds of hope to held
out. They have uttered falsehoods
so long, they have played oft so ma
ny tricks, that their budget series,
at last to be quite empty. What
will the state of the country he, then,
at the end of the next ten years ?
What sh-ll I have to record, be
fore 1 come to the end ol the next
twenty volumes of this work ? I will
hazard no speculation ; nor, indeed,
is it in the power of any man to iorm
iiriy idea ol what is likely to happen.
But, I think, one may venture to say,
that the conduct of this government
will not: change ;—that, let this par
ty be iu power, the system will, as
POMTICAf.
.muiitiPut, the endeavors to prevent the House of Representative? on Sa
turday last, after a warm struggle.
The recess, we believe, would have
taken place, had it been suggested
for twenty days, instead of neat for
ty, as proposed by the Sena»e.,' -
(Nat. Int.J
it would, of course, become more ac.
tive. The persecution has, therefore,
in all those cases, been the effect of
fear ; anc! it is well known, that cru
elty is never so great as when it has
such a foundation. Look at the
murders .that are committed, and
you will find nine-tenths of them a-
rising from" the same cause. It is
the i'-ar of detection that draws the
murderer’s knife and steels his heart.
Tiie tyrants of Africa are bloody
from fear: they kill others lest those
others should kill them. The per
secution of the propagation of opini
ons, which we have witnessed in the
old governments now no more, have
long as it c*n, go on ; and that it i proceeded from the same cause as
will continue to produce effects si- ( the terrible murders at Marr’s and
milar to those that it has already ) Williamson’s : the fear of exposure,
produced, l/ow long the system will j and the consequent infamy and pu
From Cob/xtt's Weekly Register.
SUMMARY OF POLITICS.
1'hc lust ten yearb.— This day ten
years ago (die 1st of January 1802)
I sat clown to write the first num
ber of the Register. When I look
back to that time, and consider how
the country then stood, what a con
trust presents itself to my mind 1 The
preliminaries of peace (of Amiens)
had just then been concluded ; the
price of provisions had just then been
lowered ; the people were on tiptoe
for commerce and manufactures;
every print shop window presented
something demonstrative of friend,
ship wit hr Bonaparte, and the attor
ney general Percival (now the prime
minister) stood ready to prosecute,
by information, ex officio, any r>nc
who dared to write what was called
a libel upon that new iriend of En
gland. Now, what is the picture:
A war with that same Bonaparte,
for the possession of the island ol
Malta, has led to the overthrow of
every state formerly in alliance with
us.
A war for the irland ol Malta has
put into the hands ot that Bonaparte
the whole of Italy, from the confines
of France down to the Shores ol
Calabria.
It has united the seven united pro
vinces to France.
It has raised a new kingdom in
the heart of Germany under a bro
ther of Napoleon, in which kingdom
are included the ancient dominions
of the house of Brunswick.
It ftas driven hom their thrones
the sovereigns ol Spain and Portu
gal, and h«5 gone tty fhr towards
putting those countries aUo iuto the
hands of Bonaparte.
It has made a naval arsenal at Ant
werp, whence have* already issued
many ships of the line.
It has paved the way for France
becoming a great naval power.
It has added live hundred millions
to the national debt of England.
It has banished gold trotn circula
tion.
It has ruined commerce and ma
nufactures in England.
It has, in this respect, produced a
new order of things both in Europe
and America, both of which can now
dispense with British goods.
What inroads have been made up
on English liberty during this peri
od,! shall not, and need not attempt,
to describe ; and. as to the weight of
taxes, who need uc told of that l
Our state is now such as it never
was bclore; and, that man must be
blind indeed, who does not see that
it is daily becoming more perilous.
Ask any man, be he of what party
lie may, what lie thiuks of the pre
sent state of things, and you will
find that he expects that a great
charge, of sonic sort or other, will
take place et c long He cannot tell
what it will be-—he cannot guess—
he is lull of fears—and that is all.
The very hirelings of the press,
whose trade it is to buoy up the spi«*
lust no man cun tell; but we may, by
oilserving what it ha9 done in the
l ist ten years, judge of what it will
do in eaclt succeeding year ; and,
if wc suppose its existence lor ano
ther ten, we may form some idea of
what our slate will then he.
At any rate, come what will, the
people will not have to blame the
“ jacobins and levellers'* They were
against the war, which has produ
ccd all the evil effects we witness.——
They were lor letting the French,
tebublicans alone : thty have had
no hand in any of the measures that
have been pursued; they have had
no power, & are.liable to no respon
sibility, and no Llame ;—they have
been an object cf incessant attack
and abuse. The next ten years will
show whether they have merited
this, or any part of it. If the coun
try shall be preserved by the present
system ; if it shall find itself secure
from without and happy within, at
the end of the next ten years, why,
then, I shall be ready to allow that
the “ jacobins and levellers” have
been in error; but, it the contrary
should prove to be the case, surely
wc shall then hear them acquitted ;
surely we shall no long.-r see them
the object ol attack and abuse.
It is the common practice of men,
to judge from experience .•—•If a far
mer finds that the managing of his
land in a ceitain way produces loss
instead ol gain, he loses no time in
changing his course ; and so it is
with all other men who act accord
ing to the dictates of reason. But,
it would really seem, that govern
ment act upon no such principle ;
that they are wholly deaf to the voice
of experience ; that they either do
not see, or that seeing, they heed
not the consequences of their mea
sutes. Were not this the case, how
could it possibly be, that no change-
should have taken place in the mea
sures of any of the old governments
that we have seen annihilated ? In no
instance have we seen them attempt
to make any change ; nay they seem
to have grown more and more attach
ed to their several systems in pro
portion as the evil consequences of
them become manifest to all the
world. It can be accounted lor on
ly in this way:—that the persons in
the enjoyment of power and of the
emoluments belonging to power,
have thought, that they would lose
both by a reformation as effectually
as by a destruction of the govern,
ment; and, therefore, that as they
could lose no more by the latter than
by the lornicr, they have, in every
case, endeavored to uphold corrup
tions and abuses to the last possible
moment, though they clearly saw
the destructive consequences that
must finally ensue. Destruction be
ing, to them, the same thing as
reformation in its effects, they have
preierred the former to the latter,
because the latter must, of course, be
earlier in its operation. To tell a
man in the enjoyment of the fruits
ol such a system, that the govern
ment would be finally destroyed un
less it was speedily reformed, was
not likely to weigh with him in fa
vor of reformation ; because he saw,
at the same time ; that, to him, re
formation of the government was, in
iact, destruction ; and therefore, the
later rt came, the less grevious it
was to htn>. Here we have the real
cause of what has been called the
blindness of the old governments,
but which was nothing mor« than
the natural desire of those who li
ved by corruptions and abuses, to
live as long as they could. We
here see, also, the cause of that
persecution of opinions, which has
invariably increased as the old go
vernments felt their dangeis increase.
Those who enjoyed the wealth suck
ed from the veins of the people, by
the means of corruptions and abuses,
would naturally make use of their
power to prevent the propagation of
opinions tending to undermine and
destroy those abuses ; and, as the
| danger of destruction became mote
nisment. When min have expres
sed their surpjiseat seeing those old
governments grow more and more
tyrannical and cruel in proportion as
jheir situation became perilous ;
when they have exclaimed “ how
“ blind ! how mad ! thus to excite
4 additional hatred against them-
“ selves at such a time, when they
“ ought to see that they stand so
“ much in ne'-d of the good will ot
“ the people.” When men have
thus exclaimed, they have not duly
considered the motive ot ihq govern
mems; if they had, they would have
It no surprize.
FROM THE VERM NT REPUBLICAN.
The fallowing exlratt of a letter, from a gen.
tlcmcrn near Lake trie to his father, re
tiding in this Jlate, is front a reffcftable
jouree, the authenticity if ivfjub cart be
relied on, dated
Bl\ck-Uock, March21,1812.
There is a great hir zinong the peo
pie in the Canadas, on account of the
passing feme new lav-s and additions to
the oath of allegiance. The law obliges
rath man to appear & tiai:-. six times :ti
a mouth, and the oath in iubfiance is as
follows:
*• You folemnly (wear, that you will
"•av nothing diredtly or liidire&Iy against
the King or family, or any part thereof,
noragamft any officer cf his government,
civil or military ; ana if you hear any
one faying aught againfl any of the above
mentioned, you are to enter immediate
complaint—you are to live peaceably
and quietly under faid govei nment, and
protett the fame with your pnfons and
prope.ty, and never take up aims againll
laid government—and lull of all y--u
aie to make oath, that the Prince Regent
is a true and lawful Soierign of (ireat-
Britain. Ireland, Scotland, and Upper
and Lower Canada in North Amenta.”
‘ Ju refusing to comply with this,
vou mult leave the province or fuffer im-
prifonment and a heavy fine People
are moving out every day
We have juft heard from Kingflon—.
A foldier was tied up ’-o be flogged for a
imall i ffence ; as the drummei came up
t«> do lus duty, a foldier told him if he
(buck the man a blow, lie would fh >ot
him through. The drummer desitlrd
but on a fccond order to do his duty, the
drummer (buck and the foldier (hot him
dead. The commanding officer came cut
and was (hot. Thirty perlons were kil.
led, and the mutineers remained mailers
of the Fort.’’
aPamtdttc.
Richmond, May 1.
Extract—To the Editor—from
“ Washington, April 27th, 1812.
“ We have been held in susp-tnee
here, by a similar supineness of cha
racter, which is taking deep root in-
the nation, that will not be extirpa
ted until suitable excitement is ap
plied to draw forth talents now ob
scured, by the influence of our cal
culating policy. Putting out of
view the nranv causes of resentment,
which have lost their weight on the
public mind by fruitless lepttitlon,
the attainment of that object alone,
would almost justify a war, but com
bined with these causes, renders that
event inevitable, if patrotism be noc
entombed in gold--Hitherto I have
avoided hazarding opinions, be
cause silence is preferable to delu
sive conjecture, and I was without
satisfactory data, from whence to
draw conclusions.
“ -It is now pretty well settled that
an attempt to suspend or repeal the
non-importarion act, will fail.
” Nearly petitions enough to paper
Congress Hall, against the embargo,
in some shape or other, have been
postponed to the 4 th of July.
“ Saturday the Senate’s project of
an adjournment for several weeks
was overthrown by a majority of/
in the II. R. though supported by
many substantial republicans, whoso
fatigue here, long absence from home,
and invincible desire to visit their
families, overcame all other consi
derations. All such, will return
very shortly’.
“ I was with the President on Sa
turday, after the death of the ad
journing resolution, when the com
munication of that event produced
from him, a vivacity that expressed
more, «o the conviction of all pre
sent, than he could, verbally, in an
hour.
“ From these facts, I think you
will conclude with me, we shall have
war. The time depends on circum
stances, preceded however by letters
of marque, &c. not only* necessary,
but requisite as food to digest pend
ing other preparations. It is not en
tirely certain that, that rod, may not
be applied to France, unless intelli.
gence be perfectly satisfactory on the
arrival of the Hornet.
“ Union at home is all-important;
if Mr. Barlow be successful, the
pretext for opposition is cut up by
the roots ; if not, reprisal is the onlv
channel through which we can tduch
ihe emperor, and at the same lima*
produce like effect on Anglo-Ame
ricans, while we use our^ physical
force against our British neighbors.
Gerry s many good deeds are re
vived here by his activity and firm
ness during the past winter ; he met
manfully the complaints of the se
cretary of War for want of blankets
and breeches, and offered a remedy
that should not be forgotten.”
Richmond, April 30.
The Superior Court of Law for
the county of Hemico were occupi
ed, from Monday to Friday las', on
the trial cf John McCall charged
with robbing the Treasury * in Oct.
last*—Counsel for the Prosecution,
the Attorncy-Generat and Mr. Wil
liam Marshall ; for the prisoner,
Messrs. Wirt, Iliort and Bacchus.
A vast variety of evidence was let
in—the pleadings took place on Fri
day—and about 9 o’clock on the night
ol that day, the Jury retired, and
after an absence of 15 or 20 minutes,
returned with a Verdict of Guilty,
sentencing the Prisoner to 5 years
imprisonment in the Penitentiary.—
On Saturday morning, his Counsel
moved tor a new trial, on this ground,
that one of the Jury had separated
from his brethren, about 20 minutes
on Wednesday. It was in proof,
however, that no other conversation
took place in that interval, in hik
presence, on the subject of the trial,
except a question whether it had con
cluded ? and his reply, that it had
not. The judge (Brockenbrough)
referred this ground, as a new and
difficult question, to the decision of
the General Court. Another point
made by the prisoner’s Counsel, was
also laid over, viz. that the Examin
ing Court had sent him on for tri
al, on the broad ground o{felony—
while the Indictment specified larce
ny—The General Court meets in
June.
* Upwards of S IT,000 was lost.
Washington-City, April 2C-
The opposition for a recess of Con-
gicsx received its coup de-grace iu
From th« Democratic Pr«s., c r April SO.
We have been obligingly favored
with an extract ol a letterfrom a person
in the administration of the govern*
ment of England, dated “ London*
March 12, 1812.” which has been re
ceived here via Cadiz—We have
satisfied ourselves ar, to the authenti
city ol the letter, and we deem it of
too much consequence to withhold it
even for a day.
“ t A secret treaty has just been
concluded between our (the British)
government and the Anglo-Spanish
Regency, which has just been form
ed at Cadiz. I his treaty places the
islands of Cuba, Porto Rico and the
Spanish part of St. Domingo, under
the protection of this (the British)
government- To carry this treaty in
to tiiect, the Cadiz Regency are to
send out governors and agents known
to be in our (the British) interest.
With respect to the Island of Cuba
Admiral Apadoca, late Spanish mini
ister at our (the British) court, has
beenalreadyappointed. No appoint
ment more favorable to our (the Bri
tish) interest could have been made.-
“ The government at Cadiz are
at this time engaged in selecting pro
per persons for the other stations.—«
From a conversation I had with the
Marquis Wellesley, I think it pro.
bably that Menedez, the present gov
ernor of Porto Rico, (on whom we
can firmly depend) will not be su
perceded. As to St. Domingo we
know not ye: who will be appointed.
“ We are momently expecting
to hear from our public and secret
commissioners in South A nierica, re
specting the objects of their mission.
I venture tb say that cur ministers
have considerable dcubt as to thei;