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GEORGIA
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JOURNAL.
VOL. XI.
g-Dg».
BULLED (SEVILLE, TUESDAY, APK1T.4, 1820.
NO. 25.
„„ WSDOCTBD LAWS OK TMK UNITED STATES.
BY CaMAK. & HINES, :it\ .it mourn.}
(t\intcr,totl,eStatek I mUll l «her.o» thct;.S ; Uiw«) AN ACT to ~,^itlurUuiTe7^?rS' Statue of
AT frlHEE DOLIJillK.IW All VAN CB, OB FOUll DOLLARS ......
* * iieorttc; Washmsjton.
by the Senate end I
ATTHE KXriH^TIO.f OF THB YKAH.
AtWeruscin-nlt under 100 words will be Insert
ed the first tine for seventy-five cents, and sixty-
two and a half cents for each continuance—lunger
ones in proportion ; nine months* citations will be
published the usual time for five do!ha’s ; udminii-
MU. CUTHBERT’S SPEECH
On t\\e ^Wssmwi Question
IN THE
fire, entatives rf the ISuited Utah
.1 inerted, ill
Cmiffreu aMewblnt,TUt the duties which have Mn. Chairman—Before entering into
accrued, or may accrue, to the United states, the discussion of the proposed restric-
upon the importation of a st..tue of George tion on Missouri, permit tne distinct!}'to
elphia prices;
atuoiij' those recently received, are ihe following i
Laws United States, 5 vols. (new editiou)
Clotty’s Cfimir.nl Law, 4 vois.
Ho. Cm I’lentling, .) do.
Jacob's Law Dictionary, 6 do,
It»> lie’s Digested Index, 3 do.
J) irnfbrd and Kusi s Reports,8 dos
Crauch’a do. U do.
ltosauquet and Duller’*, do. 5 do.
. < ampheU’s do. 8 do.
Cain’s do. 3 do.
Maddock'3 Chancery, do. 2 do.
Moore’s Index, 3 do.
Hlavtcstone's t’-'r.imentr.iics, 4 do.
Yattel's Law Nations.
C institution United buttes
;S. i ln rt’s Statistical annals of the U. Stales
hi’e » Letters on England, 3 >ol>.
‘ Moiu< irs ot Licn’l Lee, by Caldwell—Plates
Peter’s Letters to his Kinsfolk
• . imshaw’s United States
tvanhoc, 2 veils.
HOOK. KINDINL—f?.im St Cur!’is, respest-
fully infoi'in their friends anil the putilio irt gt ntra),
they have in conr.anlion with the.Bookselling Ba
sinets, estaldichrd a Jlindcry, at.d plttlce thein-
s. Ives to execute binding in its vulious otanohes
w.tli neatness and dispatch.
N. II. Blank Books, made to order at the sfior.
test notice—order* from the country, will be
which tract of land the said Anthony Cavalier j on this single mistake : the confouil
and Peter Petit shall lie entitle d to a 'patent : ] ding the introduction of slaves into our
Provided, That nothing in this act shall affect country, with the transfer of slaves from
the claim or claims of any person or persons to
the same land, or any part thereof, derived from
the United Stales, if any such there he, or the
claim or claims of uuj'other persou or persons
whatsoever.
Approved—February 28, 1820.
one section of the Union to another. Of
this character are the arguments deduc
ed front the original injustice and the
demoralizing tendency of slavery—from
the effect of slavery in impairing the mili
tary strength of a people, & from the im
propriety of going beyond the contpro-
AN ACT further to extend the Charter of the
City of Washington. . - . • , , •
He it enacted by the Senate and Home oj He- nitse > and increasing the number of per-
fircsenlutivrs oj the United States oj .dmeriea, in ] sons not free, of whom three-flftllS will
( ungreso asecmblctl, That the act, entitled “ An j be numbered, to strengthen the southern
act to incorporate the inhabitants of the city of repres entatio n . Whatever might be the
W ashington, in the District of Columbia, ’ and . * _ . , JJ. , .
the act supolementary to the same, parsed on 1 s t len gui of these argumen.s, if used to
the twenty-fourth of February, in the year one I recommend ft bill, forbidding themtro-
tliousand eight hundred and four, and the acten-! duction of slaves info our countsy,
titled u An act further to amend the charter of they have no relation ti the measure
the City oj V- ashington,” be, and the same are . now under consideration. The object of
hereby, extended to the thud dav 0/ March, one , ,. • , • ,. • r 1 • 1 .r
■” • ’ 1 this restriction is, not to forbid the im
portation of slaves into the Union, but
thousand eight hundred and twenty-one, unless
sooner repealed.
Approved—February 28, 1820
to prevent those si ives, who are already
in the Union, being earned from the
quested to mu ami pay
counts otfiilnst him, will please present them.
Mtllcdgeville, March 21 23 4t
NOTR'ET” “■
f 1 HIT.undersigned respectfully inform the puh-
J. lie that they hav
Crenshaw and Barrow
presentatives of the Urn ted States of .Imerica in
Covgkc.u assembled, That the prop, r accounting
officers ofthe Treasury Department he, anti they
arc hereby, authorized anti directed to settle the
places : pass this restriction, and you
prohibit the entrance into Missouri of the
slaves already in the bosom of our coun
try. The question is, will you cause
especuunymiurN accounts of '1 bomas Buck.,muster, deceased, ) ,
tt purchased Irom Messrs. , , at(J | i( . utenantin the thirty-third regiment of the 1 ti»o whole number of your slaves to rc-
m ’> f ntl . re bt0 . ,1°; i United States infantry, upon the principles of main cro,
iples of ] main crowded together in those states,
. . r, That which are already parties to the Union ?
j the rum so to he allowed shall not exceed the a- 1 Al ,J w ill you accomplish this object by
. „ , . , , I mount charged to the account of said deceased. .1 J 1 , •*.- J
1 hey now offer and w.ll constantly kerj»for *Me , on „ )0 hno £ ih (he , )lVlt( , oflhe ThirJ Auditoro ;- J the proposed restriction ? _ Or will you
floods, and will continue the business in the . j„, Uco alld e it . p rn \ i)U ,i however
’RMIFOlfrr'iuT^Ul XT" D 1 VNIt 7- ! ,he mm ? ° t0 L shall n
] ilu . U 12L::x ! “«*'!•“ < har ^ d t? «ha account of said deceased,
ms, a great variety of ENGLISH,
FIRMAN, EAST-INDIA U DO-
on the best term
FRENCH, Ol
MEST1C GOODS. The former customers of
this House, our friends and the public gencral-
fV, are desired to giur ub their custom.
THOMAS M. BRADFORD,
BURTON HEPBURN,
WM. J. DANELLY.
Milledgeville, January 27. tf
€ 1 EDRGIA, Franklin county.
5 We the Grand Jurors selected,chosen
end sworn and acting at February term, 1820,
do present Joel H. Dyer, tor suffering
card playing at his store on the 10th of Jan
uary, 182(5—witness By M’Miilion.
\Vq do also present Martin Dyer and John
Harmon, sen’r, for gambling at the stoie-houst:
of Joel tt. Dyer, on the 19th of January, 1820
— witnesses Elisha Dyer, Joel II. Dyer, Ivy
M’Million, Adam Loony.
We do also present Joseph Murdock and
Priscilla IleaiWn, tor living in a state of ado I-
trv, and presen’ments further we have none
to make.
We recommend to the Commissioners of
1 rank lift county, appointed to carry into effect
a public School or Seminary of learning in the
mid county, that they as Comm issoners Carry
the .same into effect. We hope that us there
has been an appropriation for so laudable a
purpose, that the undertaking sleep no longer.
When wo view the advantages arising from e.
diic.ation when properly conducted, tve long
to see the time when Commissioners tvill do
their proper duty. We know that education
1. of ike utmost’importance to mankind , in
proportion, as a nation, a country, or a place,
requires a superb r degree of it ; her civilci-
tiou advances, and she becomes distinguished
from her less enlightened neighbors, by a
greater refinement in tire manners of her in-
’habitants; and a departure from those vices
which always mark the features of the ignor
ant. When proper attention is paid to tl.e in
struct ion ofthe young and laving generation,
crimes themselves become lets in number ; sc
although some may be committed, nn-1 are
offensive ; yet they arc diverted in general of
those marks of brutality which always accom
pany ignorance.
We a'.so recommend to our next legislature*
as they at their lu«L session made a throw at
the art of 1818, allowing fifty percent to many
officers <1 state, and also laying an additional
sum to their own pay, and taking off twenty-
five percent, that they aw.iin consider the said
act of eighteen hundred and eighteen, and
bring the foes of all officers of state to thier o-
rigmn] former standing.
We also return our nin-t hearty anil deserved
thanks to his honor Augustin S. Clayton, for
his ind■•'V.ignble and faithful discharge of of
ficial duly during the present term: we con
gratulate the community upon the prospect
which / a Horded tli in ■ t having justice dis
pensed by so Ulst'iigui^iul an «•.". or, and t> >
doubt nut, but Unit with Die benefit ot expe
rience, his course will be honorable to himself
and useful to his coun'ry.
We also request the favor of the Editors of
the Uenrgm Journal, to give this a place in
their very useful and circulating paper.
ASA ALLEN, Foreman.
John JPInliie Joseph Walters
'James Jlitchcll Janus U if 1 ii/mson
Jilduinl vlllen li tn. Cawthon
David Payne Hugh D.tiveenwood
't'kn. Hillingstcorth Elias lliir^-ess
Reuben Thornton Thomas King
Jidw. IT. .\yufiehlPlemiug /’. Jllrian
J.hu.'I. Smith ttrnj. Stairett
Eduard Carrell U rn. J/acIcett
John C. Adderhnld
Taken from the Minutes.
suiter the slaves to be divided, and
nient, on citizens who have violated'
none of your laws r Whatever be their
• guilt or their innocence in having slaves,
they are not responsible to you for their
moral conduct: they arc amenable to a
higher tribunal—at whose liar, 1 trust,
the necessity of the case, and the kind
ness ofthe master, will form his justiti- i
catmn. Then the proposed restriction |
will be unjust, in imposing a penalty on !
citizens, who have not violated your,
laws: in bestowing on a part, that
which is the common property of the
whole—and its injustice will have this
aggravation: it will, in numerous in
stances, operate as a punishment on the
humanity of slave-holders.
Hut this is a small part of its injustice.
In the northern and eastern states, shall
any portion of society become too large,
for its other parts ? By the facility of
removal to our western lands, that soci
ety is quickly relieved of its superfluous
and burdensome members ; and these su
pernumerary individuals will gladly ex
change a country, which condemns them
to wretched dependence, for one that
gives (hem the assurance of plenty and
prosperity. This invaluable resource,
may long preserve to the northern anti
eastern states, the vigour of youth. Do
you wish to monopolize this advantage
for those states ? And to refuse ifs Iten-
efits to the citizens of flic south ? Cause
for a moment to observe the effect of this
restriction on the sontli. It will invite
to the new states ofthe west, that por
tion of our hardy young yeomanry, who
own no slaves, and who constitute an
important part of our military strength.
Thcsit will tin pose achcck on the increase
our free population. At the same time,
it will coniine within the bosom of our
present southern states, the whole of our
black population, with the whole of their
increase. By the operation of this law,
providing an outlet for freemen, anti
none for slaves, in another generation,
the increase of the slaves must be great
er in proportion, than that of the free
population. As you would make this
restriction irrevocable and perpetual,
this disproportionate and alarming in
crease of thn slaves, must continue to
progress. AVhere will it terminate?—
Who lias the hardihood to look at the
consequences ? Whatever be the com-
the Treasury Department.
Approved—4'ehruary 28, 1020.
AN ACT to continue in force for a further time ,
the Act entitled an “ An net for establishing i
trading houses with the hidiau tribes.” I anU ' 1 '
licit enacted by the Senate and l/ottae of Re* !
p"eoentatives of ttie United Statep of Jlnutricti in 1 supposes _ . .......
Cot’/:rent urxmbled. That (be Act entitled “ An | triction arc pleading the cause of liberty i hove become far more numerous than the
wlnle a portion ot them remain on the forts ot slaves, they have an innated love
eastot the Mississippi, will you allow the of liberty. When your law, by dimin-
residue to be spread over the fertile | ishl’-.g their comforts, shall have awuk-
nds ot our western wilderness r Then j cncil a restless desire of freedom : when
vay with the prejudice, that blindly , by the process which I have mentioned,
ipposes that the advocates of this re s-1 \’\ (lie southern states, the slaves shall
hereby, further continued in force until (ho stitution.
third day of March, one thousand eight hundred Alu i i et t he avowal be remembered,
aucl twenty-one, ami no longer. b * . • .. ...
Approved—Washington, March 1, 1820. that the P r,1 i’ < ! 8C<1 restriction » the COm-
mencement ol a system of policy, which
AN ACT altering the place of holding the Cir- its authors wish to extend over the
cuit and District Court in the District of I whole of our western territory. It isun-
?. hi ?; ... „ just to the citizens of the south.
brerertativee'nh-'iK'ateu ,. "■( /t, ’ m j Our western lands are the common
prctehtativeo oj the L,tided Slata of .imertca in \ . , r.u it o c i . - ■ -j -1
Cor.gieno aeserdtlcd, That the Circuit Court in property «*• toe people of tne L . . s . tx, inn-} ti„ n over our country. Leave us to our-
and for the District of Ohio, shall, from and at- j Bey arising from their sale, is brought in-1 selves, ami we are safe, (fur danger a-
tc*r liic, passant* of this act, beheld at Columbus, to the common treasury, to be expended j rises Irom your unauthorized interfer-
insatd district, on the first Monday* of Septem- for the common benefit. But this is a very once.
o. r .i ..I ‘ . J U, ,r • small proportion of the benefits to be de- This measure is on less unkind to the
Have you reflected on the dire alarms,
the horrible rapes, the unspeakable ca
lamities of a servile insurrection r—
On whose heads will be the guilt of the
crimes, which shall there be perpetrat
ed ? I warn the advocates ot tins res
triction, to cease preparing the elements
of a volcano, which tnay spread desola
that all causes, actions, suits, process, pl.adin
and other proceedin';? of every description, that
me, cr shall bs, existing or depending in l!ie
said Circuit Court, shall be coulinued over and
returnable to the s:.u! Circuit Court, to be held
at Colurribus as aforesaid, and shall be procee
ded within due form ol law.
fit c. 2. And be it further enacted, That the
District Court, in and for the District of Ohio,
shall, from and after the panage of (his act, be
held at Columbus, in s ad district on the second
Mondays o! Septenmer and January, each and
every year; and t! a’ : ’! r- •,*«, actions, suits,
process, pleadings, ae ! other procetdings of c-
very description, that are, or slidl be existing or
depending in the raid District Court, shall 1
continued over & rclurna’di
Court, to be holdeii at Columbus as aforesaid,
and shall he proceeded v.ilhd'ie in form of Inw.
Approved—Washington, March 4, lbfiO.
AN ACT for the relief of William M’Donald,
administrator of James M’Donald, deceased,
late Captain in tire army ofthe United States.
Beit enacted by the Senalo 1. ■! Unite of Re-
pi'et -ntotivet nj the United States of .Imerica in
Coiigreir w.nemhU-d, That the proper accounting
officer of tho Treasury Department be, and he
is bereiby, authorized and dim led, in the ad
justment and seBk inert ot tin* accounts of the
isle Captain James M’Domld, with his brother
and administrator, William .M’Donald, to make
such further allowance for bounties and premi
ums paid, and for money due him, as an officer
for recruitnir, nod for conlingenriias may ap
pear oq'iii.il’lc and just: Prodded, hy.i-eiei, that
the sum so to be allowed shall nut exceed the
amount charged to the account ofthe late James
M’Donald aforesaid on I lit; hooks in the office of
tho Third Auditor of the t reasury Department.
Approved—February 2;;, 1820.
A
AX III. LD 11
PAY Mi
clerlr.
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We
ar*
authorize
l to announce Col.
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III.
nn
.t c.m.lulate hir a member in ti e
Heart-
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c chamber
t tfie cits
u:tlg coil-
gressional election in tin*
Htate.
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lit
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butlo that
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i* Congress.
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authorize!
to Mate
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AN ACT for the admission ofthe stateof Maine
into the Union.
Whereas, by nn o t of th* state of Massachu
setts, passed on the nineteenth day of June, in
the year one thousand eight hundred ami nine
teen. entitled “ Aa act relating to the separa
tion ni the District of Maine from dassachuset
Proper, and forming the same into a separate
and independent state,” the people of that part
of >f:i*sitcbu«rtti heretofore known us the Dis
trict of .Maine did, with iffie const ntofthe Legis
J.itum ofthe said stale of Massachusetts^ form
themselves into an independent stale, and did
establish a cot,stitution for the government of
the same, agreeably 11 the provisions ofthe
cold art—Tner. fori,
JS it <• inch .1 by if • Sonate end House of Re-
pr ’rontauvcs ofthe (Sited State* of Shnc'.ica 1
(Inugreso unembleil. That, from mul alter the
irch, in til
pt'opor
lived by our citizens, from tiiis ample
patrimony. A much greater advantage
is, the right of procuring a portion of
those lands for settlement: an advan
tage, lor which hundreds of thousands
have, promptly exchanged the refine
ments of established society, the inter
course of relations and friends, the en
dearments of their native spot, and the
sepulchres of their fathers—att advan
tage which enables the poor man to leave
to iiis ollVpritig a solid and ample inher
itance. A law to exclude slave-holders
to ti:e said District j from these lands, will impose a disabili
ty on this class of onr citizens: will a-
mount to a fm-liciturc of their share of
these lands . will give to a part of our
citizens tlio-c riejits, which belong e-
qu.tlly to all. \\ iter, we object to the
effect of this law, shall we be told, that
“ however unequal may be its operation,
its principle will be impartial, since it
will equally forbid the citizen of the
north 6c of the south, to carry slaves in
to the territory west of the Mississippi r”
—hi the business of government, we
should examine a principle, not iu the
abstract, but in its application to the af
fairs of men. Here is a restriction,
which you say is impartial in its princi
ple—but which, in its operation, cannot
touch the citizen of the north, while it
imposes a vexatious and injurious disa
bility on the citizens of the south.—Is
not s'jcti a restriction partial and unjust?
Will you tell us “that the slave-holder
may remove this disability, by disposing
of his slaves?” Kir*.t let tne reply, that
there is a sympathy, a mutual regard,
which unites the master and his slave,
anil makes them both averse to a sepa
ration. The master considers his slaves
as a part of his family—and at Lie ne
cessity of selling them, he feels, not the
same degree, but the same species of ab
horrence, with whicli he would recoil
This measure is no less unkind to the
slave, than it is unjust to his master. It
is a fact, ascertained by universal obser
vation, that where the moral character
of the freemen is the same, the comforts
of slaves diminish, as their proportionate
numbers increase. Where they are
more numerous, their case ia more de
graded ; they remain in more profound
ignorance. There is less personal inter
course : less sympathy between their
masters and themselves. ’They are more
frequently committed to the care of o-
verseers—ami slaves do not receive
niuth kindness from this class of men,
who have no durable connexion with
them: who have no permanent intcTe.xt
in their welfare. Their privileges are
abridged : they are governed with a
more suspicious and severe policy.
Where the proportion of slaves is small,
the child ofthe slave is brought up in the
family, like the child of his master: he
receives a share of early education, by
which his character is improved. When
he becomes old enough to work, he fre
quently labors with his master : he fre
quently cats with him. This community
of labors and enjoyments, strengthens
their mutual affection, lie labors but
little, more, he enjoys but little less than
his master. As there is no danger of
iusu r rection, his privileges are enlarged.
I( the master enjoys the pleasure of au
thority, the slave is not tormented by
the anxious care of providing for the fu
ture. Can you determine, "in the name
of humanity,” that the condition of the
slave shall not be thus improved by dis
persion r Can you deliberately resolve,
that his comforts shall be diminished
year after y< ar, and yet call yourself his
friend ? Or will you abandon the plea
of humanity, and pursue a policy no less
visionary titan cruel, which lias been a-
vowed out of this bouse i In erecting an
impassible barrier around the African
race, is it your design, at some future pe
riod, to check their increase, by limitin
from a proposal to sell his children. 'I he
slave looks up, to a kind master, as his
guardian, his inend in power, his near | the quantity ot their food ? Do you intend
relation. Many a citizen, whose estate; with a contriving and provident inhu-
corsistspartly of slaves, would gladly j inanity, to exterminate this unhappy
tie thr.usai.il j exchange them for other property ; but people, by preparing for them the anxie
N . 1 riLSol F v»ni.Kh,!S»csTiiii(I:iU lorUoniv.'s*. , V , Y Y • • . . * e , 1 , • I" > ‘V I” me antic-
Y-- U ~ .Y.MhTH TTY ’.T.’irjir.i Tmi ! v 1 ! 1 ol >» I hw heart forbids him to throw off hts . tM . a ot * a nt. the agonies of hunger ? 1
vV.'s Tuo-.irsox.i* arlniidi’-- r irC * • 5?Aur nV "n'-a m in ff in'.‘> ”!'t% „ ,!r‘en ! g ua 1 r ‘ 1, ™ sl 'i P over these helpless beings, trust tiiat a poliev, at once cruel and chi-
■ .vims *|. .... .1 t »• :,n.| «t. •!*'orteitiul state', iu u!l rjt- an ‘ l su.ijccr them to the power ol strati- metical, will find no sanction iu the pro-
F.nv.m \iis.ti.i.,a •■■* ikff .it- a .• L.-.ia- p«it* wluiie'wr And what light have you to ini- ceetlitigs of this body. You might bur-
- 1 App’i'oa- tashingtoa, tla.’xb 3, 182A. pose a disability, operating as a puni«h- den your souls with the guilt of design
ing & contriving such desolating crimes.; " Union,” here employed, lias a tlr-finile
But posterity would never execute the j signification : in the constitution it al-
atrocious plan. Posterity would give l ways means the federal union of (lie
clothes to the naked, and food to the j North American states, under that con-
hungry, whatever be his condition, or his I stitution.. What is the federal union?
color.—’Titus we have seen that this res- j It is A political compact entered into, by
triction will exert a malignant influence the. states, whereby tt is mutually agreed,
in diminishing (lie comforts of the slave. 1 that a federal government shall he Ibrm-
But this is not all. It will tempt him | cd over them, vested with certain pow-
to insurrection, the most dreadful calam* ers « specified anil defined in tlieconsiitu-
ity to which he is liable. Whatever be tion ; and whereby it is,moreover agreed
(lie temporary and desolating success of that all political powers not thu8 grant-
servile rebellion within a limited sphere, , e ^ to the federal government, appertain
i* must ultimately prove'unsuccessful.— I to the state governments. Let us apply
The superior intelligence of the whites, these remarks to the Admission of new
their possession of the finances, & of all states, in being received into “ the U-
thc beat implements of war, their political nion,” (the federal union,) they are made
institutions and military organization, parties to the federal compact, which
would ensure to them an easy victory o- determines that ail powers not granted
ver theirsluves. Many of the Africans >•* Ihe constitution to the lederalgovern-
might perish in the contest. Their lea- ment, belong to the states respectively,
ders would sutler the severest punish* 1 nl 1 ‘ ’ ~ 1
ment which a civilized people can con
strain themselves to inflict: they would
be made an awful example of atthe dread
ful end, whicli awaits the authors of in
surrection. 'The unsuccessful attempt,
would induce a more suspicious and in
exorable policy : a system of severer
punishments over the mass of the slaves.
It would leave in the mind of the mas
ter anil slave, a mutual distrust and re
sentment, embittering the life of both.
Thus, sir, this restriction will not ac
complish even partial good; it combines
in itself the characters of injustice and
cruelty. It deprives the freeman of the
south of his property ; it will render his
fireside unsafe; it will surround his
pillow w ith dangers ; it will inflict un
speakable horrors on his wife and chil
dren : it w ill make him a tyrant in de
fence of himself, and of all that is dear
to him. It finds the slave well supplied,
submissive, cheerful, fond of his master,
enjoying his affection: it will leave
him naked and hungry,discontented and
resentful, a rebel and a victim.
Then, sir, I think it appears, that even
if the proposed restriction were permit
ted by the constitution, its adoption is
forbitlden by policy.
Before I proceed to examine the con
stitutional question, permit me briefly
to notice a lew incidental remarks.
It has been stated by a gentleman
from New-York, (Mr. Gross,) tnat where
there are slaves, the natural increase of
the free population is slow, 'l itis is a
historical mistake. Those who enter
tain this opinion, have observed that the
free population of South Carolina, is not
much greater now, than it was twenty
years ago. Why? Because the free
population of South Carolina have emi
grated to people Georgia, Alabama, Miss
issippi, ami 'Tennessee. 'The relative
proportion of children through the south
ern country, gives you sufficient evi
dence, that the natural increase of the
free population is not checked by the ex
istence of domestic slavery. In like
manner, it will be observed, after the
next census, that the population of Con
necticut is not much greater than it was
ten years ago. Why ? Because a large
number of Iter citizens have left Iter
crowded soil, to settle on tiu: vacant
lands of New-York, and the states north
west of the Ohio.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania,
(Mr. Sergeant,) made remarks, not so de
signed, I am sin e, but having a tendency
to injure the reputation of Georgia, tin*
state in which I hail the distinguished
happiness to be born, and whicli 1 have
the honor in part to represent on this
floor, lie has represented Iter as una
ble, atthe commencement of the Semi
nole war, to defend herself—and in her
distress, crying out to the general gov
ernment for protection. 'That stale was
tnen, and always is, competent to her
defence, against the neighboring tribes
of'Indians,howeverlar;;e their numbers
might be swelled by fugitive slaves. The
single county in which I resi le, has a
population, a courage, a military talent,
sufficient to have exterminated the sava
ges who were at that time hostile. But
Georgia contributes to supply (he pub
lic treasury, by which the army of the
United States is maintained ; she sub
jects her militia to the command ofthe
federal government, and site will not
yield her constitutional right to require
the li tleral government to guard her
frontier.
In discussing the proposed restriction
in the last session of Congress, it was
stated in this house, that the laws of
Georgia forbid the slave to be taught
to read the sacred scriptures, and the
statement has been repeated elsewhere.
This is not the fact. The laws of Geor
gia do not forbid the slave to be taught
to read the sacred scriptures, nr any o-
tlier printed volume: and we have here
an example of the unkind avidity, with
which our fellow-citizens of the north re
ceive and circulate calumnies against
I w ill now attempt, in a manner as
concise us 1 shall deem consistent with
perspicuity, to shew that the proposed
restriction on Missouri, is repugnant to
the constitution. And firstobserve, that
whatever be the form of this transaction,
it is, in reality, an attempt to produce,
by the authority of Congress, a regula
tion for the internal government of Mis
souri, when she shall become a state.—
What is the lunguage of the constituti
on ? “ Congress may receive new states
into the Union.” flow? Into what?
“ Into this Union.” Then it is obvious,
that in the art of admission, there must
be no condition inconsistent with the
principles of “ thi- Unipn.” The word
There lias always been on tfie part of
the states, a national jealousy of the fe
deral government They had reason to
fear the immense power, that was requi
site to keep in motion the vast machinery
of our great empire. It is the constant
tendency of power to increase itself, and
it was justly apprehended that the itidc
pendence of tfie states might be Ust in
the mighty vortex of the Union, it was
feared that the general government,
guided by the prejudices, tl.e wishes, thi
interests of a majority, might legislate
in a manner injurious to some individual
state, or some minor section of the Un
ion. The northern states had then pecul
iar prejudices, feelings, interest, w tiich it
would have been unsafe to commit to
thecontreul of Congtcss: Because a ma
jority in Congress could not participate
in, and probably would not respect
those prejudices, feelings, or interests.
In like manner, the southern states had
their internal peculiarities, of w hich the
most prominent is the relation of mas
ter and slave. It was unsafe for them
to resign the power of internal govern
ment. In order to avoid these tfiiiigi rt,
the stales granted to the general govern
ment only those powers, which were ne
cessary to their harmonious intercourse,
and to their successful resistance of fo
reign enemies, retaining to themselves
the powers of internal or municipal gov
ernment. The power t of the federal go
vernment were not left indefinite. Its
form and proportions, its features, its
limbs are delineated. It is * creature
formed by the states, hat ing no attri
butes, but those bestowed on it bv its
creators. It receives it* ii!e and pow
ers ol action from tlie federal compact,
of which the tonstft'itinu is the cjtj.ri.il
record. As it could have no being but
by the federal Cjinpact,so it has no pow
ers, but tiio.e bestowed ou it by that
compact. If tne federal compact "were
dissolved, it would lose every power,
and cease tocxi.it. In order to ascer
tain whether it has any particular pow er,
we have only to examine the constitu
tion ; it not there granted, the power be
longs not to the federal, but to (he state
sovereignty. _ If thi s In not already suth-
ciently clear, let me add one more ic-
mai K. The foreign intercourse, and the
internal regulations n| any people, from
the whole subject of their government,
and the powers' of directing this intet-
courfe, and of establishing these regu
lations : in other words, the powers of
government must exist sotsewlicre. Du
we speak of a party to the Union ?
Them powers ate divided! between the
federal and the state governments. That
portion of these powers w Licit has not
been granted in the consiimtion L> the
federal government, must tji necessity
belong to the state government.* It
can c xist no where else.
Now, sir, let us search tlj: comtitu
tion fora grant of power to (lie federal
government, to e-dublish an iitcnul re
gulation, piohibitiiigslavery iiloneofj.he
•states. Kroin this enquiry, v^: will not
be diverted by any reasoning (designed
to prove, that the people nfMis mri
have tin right to keep any portion of
♦heir fellow-men in bondage- As w.z
have no confront over the consciences of
the citizens of any state, it would bo
idle in us to tiif;c uss questions of moral
philosophy. We are not endeavoring to
ascertain what is the moral duly of the
people of Missouri : we are enquiring
whether the federal government has the
political right to make regulations on
the subject of domestic slavery within
Missouri, v. ich shall bind her, after her
erection into a state.
An attempt is made to deduce this
right, from that clause of the constituti
on, w iiich forbids Congress, before the
year 1808, “ to prohibit the importation
or migration ofsuch persons as the states
may think proper to admit.” AMmurit
there is some ambiguity here, tfie impli
cation is just, that alter the year 1808,
Congress may prohibit such importation
or migration. In order to learn die na
ture and extent of the power here im
plied, we must ascertain the signification
of tlie words “importation 6c migritiou.’*
Importation is the bringing in,and is ap
plied to that which does not come by tm
own agency,but is brought by the power
of another. A chest ot goods brought
in a ship into Savannah, is impored.—
The same chest of goods, if brought in a
waggon from Florida, over the geogra
phical line, which separates that pro
vince from Georgia would equally be
imported. A slave btougi.t in a ship in-
to .Savanuah, is imported, because ho
* n.e pbrate, doir viiir.*, »* in 4!*
extern!thi tcu«e« column. luuJmj* th**. ix»:t J U'm»
power, which the people of a state may rot
t'.elfjktrl 10 * 11\\. j twa», —*