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tu persuade Itieni not lu do it. It is by the cal!
fog up of a general attention to the subject; by
Ibe extension of information; by the power of
example; by renovated vigilance in families anil
among the ministers of Christ and the professors
of his religion ; and by withdrawing our capital
and patronage, as fast as may be, from all parti
cipation in the violation of the Sabbath,—that we
hope to convince the understandings of our conn
trymen, and awaken their eonsrienees, and gain
their hearts to abstain voluntarily nt.d entirely
from the violation of that day which Cod has giv
in to us as the token of bis love, and upon which
ho has suspended all our hopes for time and u-
ternity.
We do not flatter oursi Ives thut no false alarm
will be sounded, and no tempornry misapprehen
sion of our motivi s prevail; but we do must con
fidently expect to he guided by :t wisdom from a-
bove, which shall enable us to convince you, al
once, of the purity of our motives, and the ror
rectnesa of our counsels, and (ho benevolence of
onr exertions; and to unite our fellow-citizens in
dowobeneath a hopeless bondage. Tho Sabbath, duly
observed will raiso youi families to intelligence and
enmpetcnce, and all civil honors, as ihe wheel of
Providence rolls ; while tho violation of it will raise
upoveryoua monied aristocracy, tlniving by your
vices, and risiog by your depression, and dooming you
and your posterity lr> bo hewers of wood aud drawers
of water forever. If you cominue to violate tho Sab
bath, you may wear the livery of freemen, but it will
be in the house of bondage. You may go through
tho mockery of voting for your rulers, but it will be
done under tho oowerful dictation of masters God
is wise, and you cannot tnund his institutions, or do
without them ; lie ia omnipotent, and you oannot flee
from him ; lie is almighty, nnd you ca’nnot stand be
fore him; lie is just, anil will by no means clear the
entity. Anil now, friends and brethren, we trust that
through inconsideration you havo given yourselvoelo
the violation of the Sabbath; and that, when your
own uml your country’s deep interest in its presciva-
turn are considered, you will desist Horn it, and give
your einniplo and influence for the preservation of
that blessed day, which to so eminently the poor motif
friend,and which hitherto you have loo lightly eateein
To tho Ministera of the Sanctuary we look fur ab
one glorious cooperation fjr the preservation i f • atinence from 11 the very appearance of evil," for vision
that day, by whose influence alone i3 guaranteed
Ihe perpetuity of our civil nnd religious institu
tions. We are cheered in these anticipations by
the fact, Well known, (hat many lament the seem
ing necessity which drives their secular enter
prise over the Sabbath, against their consciences,
end with deep regret and with much remorse,
while a thoughtless public sentiment is urging
tin ni on. for the emancipation of nil such this
Union arises, anil i xpects to be hailed by them as
a benefactor in Ihe formation of a public sentiment,
which shall release them and their families, and
" the stranger within their gates,” from a bond
age so severe and distressing. We are the more
confirmed in these expectations from the tvi II
known and often admitted fact, that Sabbath-day
earnings are pecuniary losses, besides the appall
ing array of general evils to families and nations,
which attend the violation of that sacred day.
With respect to the withdrawment of our cap
italfrom business whieh violates tho Sabbath, wc
act upon tho principle that we may not lawfully
do indirectly that which it would be unlawful lo
do directly, nnd with respect to the regulation ol
our patronage in favor of those who observe th
Sabbath, wc act upon Ihe principle that we hare n
right to do what we will with our own and an
bound to render our substance the occasion of as
little evil, and the means of as much good, to our
country n« posible. That is aland of slavery in
which a citizen may not regulate Ids properly by
his own discretion, in any way which does not
Interfere with Ihe rights of others ; and that is a
bind of more than 1'apal despotism in which n
man must be eon,pellet] to lend the influence ol
Ids patronage to the perpetration of evil, against
the dictates of conscmnce, and with the fearful
prospect of ruin to his family and his country.
The plea of coercion, as resulting from tho dis
tribution of patronage, with reference to mural
results, is nlihout foundation. We cannot fear
(hat Ihe commou seuso of (his nation w ill decide
(hat we may not wield the influence of property
in such a manner as will array powt rful motives on
Ihe side of well-doing, anj against doing evil ; for
if this be Wrong, tho government of God would
he the height of compulsion nnd Injustice.
Were it even true, however, that powerful per
suasion is unlawful force, what must be said ol
(hat array of motives, ao constantly pressed upon
I»ie friends,of the Sabbath, lo lend ilia influence ol
tbrnr capital and patronage to perpetuate the vlo
tation of that day? Is it unlawful to employ
powerful motives for tho preservation of the day;
nnd, ut the same time, lawful to urge, by power
ful motives, its continued and hopeless profana-
lion ? We disclaim coercion in any proper sense
of that term ; but we avow our purpose, to cm
jdoy all lawful motives to persuade our fellow cit
tz.ensto “ ceaati to do evil, and learn to do well,"
on tho Sabbath day. We have come to the con
ciuaion, to withdraw our capital and patronage
from the prostration of the Sabbath, because no
alternative remains but this or the ruin of our lie-
public. The business of litis young gigantic na
tion, gathered from such a suil, conducted with
ouch enterprise, and stimulated by such charac
teristic thirst of gain, threatens to hear away, in
one deep nnd resistless stream, whatever is em
barked on its bosniu ; to engulf, in one spacious
vortex, whatever falls within the circumfei enco of
its attraction. This tide of business is in so many
ways interwoven, that individual resistance on Ihe
Sabbath or the resistance of a Town, or City, or
State, is hopeless. No alternative is left but un
ion of effort, and withdrawment from the appall
ing stream, and in such numbers all over the land,
ns that, if a counter current cannot instantly bi
•firmed, a remnant, at least, shall be saved. Al-
ready do wo approach I lie perilous edge of that
cataract, down which if we dash, noibing will lie
seen hat llm wreck of o.ir past gruatues-<, mid the
memorials of our blasted hopes. Now, should tve
fail lo deter our countrymen from so great a death,
we claim, and mean to exercise, tile privilcg'i of
cutting loose utir own little Imrk. The time to do
it has come; and instinct, humanity, patiiotisra,
conscience, religion, havo urged us to the deed—
A 3D IT IS DOME !! Ill THE GRACE Of Goil, THE
Members or this Union will exercise tiieih
hioiits or property, i on the preservation
or THE SlBRATH, OK TIIEIlt KAMILIES AND
THEIR BELOVED COl'ftTUT, I'NANUEBEO AND L’N-
AtVARD.
Aud now we look for co-operation to the go
verninrnt of this nation, the representatives of
freemen, to aid us hy their conspicuous aud pow
erful example, hy their cogent arguments in the
cabinet and halls of legislation, and hy their man
ifestation of a sacred regard for thu Sabbath in all
the arrangements of business at the feat of go
vernment, in the army and the navy, and upon tiie
highways of the land. We trust that those whom
we have clothed with power by our suffrage lo
“ see to it that the commonwealth receive no det
riment," while the guide thu destinies of this great
nation, will not stop their ears against the suppli
cation, nor disappoint the hopes of millions.
To the entire class of our fellow-citizens tvhu
inconsiderately, for amusement or gain, violate Ihe
Sabbath, tve would sav, Alas, brethren, why do
you this evil thing 'f Du not im igine that we shall
engage with you in angry controversy of words
or deeds, nr that we are insensible to the diflicul
tics which by some of yon must he eccountured,
to retrace steps which should never have been
taken, and to withdraw yourselves from alliances
that ought never to hat e been formed. But th
emergency is tremendous. The liberties of your
country, the welfare of the world, are at stake.—
If this nation falls in her vast experiment, the
world’s last hope expires ; and without the inoral
energies of the Sahhuth it will fail. You might
ell put out the sun, and think to enlighten the
eye to eye, and the lifting up together of the voice as
a trumpet, to declare lo this nation its sin, and to warn
the wickcil from their evil way. Jealousy can have
no placo here; we ore all sinking together; node-
nomination can survive tho obliteration ol the dab
bath.
To tho Churches of out Lord,ot every name, re
deemed by hie blond, and associated to maintain bis
ordinances and extend bia cause, wo look lor a care- ( --- ---- - t
ful example, a thorough discipline, nnd a cheerful con- ( tended to exclude foreign merchandise, w ith the
centraiiun of their influence, to furm an etiicient pub- I foreign manufacturer, from the American mark
merchandise? Or are we doomed to be again
insulted, by hearing it repeated, again and again,
that the object of the friends of the proposed sys
tem is to benefit the great body of tile American
people Uy a reduction of ihe price ol manufac
tured merchandise, nnd the creation of a more
certain ami higher market fur the surplus products
of our soil ? Sir, was it to effect this object tha.
the Janos faced monster, that rfapngrcl tourna
ment, called the Harrisburg Convention, was got
up and exhibited in Pennsylvania during the last
summer? Is it to i ff ct this object that the na
lion is now insulted, by manufacturing |>fnprie-
tors and their agents, w ho patrol the streets uf the
Metropolis, the avenuet of tile Capitol, and the
Halls of Legislation, making attempts lo election
eer with members of Congress in favor of the
adoption of the proposed system? Is it not c-
ough thut our lights are fo be broken down, and
our property swept away by a system of plundtr,
but must common sense he outraged by the dec
laration that Ihe object of wool groWcrs, und man
ufacturing proprietors ami stockjobbers, in their
vigilant, ceaseless, and desperate efforts to force
the proposed wild project upon ihe nation, is lo
heni'li’ the agricultural class of th« American peo
ple ? No, Sir, tile uhj"ct is to impose on foreign
merchandise a duty so high, as that, when added
to its intrinsic value or prime cost at the foreign
work-shops, v.illt tho expenses attending its im
portation hither, the domestic manufacturer will
lie enabled, at a large profit, to undersell (lie im
porter, in the American markets. Thus it is in-
lic sentiment which shall rescue the Sabbath from pro
fanation and oblivion. If professors of toligion tin-
lolo tho Sabbath, who will observo it ? If they do
nm stand forth united lot its preservation, who will
defend it ; and if for its violation “ judgment shall
begin at tho house of God, what shall tho end be of
them that know not God, nnd obey not the Gospel r"
Tu tho (treat Cities of our land, nurtured by tho in-
duatry of the nation, and able, by the concentration of
their social power und wealth, to send back upon tho
country putily or pollution, mural life or death, tve
look fur n coteinporunoous and decisive movement in
behalf of the Sabbath. Oh ! brethren, cease, wo lie-
acoch you, to send out upon us, on the Sabbath dHV,
the besom of destruction. ReHt on the Sabbath, and
allow tho land to rest; for till the mainspring ol evil
within yuu ceasea, tho land cannot rest. Vnlacanoes
will yo be, until yo cease to violate the Sabbath, pour
ing out your burning lava over the laud. And fouu
tains of righteousness will yo be, when all within
your gato shall koop thu Sabbath holy, pouring through
tlm land streams to make glad tho city of our Goil
To conclude. IVe commit our enterprise to tha God
of thu Sabbath, whose mediatorial government lor our
redemption is made effectual only by His Wold and
Spirit, associated lodissolubly with tho Sabbath-flay ;
beseeching Him to guide us by wisdom ftom a’iove—
to inspire us with buniilly in prosperity, w.’ih meek
ness under provocation, withcourngo in times of peril,
with fortitude in cireuinstancoa of discouragement,
with a single cyu to IIis glory, with -unshaken confi
dence in ills ptomiscs, nnd untiring euterpriso in His
biassed cause, until tho necessity uf this Union shall
bo done nwny in the voluntary observance of the Sab
bath by the enttte population of tins groat Republic.
ts. Then, indeed, shall we literally have, to u-
| the emphatic language of a gentleman who was
| transferred from the seat you now occupy to
tion of their own soil, they are driven to the ne
cessity of bartering the products of their labor for
Ihe surplus products of the soil of their mure for
tuoate neighbours, at a sacrifice correspondent to
their adverse condition. Sir, what is the condi
tion of our own country? Compare its almost
immeasurable extent of territory, and its limited
population, with the condition of European coun
Hero tve have a generous, an * xuherant
soil. Within our limits, vast untravelled region-
l-e unpeopled, inviting culture. There a territory
limited in extent, which has belched fotth its mill
ions to people Ihe western world, and is still glut
ted by a dense, an overflowing population. The
price of manual labor there, must necessarily be
lower in proportion to the want'of soil, in Ihe culli
vation of which it can be fully and profitably em
ployed, Ilian it is here where the extent of terri
tory is so greatly redundant to the population, and
the anil so luxuriant. Theredundnnt population
of those countries are compelled to purchase em
ployment, by yielding an advantage to their em
ployers; they will, therefore, manufacture lower,
and carry lower than we can, because they are
compelled to do so, In obtain a meagre subsi-
tence, while we, thank Heaven, ore not compell
ed to sacrifice our labor to obtain bread. For if.
under the operation of the proposed wild pr'.ji-c'
tve can derive from our labor nothing tDCire that
a hare subsistence, we will bestow that labor u
Ihe cultivation of our soil with the. sole view of
acquiring such subsistence-, and rrly upon our
household manufactures for indispensible do bing.
Then the hosted homt-syaltm will he literally com
plete.
How, then, can (he friends of the proposed sys
tem It opt* to compete with foreign merchandise
in f.-.eign markets, where American mnnufar
Premiership. ‘‘.A home system" Jti’res will not he encourngr d by protecting do
Let us inquire what efl.-ct the operation of this ( ties ? Sir,the hope would be utteily vain. Your
From Ihe Philadelphia Star.
PAPAL JURISDICTION IN AMERICA.
"The following is a translation of a recent or
derfriuii Ills holiness the Pope of Rome address
ed to Bishop Cornwell, of this city. It is a sin
gular specimen of papal authority exercised over
tile people of afreo country.
Moat Illustrious and most Reverend Sir.
" We have received Ihe letters of your glare
writtco on the H'.tiof Nov. 1827—in which you
reply to our epistle transmitted to you on the 11th
of August. In our epistle in the name of our
most holy Lord Pope, Leo. XII. your grace
was called to Rome, and yuu were informed that
the apostolic administration of your diocese had
been committed lo 11, P. D. Ambrose Mnrcchal.
Now I am charged to inform you, that R. P. D.
MurechtrI, archbishop of Ualtimore, will not un
dertake the administration on account of imper
fect health. Ilia Holiness, therefore has commit
ted again to the sacred congregation, the duty of
informing you, that he expects from you this new
testimony nf obedience towards him and the a-
pestolic scat, Hint without delay, (omni mora rc-
liclaj von repair to Rome w here you will bo re
ceived with that benevolence which we fully tie
monstrated in our former letter. During your
absence from the Diocese of Philadelphia, and
until it may be otherwise ordered by the npostol
ic seat. II. D William Matthews, Pastor uf Wash
ington deputied by his holiness as apostolic Vicar
general, will assume the government. Finally the
Rev. William Vincent Harold and John Ryan, by
the authority of our most Holy Lord, are most
importunately urged (vehuntnlissime ercitatoa es
se ) to leave the DiuO'-so of Philadelphia ; and tin
sacred congregation has expressed its pleasure
that they repair to Cincinnati!, and there cxecutt
the sacred function.
D Machos Cardinal Caitellaiu.
coiransssxoxffAXi.
SPEECH OF MR. THOMPSON,
OE GEORGIA,
On the proposed alteration of the Tariff, delivered
jlprilHsl, 1B28,
Mr. Speaker.—It is always with reluctance I
attempt to add.css this House, especially so at
this time, harassed us I now am by a severe cough.
But a proposition like that which is contained in
the bill nutv under consideration, involving ns it
does the best interests of my country, threaten
ing utter distraction lothe prosperity of ihutaec-
tion of liki Union whence I come, leaves me no
alternative but an abandonment of duly, nr a
rrief expression of WJ opinion and views nf tile
subject. I will net attempt to ful'ow the friends
of the proposed measure tie .nigh tho diversified
and almo,t interminable rattle of (hair discussion
of (Ilia subject, much less do I consider it my du
ty to examine the prodigious and rapidly accumu
lating volume of trash, addressed £o Congress in
the shape uf petitions und memorials’, got up by
wool growers, manufacturing proprietors’, and po
litical jugglers, for selfish purposes aud political
fleet, aud heaped upon our tables at public ex
pense, urging tne adoption of the proposed pro
ject- I design to offer to the Houso u mere epi
tome of an argument opposed to the adoption of
a manufacturing Tariff SyBtem, in which it will
be my principle object to discuss the subject very
briefly on general principles, und to appeal from
the veracious demands of avarice, to the suber
sense, the honest feelings, and the candor of the
House. Arid although my vanityacarcely prompts
a latent hope that l will he able, in the few remarks
which I may address to tha House on this occa
sion, to Buperadd any argument which will eff
a tiling toenltgnten Hie , ‘'V
arid with tapers.—destroy the attraction of grav-1 a "- v (,f "P 1 " 10 "* ;>!>*•» «»'* afreet, <ound-
e universe by human I cd ** ln . sh »'«!*? \ > c ' 1 ) T|1 . l,;,ve jiuehargjid a
tty, and think to wield the universe by
jsO'Vcrs, us to extinguish the moral illumination of
the Sabbath, and break this glorious mainspring
of the moral government of God. And when
thall tve stop, if uot now ? and how thall we ar
rest the evil but by voluntary association and vol
untary reformation i Will you, then, beloved
: countrymen, for the pitiful gam of Sabbath-day
earnings, rob the animal creation of tint rest
which their Creator gave to them r Will you
. I ,rgo the means of grace, purchased for you by
; the blood of Christ; stop in your families the
I wells of salvation, and put out the light of life,
and teach your children to work out their destruc
tion, instead of their salvation, Upon the Sabbath
- day. Will you beseage the citadel of civil liberty,
and undermine the pillar which sustains the en
tire, superstructure, umi bury yourself and your
country in the rums of its might fall? You would
, not steel nor rob for gain, nor send out pestilence
■ upon theiand, nor let out wild beasts and reptils
ij to poison and rend. You would plead no libeity
,of conscience to do Ibis, and no children’s bread
Jcarned by such enterprise. Why, then, will youi
Jjsersist, so deliberately, bo eargi-rly, so inflexibly,"
j*n the violation of the Sabbath, which is but a
Arompreliciiiiive mode of wresting from us all uur
blessings, and letting out upon theiand all tnar.ner
f evil ?
To the laboring poor, particularly,Vu would
acred duty which 1 otve to those whom l have
the honor to represent in part upon this floor, as
well ns to the great body of the American peo
ple, by entering nty solemn protest against th
adoption of the proposed reckless project. Sir,
the object contemplated by tile friends of the
proposed system, the great American System, as it
Iras been sometimes pompously called, is to pro
tect and encourage domestic manufactures by a
total exclusion iff foreign merchandise from the
American markets- The friends of the proposed
system may deny that 9uch is tin ir object ; hut
when they tell us that it is intended lo protect and
encourage domestic manufactures by its opera
tion, we are compelled to believe'lhut it is intend
ed that those manufactures shall cuter the Anter
icon market without competition; and au exam
ination of the provisions uf the hill now under
consideration, with the declarations made by its
friends in the course of this discussion, conclusive
ly supports that opinion. Can it he denied that
foreign merchandise will ha excluded from the A
mcrican markets by the operation of the propos-
ed system, if adopted, in jlist proportion to the ex
tent of protection which may he given to domes-
tic manufactures ? If it can. why then litis clam
orous demand for protection ? will any one pre
tend to argue, seriously, that hr imposition of ad
dilional duties on foreign merchandise, which will
as fur you, especially, that the Sabbath was made, I necessarily raise the price of all manufactured
* will you sell your birth right ? In all couutrles I merchandise, will produce in this couotry a cor-
“> '!•« SnbV’h i* TtH tepr, thopcer era prcff-J | responding increase of the consumption cf such
home system, if adopted, will have upon the gre.,t
leading interests nf our country, upon the revenue
of the government, and the general prosperity nf
the American people. Sir, tile great leading in
terests of this country are agricqlt’arai, cumtr.er-
eial, and manufacturing. The f’ .vt, embracing a
great majority of the American people, the yen
manry of the country, Rjc hone and sinew of
your government, is, b'y far, the most important,
because that intercs-. forms the foundation of I lie
superstructure of American liberty and prosperi
ty. Affect that Interest injuriously, and you sap
the foundation of your prosperity and irdepen-
denre. What effect will the operation of the pro
posed. -ysfe.m, if adopted, have upon the agricul
ture interests of this country ? Sir, to sustain
that interest, Ihe surplus products of our soil must
find a ready market at fair prices. I mean pri-
res which will reward the laborer for his toil.—
Notv, Sir, if, by the adoption and operation of au
excessive tariff, you exclude foreign merchandi i
from the American markets, if the foreign man
ufacturer cannot,'ill a lair course of barter, ex
change the products of iris work shops fur tin-
surplus products of our soil, he cannot take our
surplus products, because, unaided as he would be
try the proceeds of his labour, lie would be utter
ly unable to make payment fur them. We should,
therefore, in vain seek a foreign market for the
surplus products of our soil. We should find
none. The domestic manufacturing, establish
ments, can consume but a very small portion of
the surplus our country is capable of producing ;
and tho price of that small portion would he en
tireiy controlled by the proprietors of those es
tablishments : as, by the exclusion of foreign com
merce, competition in the American markets
would be entirely destroyed. And can any nna
be at a loss to conjecture what of liberality would
he displayed, uuder such circumstances, in the
price which would be paid by Ihe monopolists for
the small portion of raw material which could he
consumed hy the domestic manufacturing estab
ments? No Sir; this avaricious demand for pro
tection is proof conclusive that those monopolists
want the power to dictate a price fora ratv mate
rial, as well as for Ihe manufactured article; and
that, in the exercise of such power, they would
unfeelingly wring from the hard hand of poverty
the last earnings of honest industry. The inevi
table consequence would be, that the agricultural
class ol’ tiie American people would he compelled
to abandon tin: cultivation of tlio3e articles which
notv form the staple of our commerce, and for
which they cannot find a substitute. Yet, we arc
gravely told, that the adoption and operation of
llie proposed system, will subserve Ihe interest of
Ihn agricultural clast of the American people;
th tt it will create a home market, which will
afl’ord to us better prices for Ihe surplus pro
ducts of our soil than wo can otherwise obtain
Sir, gentlemen ask too much, if they expect us to
believe them serious when making this declara
tion. While tve concede lo them, that they
not only understand their own pecuniary inter
est, hut, if authorized to act as our guardians,
they could conveniently dictate to u> opinions
very advantageous lo themselves, wu should be
thought to know something uf our own interest.
Imran theagiieullur.il and commercial interests
of this country. At least we ought to be excus
ed for refusing to do violence to common sense,
by the adoption of such absurd opinions. -Th
truth is, Sir, that the bill now under consideration
amounts lu n distinct proposition to authorize,
comparatively, a few wool growers and manufac
let ing proprietors and stockjobbers, to rob the
pockets of the great body of the American peo
ple : for, if hy an imposition of higher duties cn
foreign merchandise, the domestic manufacturer
should be enabled to obtain a more certain mark
et for, and a higher per cent. profit on, ihe pro-
duets of his work-shops, such additional percent
profit will he it clear deduction from the proceeds
of the lihor of the agricultural class of the Amer
ican people, as that clasa would be the principal
consumers of such products. Thus, hy theadop-
tioo of the proposed system, the opuration of
which will exclude foreign merchandise, with the
foruign manufacturer, from thu American markets,
will you sweep the agricultural interest of this
country, ns with the besom of destruction.
Mr. Speaker, what effect will tho operation of
the proposed system, if adopted, have upon your
commerce? I mean foreign commerce. If you
aflord additional protection to domestic manufac
tures hy an imposition of higher duties on for
eign merchandise, you exclude foreign merchan
dia,' from the American markets, correspondency
(Its; extent of the protection which you will
give to domestic manufactures. Will any one
deny that the proposed protection will iff. et :i
total exclusion of foreign merchandise from the
American markets? Sir, an examination of the
provisions of the hill now under consideration,
with a recollection of Ihe avowed object of the
friends of the proposed system, will not adtnff
such a denial. The mask is thrown off; mu
nopoly is the. order of Ihe day. \uu liaio been
distinctly told on this floor. thaJ Ihe object of the
friends of the proposed system, is prohibition.—
Now, Sir, if a fair course of exchange of the sue
plus products of our soil forth.' products ' f nth
er countries should ho thus destroyed, what will
jour commerce be ?
We have been told, that, aided by the proposed
protection, America will in her turn be able lo
supply ttie other nations of the earth with tin
manufacturednrlicle. But would foreigners pur
chase uf us uuder such circumstances ? I think
it demonstrable that they would rot. Sir, I know
that it is a settled maxim, that the value of, or
demand for money, regulates the price of prop
erty. It is equally true, that the value of all man
ufactured merchandise is regulated by the price
of m.tuual labor, and that the value of manual la
bor is influenced mainly by (hose circumstances
which favor, more or less, its profitable applica
tion.
I assume it as a position incontrovertibly true,
that agriculture forms the foundation, the exclu
sive source, of al! commercial and national wealth
and prosperity. Therefore, in a country whi te
tho extent of territory is greatly redundant to die
population, and a gcuerous soil yields a harvest,
i it'll in proportion, to the labor bestowed in its
cultivation, tho price of manual labor will neces
sarily by much higher than iu those countries!
where the population is greatly redundant lo the
extent of territory. Because, where the popu
lation of any country becomes so dense that they ed system you would create a haughty, oppressive, t* rivena.r
cannot derive synpie subsilfinco frera thecultivs- and ofcr--flirj moneyed Aristocracy, which would t iu \vuua»a
commerce would he swept front the ocean, and
your navy, the proud boast of America, would
share a similar fate. The met chant service, as
is called, forms the great nursery in which your
most hardy, gallant, and efficient seamen are train
ed. That nursery furnished the men, who, dur
ing the lale war, carried the American thunder ti
the astonished shores of your haughty foe, and
■red the American flag with a blaze of ghuy
From that source alone, will you he able, in future
to derive a succession of hardy and gallant sea
men, to man your navy. But the operation ol
tho proposed system, if adopted, will destroy
that nursery, by destroying foreign commerce.—
Yes, Sir, hy the adoption of the proposed sy-
tem, the operation of which will exclude foreigi
merchandise from the American markets, and
thereby destroy the market for the surplus pro
ducts of oursoil, you will yield your navy, your
commerce, and Ihe agricultural interests of thi j
country, a sacrifice to the avraice of wool grow
ers and manufacturing proprietors and stockjob
ber*.
Mr. Speaker, what eft’uct will the operation of
the proposed system, if adopted, have upon the
domestic manufacturing establishments them
selves ? Sir, like a plant forced into rapid veget
atinn by hotbed culture, but which shrivels at thi
touch of Ihe first bleak northern blast, those e3
tahlishments might flourish I’nr a time, hut. in th
hour of adversity, they would fall away ; they
would he rrushed by the violence of the unnatu
ural und desperate rfl'urt now attempted to hi
made to force them into importance. Adopt the
proposed system, and, by its operation, you will
exclude foreign commerce from the American
markets, and thereby destroy the market for the
surplus products of our soil. The great body of
the American people would not, therefore, under
such circumstances, he able, hy their labor, to pay
the taxes lo w hich they would he subjected us a
consequence of the operation of the proposed
system; much less would they be able lo pur
chase domestic manufactures. They would
therefore, consume none. And (as I think I have
already clearly shown) domestic manufactures
cannot compete with foreign merchandise in for
eign marki ts. Tiie inevitable consequence would,
therefore be, that the domestic manufacturing es
tablishments themselves would be ultimately in
volved hy the operation of the proposed system,
in the guncral wreck of the great leading interests
of this country.
Mr. Speaker, Hie operation of the proposed
sys'em, if adopted, will destroy your revenue.—
It is intended to protect and encourage domestic
manufactures. The duties intended to he impos
ed hy it must, therefore, be considered so high,
that foreign merchandise cannot compete wiih do
mestic manucture3 in the American maikets. The
object must, therefore, he to exclude foreign tner
chandise from tho American markets. Of ne
cessity then, tho revenue derived from foreign
commerce, which now forms the exclusive sourci
of your permanent revenue, if not entirely des
troyed, would he reduced in proportion to the ex
tent of the. proposed monopoly. And the small
revenue, if any, which you may hope to derive
from that sourer", under the operation of the pro
posed system, would be greatly lessened by smug
gling : for, Sir the proposed excessive tariff would
tax the ingenuity of tho commercial workl to e
vade your custom-house officers and your eollrc
lion laws. And, Mr. Speaker, under the extreme
oppression of the operation of the proposed tnon
strous project, your best citizens, Sir, would he
compelled to wink at such evasions.
That thn adoption of tho proposed system, tho op
oration of which would exclude foreign commerce
from tho American markets, would thereby destroy
your revenue, is too clear to admit of elucidation.
Sir. I bcpgontlomen to reflect on tho mural nnd polit
ical ctl'eet which tho operation of the proposed sys
tem, if adopted, will have upon the American roar-
tnunity, especially that part of it which will be inti
mately nnd immediately connected with manufactur
ing establishments, in the character of hireling man
ufacturers and laborers Will gentlemen deny that
institutions,fustcred by tho strong aim of tho govern
ment, growing up in onr country, as contemplated by
the proposed system, will acquire and exercise a bane
ful influence over the moral ns well as physical pow
ers of persons hold to labor iu those establishments
I ask these who profess tc
profess to Ire converse,it with manu
facturing establishments, whether tho persons employ
ed Iu them, as Inhorcrs, do nut adopt the opinions and
prejudices of their employers ? Sir, it is natural; it
is inovilable. Toll me, does tlmt manly indepen
dence, that tempered majesty, which marks the char
aeler and deportment of tho independent American
citizen whucultivatcshis own oil,and who islord of his
own, though humble dwelling, irradiate the brow of
persons helit to labor in manufacturing establishments:
I have heard it said, and on this floor, too, Sir, that la
borers in manufacturing establishments acquire and
exorcise an influence over their employers ; bocanse,
when there nromany establishments in operation in
the same country, employers fear to offend their labo
rors, lest tho laborer should seek and find perhaps
better employment in some oilier establishment Is
such the luct ? If it is, it is an unnatural fact The histo
ry of much older nations, natious of much greater
experience than the I’nited States, presents to us a
very different state of facts What was the cfl’ect of
-your non-intercourse system upon manufacturing es
tablishments on the other sido of the Atlantic ? Sir,
thoosandsof laborers were turned out of those estab
lisbmcnts,tho miserable subjects of pnvortvand bun
gor, and uf cvety vicious app'-tite Did iheir infl .
cnceovcr the proprietors of those establishments ai
quire for them a morsel of bread to sustain their
wictched existence J No, Sir, it did not gain for them
a grave ; their emaciated carcasses manured the fields
of their oppressed,their enslaved country. Merciful
God! and must I ant cipato that, wbut England then
svns, my country will in futuro be > Kind Heaven
forbid I No, Sir; that manly port, that majestic
mien, which characterizes the independent American
citizen, degenerates in those establishments into n
fawning servility. Tho great mass uf laborers iu
those establishments become mere instruments in the*
hands of the proprietors of such establishments For
the truth of this assertion, I appeal to reason nnd the
experience eff a world A haughty aristocracy would
thus rear its crest, and would demolish the fair fabric
of American independence Your boasted elective
franchise would be but the pale and sickly shadow of
what is now esteemed a high privilege, an inuliena
ble right. The'hireling, dependent as ho would be
upon his employer, not only for bis daily bread, but
lor tho daily subsistence of bis dependent wife and
children, would be compelled to submit to the dicta
tion ol his^cmployer in all things- Therefore, in your
elections. Sir, Ins vote would find its way to the bal
lot box under the influence of his employer.
Thus, by tho adoption and operation of tho propos.
cd
•weep aside the last vestiges of your froo, generous,
and boasted political institutions. Sir, laborers in
those establishment Avould bo compelled to yield to
the idea of their own inferiority, and, crowded together,
male and female, nf all ages, in an employment which
admits the mind to wander over wastes of dissipstiou,
what with gibes and vulgar jests, prompted by a Sense
of their own degradation, would dissipate tlioir sense
nf moral teciitudo, and plunge them into excesses dis
gustingnTid disgraeoful. But, Sir, what effort would
tho loss of your revenue, with tho destruction of the
great lending interests nf your country, and the deg
radatinn of the moral and physical ehnraeter of the
American people, hnve upon the general prosperity of
vour countrv and government ? This question. S.r,
ir i may be allowed to use the language of a distin
guished frishnrntor, “ opens to my mind, a melancholy
field of thoueht, of painful tetiospcrt, and direful
prospect." But, bb neither the Male of my health,
nor the limits which I have prescribed to myself, will
permit me to attempt to traverse the almost unbounded
field of diaastcrouB consequences, likely to result from
tho operation of the proposed system, if adopted, I
must leavo much to be dedured by tho House, from
that rourse of remark wh'^h I have already preser.
ted, while 1 hasten to notion, very briefly, some of the
consequences which will result from the loss of your
revenue Sir, pay, for example sake, that your pub
I’.e debt now amounts to about seventy millions of
dollars, and that the annual expenditures of the gov
ernment, on all accounts, amount to about twenty-
four millions of dollars ; add to this the countless mil
lions, which, by the adoption and operation of a splen
did,reckless, and unconstitutional interra) improve
ment system, are intended to be expendod on object'
of internal improvement; from whence, let tne ask
are these countless millions to bo derived i Can gen
tlemen conceive ot any other source than a direct re
sort to interna] direct taxation ? And arn you prepar
ed thus to create the necessity of imposing on the
great body of the American people, the heavy, op
pressive, and odious burthen of internal direct taxes f
Do you believe that tho American people will pati
ently submit to the imposition? Reduced, as they
would he, by the operation of the proposed system,
to a state of heggaiy, think you, Sir, they would pay
for leavo to bog ? No, Sir, they would not Depriv
ed, as they would be, of the means necessary, they
could not ; they cannot submit tu such oppression
Sir, I am devoted to my country It is my idol
I am exclusively an American. I have the honor tt
be a representative of the people of (Georgia. As an
American, I cannot, as a representative of tho peo
pie of Georgia, I daro not, I never will consent to tlx
adoption of these, or cither of these reckless projects,
or to an imposition of tales which mav he induced
by their operation Su, since I have had tho honor ol
a scat in this House, applications have been frequent
ly made to Congress in favor of domestic manufac
turcs, and, on each of tlioso occasions, the friends ol
domestic manufactures have said to ub, this is the
lust appeal to the gericrosity of the reprcsentalircs of
the American people in favor of the infant manufac
turcs of this country. Those applications have gen
erally been successful : yet, bore is another last ap
peal to tho generosity of the representatives of tlx
American people in favor of the infant manufacture;
of this country The representatives of that set tun
of the Union which is destined to be the victim of the
operation of tho proposed system, have uniformly
(as was their duty.) resisted theso encroachments up
on their rights and prosperity, hy all legitimate meum
within tlioir power But gentlemen complain, whet
we tell them wo cannot submit to the threatened op
pression They say that generosity demands our as
sent to tho adoption of the proposed system ; that ou
opposition to it, is, therefore, ungenerous. Sir, it has
been called on this floor intemperate ! Gracious
God! Struggling, as we are, to maintain
tenco which is threatened to be destroyed by the adop
tion and operation of the proposed system, must w
be told that any eftort within the legitimate range u
Congiessional order is ungenerous or intemperate
No, Sir, when the intended victim struggles to divei
the death stroke aimed by his murderer, it is cruel t
complain that the struggle was obstinate Sir, pam
ful as it is to tne, I will however remark, that I c
not perceive any difference in principal between lh<
exactions which wore levied by the crown of Eng
land on its American colonies, and which lt d to a app
aration of those colonies from the mother country, und
the iniquitous, unjust, and unconstitutional exactions
now attempted to ho levied on tho agricultur 1 class
of tho Amer< an people in favor of wool-growers, and
manufacturing proprietors, and stockjobbers. I
equality of rights forms the basis of oui Constitu
tion, then, in it system which would operate as partial
ly, unequally, and oppressively aa the proposed system
will most certainly do, if adopted, we cannot perceive
any thing more or less than a downright, direct, and
flagrant violation of the Constitution
Mr Speaker, let not tho Southern people bo char
ged with a want of dovntinn to the Union Their sec
tional character has never been attained by traitorous
efforts to paralyze the arm of the Govcrnmont They
hnve entered into no Hartford or Harrisburg Con
vention projects against the union of these State
against the prosperity of tho American people. No
Sir, amidst the harsh clangor of war, in the cannon
mouth, in tho deadly breach,thoy have given condu
sivo evidence of their devotion to the Union Yes,
Sir, in the strictest senso of tho word, wo are devoted'
to the Union. Anil if, urged downwards by tho adoption
of wild and ruinous projects, or a reckless ambition
to its final dissolution, it must at last fall in tho hou
of peril, while it yet hovers on the vorgo of its ex
tion. wo will still cling to it, and with it sink into the
awful abyss. But, to support the legitimate, thn con-
Btitutionni Union of tliesoStates, wc must fearlessly and
successfully defend tlm legitimate, tho constitutional
rights of the pooplc,oven against the mal administra
tion of the government of the Union itself.
Mr Speaker, is it not possible that the evils which
I have suggested will result from the operation of the
proposed system, if adopted ? Is it not possible that
it will create largo monopolies, nnd a haughty aristoc
racy hostile to rational independence — lessen, if not
destroy, your revenue—crento the necessity of a
resort to internal direct taxation—oppress and ruin
the agricultural and commercial classes of the Ameri
can people—and sweep the ocean of your commerce
and your navy ? You must acknowledge that is pos
sible, and that the proposition is but a project—a
mere experiment And can you, undismayed, urgo
tho adoption of a project, which by its operation, may
involve your country in remediless ruin ?
Does tho present condition of domestic manufac-
tures and domestic manufacturing establishments, re
ally rrquiro that you should jeopardize your best in
terests, yea, your very existence, to sustain thorn?
Then let them fall. But, Sir, compare their present
prosperous aud flourishing condition, with the condi
tion of tiio other great leading interests of your coun
try, and you will fiud, that while many of the domes
tic manufacturing proprietors are boasting of their
profits, and some magnanimously acknowledging
that they need no additional protection, the other
great leading, and much more important miercsts of
our country, are languishing and sinking under the
pie-sure of adverse cireumi-tances, amongst which you
may justly reckon manufacturing tarifl* projects And
will you still urge the adoption of the proposed sys
tem ? I adjure you to pause bofore you take this leap
into night All beyond you is ruin Sir,it will be
liberal, it will ho just, it will he considered an enligh
tened policy, to foster with care, and pursue diligent
ly, that course of policy which lias for so ninny years
given prosperity to this nation You are now doing
well. I beseech you to continue to do well. I ap
peal to the good feelings of this Hnusc—tn your can
dor, and sonse of justice, and ask, arc you prepared
to run the risk of inflicting on your country, evils
which, you cannot deny, may possibly result from the
adoption nnd oporution ot ttie proposed system ?
litres or an;
MR. CLAY AND GEN JACKSON
From the United States Gazette, of June 21.
The space which we have given these few days past
to proceedings in court, lias prevented out paym*
that attention to Mr. Clay’s Supplement, which the
great interest we take iu his character, and the respect
due a high functionary of the government, deserve a!
our hands
\Ve made our tcaflors acquainted in December last,
witli Mr Clay a dofenen of his character, against
aspersions thrown upon it by Gen. Jackson touching
he last presidential election. Mr. Clay tlieu, it will
he recollected, g nvc at large the contents of tellers re
ceived from a number of Highly respectable individu-
ola--among whom was I.afayette- all going to prove
as tar aa a negative could be proved, that Mr C had
tirade no improper stipulations with Mr. Adams ns to
the vote ef Kentucky, and eerahlishing, beyond a
doubt, that Mr. Clay had made up liis mind t„ veto for
Mr Adams previously tu tho luno in which ho has
been declared to he vascillating Indocd.it has an-
pea red to m*».m persons who havo given tho subject a
thought, that Mr. Clay could not, with any degroo of
consistency, have made a different disposition of his
vote and interest than that which it is well known ho
did
The present supplement to tho pamphlet o/occertj-
her, contains letters from individuals, who did not hj-
ply to Mr Clay’s circular in season for his pamphlet,
and whoso correspondence is thought to havo a di
rect bearing upon tho question.
The arrangements of thu supplement arc--
First—an attempt to disprove Gen. Jackson’s state
ment, that the origin of ihe charges against Messrs.
Adams nnd Clay, of bargain, &c. was at his (Gen.
Jackson’s) own houso nnd fire side— 1 “ where surely a
freeman may speak on puplic topics, without having
ascribed to him improper motives.”
This is done by the letter of Mr Wm Sample, who
declares that, in a conversation at West Alexandria,
Pa. hot ween Gen. Jackson md Mr Edward Me
Laugldin, on tho General's return from Washington,
in tho spring of 1825, he, tho General, dcclan d -
“ There were cheating, corruption and bribery ; tho
editors of the National Intelligencer wero bribed to
refuse the publication of Iionost George Kremcr’slet
ter.”
A similar statement is mado by Mr! Isaac Ifcmnct,
of a conversation which took place at Browrfavillo,
the same season.
The Ri v. Andrew Wylie, of Washington, pa. give?)
the particulars of a conversation which lie held with
tho General, on his returning from the seat of govern
ment, in which ho makes the same chirge of corrup
tion against Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay.
John Keel, of Bowling Green, Ken declares that
ho hoard Gen Jackson, in the spring of 1825, say,
that" lie would not havo the office ol President of
the United StRtos, if he had to obtain it hy bargain,
corruption and intrigue, as Mr Adams hud done."
Cuthbcrt T. Jones, of the same place, hears similar
testimony
J. Waring, of Frank ford, Ken. says that he
heard Gen. Jackson say, in reference to the election
“ The people had been cheated The corruptions
and nit igucs at Washington^ hud defeated the will
of the people in the election of their candidate"— BQil
this in a large • ompanv.
Tho second part of the pamphlet contains letters
fr-mi gentlemen, proving Mr Clay's determination,
long antecedent to the election, not to vole for Gen
eral Jn< kson
Mr George Rol cr son of Ken declares tbit, from
a conversation with Mr Clay, in September, 1621, hu
und* rsiood, distinctlv, that nothing could induce him
to aid in. or approve of tho General's election.
A letter from Mr. C 8 Todd proves Mr. C’s hos
tility io General Jackson’s election, us expressed in
November, 1824. when Mr. C. hoped thut measures
would be taken to prevent the Legislature of Kentucky
from pnssing revolves favourable lo GhiicihI Jackson's
election. *• I recolloct,” says Mr. Todd, *• that you
(Mr C) foreboded the direst consequences to the
country, in the event of his election—that it would
be an ndminiRtintion of fury and violence,” &.c
Mr. D Vertncr says, that while dining at llio table of
Mr Clay in August, 1824, tho conversation turned
upon the question of the election Mr. Clay observ
ed—
" That if the Houso of Representatives had to do-
cidetho election between tlioso two gentlemen, there
was very little doubt on his mind as to the result, and
•hat it would undoubtedly he in favor of Mr. Adams.
He said that tho House of Representatives was com
posed of mm possessing great political knowledge
and experience -that they wars acquainted with tho
superior pretens ons of Mr. Adams, and that superiori
ty w.,uld secure his election—in fact, I recollect dis
tinctly that he spoke in terms of high commendation
of ihe ability, great experience, and political accom
plishments of Mr. Adams ; and that, for himself, ho
could not hesitate in giving his preference to Mr Ad
ams Ho pronounced his objections to Goncral Jack-
son with great decision and force, as entirely unfit for
th** situation , and such was tho impression made on
my mind by these remarks, that had Mr. Cfay after
wards voted for General Jackson, I should have been
compelled to assign him some motive other than
the public good
A. W Woolley, in a letter from Port Gibson gives
a similar conversation between Mr Clay and his
guests
Mr. B S Forrest states that, in tho autumn of
1824, Colonel T II. Bonton expressed to him a con
viction that, “it was impossible for Jfr. Clay lo vote
for General Jackson "
Col T II Benton confirms tho above, and de
clares that, *• he knew of Mr Clay's early intention
to vote for Mr Adams."
Many ot!i« r letters are published, which go to con
firm the impressions made by those above noticed.—
The most irrefragable proof is given of Mr Clay’*
early intention of vo'.ing against Gen. Jackson, and
for Mr. Adams.
pray you to reflect well upon the subject, before >ou
•one upon the nation a project which, hy its opera-
tom, may produce evils you cannot remedy
¥<)N’ES Sill-riff’s Sales Oil the first
Tuesday In Al-Gl-ST ant, will be sold at the court-house
' i .u. Vt h° • nlon » *' ones county, within the usual hours uf
sale, the follow mg property, to wit:
„ “.XT?!' '“‘t. it being that part of lol No 131, in
Uf, l,,l > foniwrly Baldwin now Jours county, w hid, fell ,o Asa
Kiln nils in the division of said bind, adjoining ihe lands of Thos.
■ the property of
'Wyall
r nnd other:
oolfolk, Mary
Samuel W. Whitworth to satisfy
Si ! l F ,ind one in favor of Charles j. McDonald, both against
said w hit worth. °
• le r;i' 0 "Oman named Alice, lc> ird on a. the property of John
Hollnhi, to;iuh yan execution in mvur of John W Carrinflon
“ CHARLES R. EATON, D- Shut'.
igainst-nRl Holliday
P ost PONED SALE—On the first Tues-
day in A1 til s f next, will be void at the court-house in
ineiown ot M'lledceville, lfr,d»in county, between the usual
of MUledc.
hours of sale, the follow.
One lot of land. No. 17-
Baldwin county.
Mhe prop
the .’dli dist. of formerly Wilkinson
ing 20J 1-J acre*, more or less, levied
t Abram (inkling, to satisfy a li fa from Bal-
i bi favor ol the Administrators, of P. K. Jail-
aid Uolding, property pointed out by the Adminis-
S. BIVINS, Su’fT.
W | REWARD—My nr-
gro woman RACHAEL ran.i-
wav from me outlie first of last month. Siu* i»
rather yellow in complexion, bold countenance,
quick spoken, about years old, a little above
thee “—* ■** ‘
teniSered, dressed
ay, but took a good deal
ve gone towards Augu 1
homespun when she
clothing with
I bought her
nnd perhaps
couaty, Oi-JuItT—Q*,
From the Charleston Mercury.
The National Intolligoncer has recently ptit forth a
long and flisingenuousarticle, umler the title of “Tlm
Crisis,” in which it asserts that attempts ate making
in tho Southern States to produce u separation of tho
Union—that these movements havo originated with
and are promoted hy the friends of Gen. Jackson—
that they furnish a sure indication of the dangerous
character of tho Jackson party---thnt Gen. Jack-
son’s election to the Presidency woald be tantamount
to the destruction of the confederacy- and that there
fore it behoves tho poople to oppose him as they vilua
the safety and perpetuity of tho union.
This is the substance of the article; tho wliolo of
whic h, it appears, with all its lumeutations, exhorta
tions, and professions of patriotism, lias been caused
hy tho unprecedented publication in the Charleston
Mercury of an article in which tho writer declared
thut “ no alternative is comparnble to the evils wo
must inevitably suffer under the present state of
things,” and by the appearance of another article in
the Georgia Southron, in which a Southern Conven
tion is recommended, to deviso the best and most
effectual means of defeating the operation of tho
Tariff r
The pure nnd patriotic editors of the Intolligcncor
appear almost as much “ clecttified,” hy this mon-
Rtrous proposition, as they were by the loss ofthe prin
ting of the Senate. They denounco it in terms of
unqualified reprobation—compare it, in their most e!
oquent style, to the treasonable designs of the Hart
ford Convention *. call upon the people to frown it
down indignantly ; and thee---whai think you gen
tle reader ? Why, then, they, suddenly recollect tho
intimate connexion of Mr. Webster and others, with
that same Hartford Convention to which they bad
just compared a Southern Congress as to the very
acme of infamy, and fearing that tho abuso of thut
Convention might offend, thoy all at onco remember
that the said Hartford Convention was really not so
had, that its trse charaeter bos never been properly
understood, and that “ much of their former prejudico
against it has been ubated by latter and more correct
information.” Tho exhorting tho people to resist tho
dangerous movements at the Houth as leading to a re
petition of the Hartford Convention, and then servilo.
ly apologizing for the doings, and meanly endeavor
ing to uphold the character, of thut very convention,
in order to avoid tho displeasure of tho powers that
be.
This may serve as a pretty fair specimen of tho in
dependence and consistency uf the National Intelli
gencer. It may also servo to shew what reliance ie
to be placed upon the assertions of that paper in rela
tion to the people of the South. The Intelligencer,
in truth, has hut one object in view in all its efforts--
the reelection of Mr Adams ; and in order to effect
that, rejects no artifice however paltry, no argument
however sophistical, no statement however unfounded
and absurd.
Tho insinuation, that the Mercury advocates dis
union, \h False. Equally false is the imputation at
tempted to be cast upon the friends of Jackson in
the South And unspeakably detestable is the hy
pocrisy with which the Intelligencer affects to dia-
claim imputing to Gen. Jackson any approbation of
or participation with “such proceedings,” seeing that
the express object of its whole article, is to hold up
tfce friends of .Ucuo:; asj plotting tha dwtructioa of