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THE GEORGIA JOURNAL,
BY
PRINCE & RAGLAND,
\$ published twice A week during (He session of the Legisla
ture and weekly tor the renialutleruf the year, at the Corner ol
War’ne and Hancock Streets, r.t T1IIIKK 1)01. LARS peranmun
in advance, or FOUR DOLLARS at the end ot the year.
The Taper will not !>e sent to any nerson out of the State, until
the subscription money Is paid in advance, or satisfactory refer
ence giv
rs, V.r
Hi r
_ . ainl ,
Uuardinus, are required, by law, to be hold on the lit si Turn
in the month, between the Inmrsot ten in the toienoouan t tnrei:
ic the afternoon, at the court-house in the cnuuiy in which the
property is situate.—Xotiee of these •..*;«•* must I.** given in 0
LubliclUntette SIX I’V DAYS previ mis to thu day ot '.ale.
Sales of NKUROKS must be at piddle aoetion, oil the first
Tuesday of the month, between the usual hours of sale, at the
place of public sales in the county where the letters'Testamen
tary, of Administration or Gunrrtinii<d:ip,mnT have been prnrteil,
first giving SIXTY DAYS notice iheieof, in oneol the public
gazelles of this Stale, and at the door 01 the court-house, where
such sales are to be held.
Notice lor’the sale of Tersornl Property must he given in like
manner, FORTY days previous to the day of sale.
Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an Lstate must lie pub
lished for FORTY days.
Notice that application will he made to the Court of Ordinary
lordeavetosell LAND, must be published fin- FOUR MON I lls.
Notice f-r leave to sell NFCROKS, must be publMn'il lot
FOUR MONTHS,before any order absolute shall be made there
on by the Court.
Persons interested In those Advertisements which arc publish
ed Monthly, will find them in the fir at and fourth page of tin *'
paperln *'
VOLUME XXIII.
onth.
Allbusinessof this kind r . .
at theOlliceof the GEORGIA JOURNAL.
ntimie:
: prompt attcr.tU
LAND LOTT DRY.
JTPON enquiry we understand the return!
of the Surveyors will be compli ted in about two week.
• nit ns the Commissifiners are now e ,v\ e .cil at this place, tmrli
ngements lor tl»e drawing, we have determine.11» pi im i
'may become subscribers. As the di
tin? space which it has done hitherto,
l,ers will be five dollars in advance.
Recorder Ollice, will ho promptly a.tt
^ We are millions
Col. PULASKI S. HOL T,
•Iters addrbssed to tl
I to.
J1UF.VR Si Oil ME.
ot the
y of this State. July 20
THIS Camp Meeting at Mount
• mile South Fast of Madison, Morgan
diully
MILiLEDdiVIfiljE, THURSDAY, AUGUST !>. 1832.
NUMBER 51.
THE SUBSCRIBERS
[ TNPEIt the linn of Pavia A* Smrad, will
✓ Ii(rVnlU'r curry on • (IKM.IUL UftOCKRY IIL!SI
N tsS, :it tin.- stand uccuplej Liy p. II
Augusta, Allguil 2—It .*’11
MILLEiJQEVILLE RACES.
HP 1 1E Full Meeting of the Milledgeville
key Club, will commence on Tuesday, the ICihol Os-
_P stake, free for any horse,one tnilcaml
race, free for any
r <ee—Enirance uu p-dlai s.
mile beats, free tor any horse—Entrance
ir mile heats, tree for any horse—En-
bree best in five,free for any horse
R IT. SMITH, Sec'y L Ti tvs’r.
5AVANNAII JOCKEY CLUB.
OLT SWFFDSTAKE—A Sweepstake
tuber, 1S.J2.
FIRST DAY—A s
repeat — Entrai.ee 23 Dollars.
SECOND DAY—Two mile
Coll that h.is mil \v,.na r .re—
THIRD DAY-Thr
25 Doll,ns.
FOURTH I) \Y—Four i
tranee '.!> Dollars.
FIFTH DAY—Milehea
-Entrance 20 Dollnis.
July 20—(it
JOHN DAM
y for Coll* 2y
old. 2 mile be
egular R *
‘■1'“ sp
ill l»
vhii li will t
day pr
M a
place during tin
il 111 lie.Seer* lary a;
'Inch time the Bu
already entered.
RICHARD 1). ARNOLD,
MEDIC Aid.
I US. JiOSP Fl'lUlili'O Y ilms tun-
der their gratit Ide for the very liberal | atrounge they
ret rive,I fur the l ist three years. From a sirb t adherence
they hop,
i .Midwifery
.,f past favors—
WILEY & BAXTER
• hands ef HINES ii llAll-
II. &. II. are authorized to receive
renaids of W.Jt 11. rents as they tall due.
.Mllledgeville, August ■?—3t
Jf till
Treasury 'Department,
MILLhi D(i EV1LLE, (1 ••<». July 3!'t, 1 C31.
TOT OTIC E is hereby given to Tax Collee-
hil tors and other public otlieers, that the Jlills of the BANK
OF MACON, will n it lie received in th, Tr. nsuiy In |».*y. .. .t „i
nur debts due the public, or in luliilment ol any emit net m w bidi
the State may be a party. JOHN WILLIAMS,
IT The Rditorsof Paper!
;o give the above notice lin t
•ounts for payment.
a ml f.
Post Office. Mil ledgt villt,
JULY 2ltl., 133?.
€ 1 HANG Kin MAIL A HU A Mi KM ENT.
J TALLAHASSEE MAIL-Ducevery .Monday ai Cl’.T.I.
and Thursday »t 12 M.
Closes every Sunday at ‘J P..M. and Thursday at 10 M.
July 2d THOM \S E. C.REEN. P. M.
MILLEDG EVILLE
BOOK AND DRUG STORE.
rimiF. Subscriber Inis received, nml is re-
H. reiving ilaily, a full supply ol all ll
plctr,
■uipr
PtfoLs and Stationary, Drugs, Paints, Dyi
Stuffs, Fancy Articles, Sfc. ,\-c.
All of vvliicl, heofiVvsfur sale... ri rlurril pi k-rs-IIr will a. II nn,
i be purchased ub>*
THOMAS F. GREEN.
Milledgeville Book <fc Drug Store.
rBlltl-i Subscriber bus recently received the
JL following Medicines, which from the high reputation
they have among the medical gentlemen- of Philadelphia, be
duel not hesitate to recommend:
Carpenter's Compound Syrup of I.ivenrort,
ii safe and valuable medicine for coughs, .spitting of blood, con
sumption and livereomnlaints.
Carpenter's Fluid Extract of Sarsaparilla.
Carpenter's Compound Fluid Extract of Bucliu,
a valuable remedy in diseases of the bladder, obstructions ot
nriuo,ch*onie gonnoi hi’.i, and gloats ol I, ng Maiidimr.
Carpenter's Precipitated Extract of Hark,
possessing alt the febrifuge propel ties ol Quinine, ut *-ne
third the pi ice.
Carpenter's O 'd of Mustard, $* Oil of Cantharides.
Also, Carpenter's Saratoga Powders, for making
Congress Spiingor Saratoga Wuters, inferior in no icsoert to
that lresit trom the Spring. THOMAS F. GREEN,
july 2>]
Milledgeville llook .y Drug Stove.
181111-! Subscriber has just received a sup-
_■ ply nl 1,,-st C.Al* AM) LETTKll PAI’KR, Quill-, lllack
BI1U Hr,I Inli.Sralug Wax, l.rgi- Olli,W .ileir, Hlauk books, Ac.
Lc. all ol which are uflVred for sale at low prices.
July 2J THOMAS E. OR BEN.
uflLOUIDL OF LIME.
T HE Subscriber bus received a good sup
ply of the above article, oiiu ol the most \ aluable disir
Meeting agents ever tliscuvwud. THOMAS F. GREEN.
Alilloilgeville, Ju y 2d
C OPARTNERSHIP.—The Subscribers
J have tlllx Hny purthn.r.l 111,, entire Stuck (ll Uuo.ll
I.MgiiiK luyMI.IIY, I1AXI Ml Sr k'UHT, iu (litepl.ee,anil
firm' uf'llAx'l’BlCVoll r'llw lU.'v.' "l fi-'v li-«a’uu ha'
‘ Cl "| jU51 -.„„ FRESH GOODS,
iro now graduates of the same .school— the University of Penn’
btnnfurd’3 Cro?s Ronds, Putnam county, June 7—Simvim
SURGICAL.
O H. JAMES M. AVI L! .1A MS still enn
i times.-It his old Maud in Crawford county, w here lie beg'
I ave to offer his profen-iomil services in Urn perlonmince o
Surgicajoperations ot every bind.
LAW.
THOMAS C. Bl’KEEN,
'ILL practice Law in the Cbattalinoclicc
rail aniliu Hie countiex of Crawlorilnnil tlpsoii o
k'i'yit Cliruit. RuMiiess enlni-lril In him will meet will
ni|0 attention : bis oddresi i» Tulbolton,Georgia.
to co r ton pi^v.vruKs’.
SAlHi subscriber continues to ninko am!
i. repair CO TTON SAW GINS, at Ids old stand in Mil
Seville, where orders from any pari ol the State, will b«
okfully reeeived nml promptly Httende.l to. lie uses tin
-si-,, sheet Iron lor Saws altogether. Old Gins repaired h
shot test notice, lie w ill w an r nt his work equal to any it
state, lie has engaged the assistance of Mr. ROM E. o
per e.-uulv, w bit h will enable 1dm to fm nisli tbo.e who wisl
in (he most approved Running Gear.
my 21—3m JAMES L. WHITE.
COTTON GINS.
HE Subscriber wishes to inform tlieCut-
JU. ton Planters generally that he is now making GINS on
the most approved plan, villi Steel Hiensliug. All those who
wish to pure base Gin* can be supp'icd .it sl.o. t notice. Old Gin*
repaired ‘
All oede
(Vill bclbanklullj ‘
1. U. HARPER.
Oreeneiboro', may 10—tl
xl ilaadaomt'. and lladlhij StltltmuU
FOR SALE,
rglWO and a half miles from Seottsboro’
Milledgeville. about lOtii)acres ot
ol which thr
ill.
able land am
ini handsome site for a Saw Mill. Ter i s JoOO
i, and lodl on 12 months credit. Apply to
'THOMAS B. STUBBS, Agent lor
ROB Ell T FLOURNOY.
dollar*, half.
may 10—tf^
Look at this Mechanics !!
rgAlIE undersigned will receive Proposal
JB until the 10th ol September next, for the building of
FACTORY MOU SE, on Little River, at Lyon's Mills, m ar E:
M \ K K
JOHN t;. LUMSDEN,
Eatonton, Aug2—4t JQ8IAH FLOURNOY. ‘
I^ToriCE.—The Trustees of Harmony
i\l Academy, Henry county,are anxious to employ a Tenchei
WM. MON ELY,
JO ' N " IIITSKLL,
JOHN WILLI \Ms,
WM. GRIFFIN,
Y, A DOC SAM YER,
PARKER EASON,
roTicf
— I forwnrn a
destroying the timber oi
Macon, July 1,1332.
A CARD.—The Sii
1mL drawn from the late firino
LAIRD 11. WILEY.
iseriber liavini; with
fWILEV, b \x per &. for i
r LAIRD If. M 11.1. V,resi eci
D
ISSOLUTION.—The
heretofore existing under the fir
LEROY M. WILEY
cn-pnrtncrslii)
II persons from
i lot of Land, No 12U,i
•nutty of the law.
17 'iivi:n3 m \ i r •-x.
[‘ORGAN County, Georgia.— Edmum
L Hr-mtlev.ot the dTUh district G. .M. tolls before me on
* doUar.-.lhi* .Mill day of July. 1832.
' TIIOS NOL3N. J. P.
:t from the estray hook, tliis 27th day ol July, Ik;t2.
A. K. LEONARD, C. I. C
COIVGItKSSIONAI,
will cuniluue the business at the same st. ( id.
LEROY M. WILEY.
* THOMAS W. IMXTKR,
Macon, July 1,1332—It BOBER F W. FORT.
C?“CA*SII GIVEN TOR WHEAT.
1 3VILL pay one dollnr per bushel, I'm-
tvverul lunulrt-il liusUdx of b„u-I Wheal, do-
‘ i jufv'a!'-lr. ir Cu “‘" > tic, ”'fi.V.ia"ii K nk'nms.
NOTICE.
rg 1 ! IIR subscriberhereliy iiiliinus his fiieiuls
id tilt* public, generally, that herealu r be will only |
r Cavli,or for i1iuj.<
vhuiii be
indebted.
Mill Irons, inks and Dudgeons,
mnual—Mill lloiM.aiul other Uaillnpuf Uras» or Colnpo
iuu at ,ixtj--live mill per pound.
ir (HIS l.(r; KS r(;palrc,l at the shortest nrnrr.
Mllleilxeville, Duel—euwtl I. '*’. I.USIIIM1
Katonlon, dune 18th, lb-i'2.
THE Oouiuiiiluc iippointecl by the
*eiK U,.nila"lie UlmVeiiiplated'l ''nvem'i’a'l 1 la'be held ia Mil.
leUg.-ville.uti tin- ficsl Man-lay In K. l.rnury la-xt. tnoitlerti.nl
ter the Constiltilion --I (Id Male. - . as to reduce (he mioiher nl
K-nreient.-uivei ia the m-l n.i.e.huve.u.Vr u.uturo tie-
liberation,ihought propei loreeomn••-ad.
Josiuh t'lanrnou. Thus. Hor.rnj g James .1/. Chouiucrs.
The election to lie held on I lie lir.t .MoaUuy 111 Nareiaber next.
By order of tin
JOHN TOMPKINS, Se-
JUSEPU TUIl.NKll. Cl..
Factorage and Commission I lust ness.
THE Subscriber informs bis
SPEECH OF
MU, CLAYTON, OF GEORGIA,
On tlic Bill proposing a Reduction of the Duties on
Imports—delivered in the House of Representatives,
July 10, If
Mr. CLAYTON proposed nil amendment to
the tiirilf bill to the following effect:
1st. Aider the first of January, 1835, all duties
should bo ltd valorem, and for no other object but
revenue.
!>d. That for the first year all duties above
should be^cduccd to 35 percent; for the second,
’25; and after that they should be regularly 15 per
cent, until altered by law.
3d. That, for the purpose of constitutionally and
equally protecting manufactures, Congress should
freely give its consent to any State that chose to
manufacture, to lay such duties as it might deem
necessary to encourage that business, witliir its
own limits, upon any imports or exports to or from
any foreign nation whatever; provided said duties
wore paid into the Federal Treasury. The above
amendment was accompanied with the following
remarks.
Mr. Ciiaiixman : Almost every gentleman who
has addressed the committee, lias pronounced this
a most "rave and serious question. Judging trom
the extraordinary apathy which seems to prevail in
this hotly, it would not ho so considered by me ;
and 1 should much sooner take it for a farce than
a traoody. It is a remarkable fact, Mr. Chairman,
and f doubt whether duo credit will bo given to its
relation, that, while this whole country, from its
.„ , centre to its circumference, is under the tremor of
—~ deep anxiety ; when nil eyes ara directed to tins
very point for safety from the impending storm;
when in all quarters there is one general expres-
.• ...t.lnil kv n onnoiklltlu U’lllP. 1
admonished by facts, and warned by the feelings
of the country', I am almost tempted to predict
that, unless an auspicious issue attends the pres
ent deliberations, they are the last that will ever
again engage the attention of this body within
these avails. It is not now a question of dollars
and cents, but of LIBERTY and EQUALITY.
Every thing done on this occasion will soon be de
livered over to history, and be who now stands by
the cause of freedom, posterity will stand by him.
A fame of enduring honor awaits the firm, and a
name of as lasting infamy shall follow the faithless.
Before I proceed further, it is proper that I men
tion the great disadvantage under ✓which those
who onposo this system are compelled to labor;
but it is precisely such as ull minorities in (ill gov
ernments arc doomed to encounter. They cannot
be credited in the statement of their suffering.—
Their complaints are treated as the offspring of
delusion. They are cither reproached with the
suspicion of misrepresentation, or, what is worse,
insulted by the insinuation of ignorance. Either
is an insolence not to be borne by ordinary tem
pers, but, when united, presents an aggravation
beyond the most subdued forbearance. While the
memorials of petty meetings of the manufacturers,
and their unthinking dependants, gotten up from
motives of sheer personal considerations, uncon-'
neclod with'objects of *Stulc, or uninfluenced by
principles of patriotism, are poured in upon this
llouse, and demanding its implicit faith to all their
suggestions, the remonstrances of whole States
agrieved by these operations arc pronounced de
lusions! The south has held town meetings, and
petihoncd i but it is all a delusion! The south has
held county meetings, and memorialized, but this
too is a delusion ! The south, by its Legislatures,
has remonstrated; this also is a delusion! It has
expostulated by its representation on this floor, ac
tuated by not only a common interest with their
constituents, but the higher incentive of their ap
proving voice and continued confidence, but this is
all delusion! It lias protested, and had that solemn
warning entered upon the archives of the Senate,
the place w here States speak their sovereign will,
and yet all this is delusion! Even the honorable
gentleman who opened this debate, and who has
recently given to some gentlemen* such proof of
a higher quality than even ability, cannot be be
lieved on tiiis question, though his statements are
made under the solemn sanctions of testimony,
and arc doubtless rnado in the utmost sincerity.—
No! the truth is, that virtue of his “ which is some
thing better than talent,” receives its proper regard
when it suits a purpose, but is no better than oth
er people’s honesty when it ceases to be useful.
In the name of every thing that is sacred, how
are grievances to be redressed that are denied all
redit, against which every avenue of conviction
is closed ? Of what avail is reasoning with that
individual whose eye is blind to the truth, whose
ear is shut to the evidence, whose mind is embiied
with prejudice, whose heart is locked against jus
tice, and whose verdict is sought against himself?
I confess, Mr. Chairman, it is a hopeless underta
king, ami thus fur all argument has proved as use
less as it is hopeless; but, sir, wc have arrived at a
crisis when debate must cease, and this matter will,
perhaps, .have to be referred to some other arbitra
ment. It is extremely desirable, therefore, that we
lay our manifesto before the world, ami there is no
belter place from which it shall issue than the llalls
of Congress, the great seat and source of our in
jury. To speak to the people of the south, through
the high privilege of the freedom of debate, is
now all that is left to us, and it is my intention on
the present occasion to use that right to tho ut
most of my ubility.
I propose to consider this great question under
a two fold aspect: first, us to its constitutionality;
and, second, its expediency.
First: I have many reasons for troubling the
committee with my views on the constitutional
point. The people of the south have always op
posed this Objection to tho tariff oysteili j and
though it has been ably argued and most triumph
antly maintained by our writers at home, yet our
speakers in Congress have never seriously and ful
ly discussed the subject on this ground. Conten
ting themselves with the more assertion of the fact
by way of protestation, our opponents have nearly
taken it for granted that the point was yielded. It
ever the people are driven to the necessity of re
dressing their own wrongs, as 1 verily believe they
will shortly have it to do, it must be upon constitu
tional principles; to bo well fortified in the matter,
is, therefore, all important. There is another
ground which will justify the interposition of self
redress. Nations, as well as individuals, cannot
admit of oppression. This always implies the vi
olation of natural law,, which cannot bo restrained
by human regulation so as to prevent the‘repul
sion of cruel or unnecessary suffering. I shall
maintain that both of those grourids exist in the
present condition of the people, as resulting from
the tariff system, and that, under either one or the
other, or both together, they will have the undoubt
ed right to resist its intolerable exactions.
Though 1 am aware that all constitutional ob
jections arc, of late days, treated with contempt in
this House; that they furnish materials for ridicule,
food for the wit of punsters, and merriment for still
lower jesters; yet there are places, out of this
chamber, of searching acumen and penetrating
wisdom, where they will receive a more sedate
consideration.
When Great Britain acknowledged the indepen
dence of tho colonies, they were os independent
of each other os they were of the world. There
was an individual moment of time, and perhaps the
brightest of their existence, when they were left
to 'their own exclusive self-government. Their
confederation was altogether voluntary. If, at
the termination of the revolution, their debt, pro
duced by that struggle, had been discharged, and
if all wars could have ceased from that eventful
period, every one perceives there would not have
been any earthly reason for the Union. The
States individually could have regulated all the
concerns necessary to municipal government. The
honest discharge of their debt, and the dread of in
testine and foreign wars, were therefore the side
motive to the confederation ; any other induce
ment is idle and ridiculous. It was physical and
not moral force, it was strength and not intelligence,
needed and sought by the States. Even under
their connection with the parent country, they
were always competent to their own selt-govcrn-
ment, without the aid of each other’s councils.
a t the time, to have breathed into that instrument
nothing more than tho spirit and capacity “ to pro
tect and secure the States from foreign danger,
and fru'c them veace aiul harmony at home."—
(Luther Martin.) And another member, uf\er the
constitution was adopted, informed his State that
it was intended “ns a shield against foreign hostil
ity, and a firm resort against domestic commotion.' T
Refusing, however, to sign it, lie gave ns a reason
that he “feared more from inaccuracies in a con
stitution, than from gross errors in any other com
position ; because our dearest interests are to be
regulated by it; and power, if loosely given,espe
cially where it will bo interpreted with great lati
tude, may bring sorrow in its execution.” (Gov.
Randolph.) Since the Government lias gone into
operation, the Federal Court has pronounced the
following interpretation of its constitutional pow
ers: It is tho genius nml character of the whole
(lovcrnmcnt, that its action is to be applied to all
the external concerns which affect the States gen
erally ; but not to those which are completely
within a particular State, which do not affect oth- promote manufactures would have been full and
or States, and with which it is not necessary to in- complete beyond all cavil. But docs it stop there?
tution, to wit: “To promote the progress of sci
ence and the useful arts, by securing, for lim
ited times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive
right to their respective writings and discoveries.”
Alter having the whole subject before them, after
discussing it as thoroughly us they did every thing
else, after submitting it to two committees, behold,
the above clause was all that could be produced
from the unequivocal propositions to grant the
power to the Federal Government of protecting
manufactures. And what is it? The question is
addressed to candid men. Why, simply to pro
mote science and the useful arts. Under the first,
no one will contend that the power results. It
must then be under the Inst. The term useful arts,
ns distinguished from the fine arts, is n brood and
comprehensive expression, and no one doubts that
it would fully include agriculture and manufactures.
All persons will readily agree that no arts can be
more useful than these. At the very first glance
every one will admit that if the clause had have
stopped at the word “useful arts,” tho power to
terferefor the purpose of executing some of the gen
eral powers of the Government* * (Marshall.)
Intention h every thing in all human compacts ;
and here we have it indicated ns clear as tho sun
at noon day. Before f proceed further, I lay down
the following propositions, which, however they
may be received in tins Hall, dare not be denied
at home, and especially ot the ballot boxes: That
every perversion of law is a violation of law; in
other words, to violate its intention, is to violate its
letter. That taxation is the main spring of Gov
ernment, without which itennnot proceed; that all
taxation must be exclusively for the objects of
government, and being, in the language of Mr.
Jefferson, a part of tho honest labor of the people,
just so much, and .no more, as is honestly neces
sary for that purpose, should be exacted. They
yield a part of their property to protect the bal
ance ; any thing required beyond this is n fraud up
on their rights. Does anv one dispute tliis doc
trine? I suppose not. Then let us apply it to
our Government. In order, Mr. Chairman, that
the members of the committee mny fully compre
hend what 1 om about in laying down these prem
ises, I would beg them to go with nic, in their im
aginations, right, to the hall of the Convention, and
look upon those worthies os they arc framing and
putting together that noble structure. Let them
imagine, for a moment, that they see them cauti
ously proceeding, trying its proportions here, and
squaring its dimensions there, until they get to that
exact and critical point when It becomes necessa
ry to invest the new Government with the taxing
power, tho main spring of this great machine.—
Suppose, for a moment, you sec a grave and ven
erable member rise in his place, and soberly inform
the President that they have arrived at that part of
their work where the utmost skill is required.—
Listen to him for a moment. Ilesnys, “ Mr. Pres
ident, the taxing power is that which makes a peo
ple feel their Government; it brings them nearer
to it; it makes them watch its operations ; it en
lists their affections, and when improperly used,
excites their resentments; it binds them to its
movements; in fine, it is that great preservative
and animating principle which upholds and sus
tains all it.^ useful functions. I propose, therefore,
sir, in order to make the people feel and know this
new Government, that wo clothe it with but the
single power of direct taxation—to levy a tax on
persons and property—so that they may know what
they give, and of course how it is spent.” Well,
now suppose, for a single moment, you discover
another member rising from bis seat, and by the
time he is erect, he says; “Mr. President, I en
tirely accord with that proposition, but I would of
fer aii amendment: I propose to confer upon the
new Government the additional power to )ny a
tax upon persons and property to protect manufac
tures ; that is, (do not misunderstand me,) to com
pel tlio poopit; to contribute, not only to the support
of Government, but to moneyed men, for the pur
pose of making a profitable investment of what is
called capital.”
Does any man believe that such a principle
would for nn instant have been tolerated ? Does
any man believe that.such a proposition would have
succeeded? Then, where is tho difference bo
tween direct and indirect taxation ? The latter ii
not variant in its purpose from the other, and has
precisely the same object in view. Being levied
upon the consumptions of the country, it is inten
ded to permit the citizen to tax himself just as he
pleases, and to whatever extent lie thinks proper.
This being one of the only two modes of taxation
for the support of Governmcnf, it cannot be used
for any other purpose, any sooner than the other
mode, to wit, direct taxation, and if, as I have
shown, no member of the Convention would have
dared to tax the people directly for the purpose of
encouraging manufactures, they could not do it
indirectly. But, Mr. Chairman, I will show that
this very thing was attempted, and positively refu
sed ; and surely when the reasoning and the fact
concur to reject this power, it must be matter of
great and just complaint to exercise such right.
L do not pretend to the refinement necessary to
interpret constitutions, but 1 refer every candid and
honest mind to the plain common sense construc
tion of individual contracts; and I would ask any
one, without regarding the character of his intel
lect, or even excepting to the violence of his prej
udices, if, in deliberating upon certain propositions
made with an express view to complete a particu
lar agreement, one of those propositions should be
clearly rejected, no matter from what cause, whe
ther it would he just or reasonable that this self
same discarded proposition should afterwards be
come a part of the contract, and stand in full force
and dignity with the other acknowledged stipula
tions ? How stand the facts in reference to the
federal constitution? On the 18th day of August,
’87, the following additional powers were proposed
to he vested in Congress, viz.
“To establish a university.
To encourage, by proper premiums and provis
ions, the advancement ot useful knowledge and dis
coveries. .
To establish seminaries for the promotion of ht-
erature, and the arts and sciences."
Here, then, are three distinct propositions look
ing to the promotion of knowledge, literature, dis
coveries, and the arts and sciences. I wish the
committee to mark well these particular subjects,
as 1 will presently show tho use 1 intend to make
Notwithstanding the “Articles of Confedcra-1 () f t } 10m * O n the same day this other as distinct
tion” carried us successfully through tho war, proposition was inude, viz.
doubtless by virtue of the great cause which it
To establish public institutions, rewards, and
immunities for the promotion of agriculture, com*
Is it a general or limited power? And if a limit
ed power, how is it limited? Let common hones
ty answer the question—not by protecting duties
—not by imposts on foreign exports—not by pre
miums and bounties—How then? “ By securing,
for limited times, to authors and inventors, the ex
clusive right to their respective writings [in sci
ence] and discoveries,” [in tho useful arts.]
“Now,” says an able advocato of State rights,
whoso profound reflections I um proud to acknowl
edge tho benefit of on the present occasion, “if n
power to promote a specific object, by a prescribed
mode, docs not exclude the power to promote it
by a different, or other mode, then there is no truth
in a universal maxim, (alike applicable to law and
logic,) that ‘the expression of one thing is tho ex
clusion of another.' ”
Tho restrictive words upon tho power to pro
mote the useful arts, must have meant something;
and is any one so uncandid as not to own that it
was merely to secure to ingenious men patents for
their inventions, and exclusive privileges for their
writingsWritings and inventions Mould alike
benefit all the States; being general, they would
have an equal and impartial operation over the
whole Union. Not so by encouraging the fabrics
that resulted from these inventions; for some States
might possess greater means, both moral and
physical, to produce them. The inventor of the
plough might be rewarded, but no one will con
tend that it should entitle the ploughman to an ex
clusive privilege over the weaver. Nor Mould a
patent for tho steam loom authorise a peculiar in
dulgence to its cloth over tho hard earned bread of
the planter. These being ull local and partial op
erations, would subject the Sta.es, if submitted to
the legislation of the Federal Government, to the
most unequal efleets, & be wholly subversive ofthat
principle already mentioned—“that the action of
the General Government is to bo applied to all the
external, and internal concerns which affect the
States generally and equally, but not those which
are completely within u particular State.” Man
ufactures bad been urged more than once, and
in different snapes, in the Convention, and so had
the sciences; and ull that could be possibly obtain
ed for either was the provision wo huvo just ex
plained. Every one must believe that if more hud
been intended, more could have been given; for
never m us u subject more entirely before a delibera
tive body, than was that of manufactures and sci
ence before the Federal Convention.
Rut Mr Chairman, bow does it happen that tho
right to promote manufacturers is drawn within the
coutNil of Congress, mid not the right to promote
science and literature? No one believes that Con
gress can erect universities, academies, and free
schools, patronize learning and knowledge, uny oth
er way than that specially prescribed in the conslitu-
tution, to wit, “ by securing to authors, for a limi
ted time, the exclusive right to their writings,” and
yet science ujiU vi.® uo«fni urts stand connected in
the constitution, and subject to the same limitation.
How docs it happen, then, I repeat, seeing that both
these subjects were presented at the same time, and
rejected in the same manner, that Congress can en
courage the one, and not the oilier, by taxation ? If,
however, there iu any one who yel double on this
question, what will he say, m hut can ho suy, when
he comes to learn all the facts connected with the
adoption of the lUlli section of the first article ol
the constitution, which 1 have made the basis of my
proposed amendment to encourage manufactures r
It is in the following words : •* no State shall, with
out the consent of Congress, lay any imposts or du
ties on imports or exports, except what may be abso
lutely necessary for executing its inspection laws;
and the nett produce of ull duties and imposts laid
by uny Stale nu imports or exports, shall be for the
use oi the Treasury of the United States, and ull
such laws sliull be subject to the revision and con
trol of the Congrcs.” Will the committee give their
serious attention to this clause of the constitution,
and will they sutler iuu to ask them what is the ob
ject of it? Let me ask them, unti they can answer
the question to their own minds, whuldoes it mean?
Tho States may lay duties for executing their in
spection laws, but lor any other purpose they muni
obtain the consent of Congress ; and this is not ull
—if the consent is not granted, the duties must be
paid in to the Federal Treasury! Again: the constitu
tion declares that Congress shall lay u no tux or du
ty on articles exported from the States,” and yet
gives Congress the right to permit the States to do
it! What does ull thin ineun ? Take tho whole
clause together, and let us repent tho enquiry, for
whut purpose is it designed ? What possible advan
tage are (lie States to derive, or do they promise
themselves from this, at present, inexplicable pro
vision ? What is it doing in tho constitution ? As
it stands, it has no meaning: it seems to be perfectly
insulated, idle, and useless. It lias never been acted
upon, and never will, unless the present Congress
adopts my amendment. But it must mean something.
That it had an object when placed there, every body
must believe. 8uch wise men as those who framed
the constitution, must have had 6omo rational mo
tive for this wonderful clause. Cui bonu ? ll is
certainly intended for tho benefit of the Slates ; and
for their benefit beyond a mere provision for the exe
cution of their inspection laws; for this they are
permitted to do without the consent of Congress;
and that benefit is clearly not revenue, for that is to
go to the Federal Treasury. Then ichut is it ? Has
the mind of the committee yet settled upon any ob
ject? No! Nor never will, until some clue is giv
en to an explanation. Where is that to bu found?
Of course iu the Journal of Debates in the Conven
tion. And what do we find there ? Listen to Lu
ther Marlin. “ By this same section, (says be in a
letter to bis own Legislature) every tstute is also
prohibited from laying any imposts or duties on im
ports &. exports, without the permission of the Gen
eral Government. It was urged by us that there
might bn cases in which it would be proper, for the
purpose of encouraging manufactures, to lay du
conferred directly the power to lay a duty on export*^
but instead of that, it only permit* CoHfreM to giro
its consent to the States to do if, evidently allowing
that to the Stales, and to the State* atone*, th* right
to protect manufactures should belong. It loineon*
ceivahl* how the Convention, if it intended to in*
vest the General Government with the power to on*
courage manufacture*, should restrain Congress front • ■
imposing duties on export*, and yet allow that privi-*
lege to the States.
Tho Slates were very wisely left to the encourage--
ment of manufactures, ll is a local interest, amt-
cannot be made common to all the States. They
havo not the same or similar facilities for thst busi—
ness, and, consequently, no system can be applied to*
all alike, the result of which must be the most ruin
ous inequality. They have other interests which
belter suit their people, theirsoil, and their climate;
and in the name of eveiy thing that is just, why'
may they not be permitted to pursue their own bu
siness iu their own way ? If any one Slat* want*
to protect manufactures in preference to any other 1
interest in that State, let her collect the sense of *
own people on thut subject, and avail herself oftli*
provision of the constitution contained in my amend
ment ; but for Heaven’s sake, do not let her proinot*
her wild projects nt the expense of the vital inter
ests of lier neighbors, without their consent, and
who may not wish to break up a long train of sti
lled plans and operations, involving millions of nion- ■
av, merely to pleasure the new designs of A sister
Htate. No unprejudiced or disinterested man can
for one moment believe the Convention ever intend
ed that Congress should regulate the labor of th*
country, or that the Stales would so foolishly yield
such a principle. Take nn illustration. Buppos*
there were but two States confederated—and th*
principle is precisely the same ns to twenty -four— •
viz: Massachusetts and Georgia ; and suppose in
stead of the land that now separates theni, tiie spac*-
between was occupied by an ocean ; does any on**
believe the same system of internal regulations
would suit alike the people of both ? Does any on*
believe that Georgia would have consented at th*
time of confederation, that Massachusetts, know
ing she had a majority, should regulate and con** *
trul her labor, and for her exclusive benefit l Im
possible ! Massachusetts we will suppose is a high
ly coinn ercial State, (which was the fact at the tim*
of the confederation,) and Georgia is a very impor
tant planting one. Both have million* of capital in
vested in their respecting pursuits. All nt one*
Massachusetts takes it into her head that she will
change her commercial into manufacturing capital.
Georgia wishes to remain nt her old business; in
deed, we will suppose, (for it is the case with sum*
of the Slates being greatly deficient in wuter poir*-
or,) it would be almost as impossible for her to
manufacture, as it would for Mnssachuselia to
moke cotton. Now, how is this change to bn
brought about ? Ought Massachusetts to do it
herself, or ought, she to compel Georgia to d* it,
or even to assist in doing it, at the sacrifice of hat
great planting interest ? I put the question fairly,
to everv candid mind. And in order to feel the full
force of it, just let us reverse the matter for on® mo
ment, and suppose Georgia was seeking by legisla
tive restrictions to compel Massachusetts to give up-
hor commercial pursuits, and turn into cotton plant
ing; how would such a procedure be relished.? Doe*
not every one believe that Massacliusetta should..!
have no greater advantage from the Union than
Georgia? Ought she not to he content, if she en
joys as *jreat privileges IN the Union ns she would
OUT ot it? Ought she.to desire more? If not,
then what would she have done if she had never
gone into tho Union, or what wou!dshe now do, if
separated to herself? Would she not if she wished
to encourage manufactures, lay such duties on th*
foreign articles, such as she M’ished to manufacture,
as would exclude them from her State ? Then what
hinders her from doing it now? The very provis
ion of the constitution contained in iny amendment
is open to her ; it was intended for that identical
purpose. And, sir, if she new refuses it, it will
prove to the world, utid I know it will to tho south,
that they ure not honest in this mutter, that they
want to carry on their business at our expense ;—
yes, they will manufacture, but we shall pay for it.
People ol the south, how long will you bear tills ?
But, sir, there is even a large portion of her own
people opposed t.o this'system ; und surely if they
complain of its oppression, how much more ought
wo to detest such robbery ? There they have a right
to rule their minority, but have they a right to rul*
their minority und Ji/r majority belli togemer ? Thi*
shows the odimisnpsH of the system, and th® com
plete futility of the idea that the General Govern
ment has uny right to concern with these local mat
ters ; for if the minority of Massachusetts could bo
united to the great majority of Georgia, they could
put down the system in Massachusetts; but such i®
the structure of the Federal Government, that the mi
nority of one State can never assist the majority of
another ui redressing u grievance : the consequence
of which is, a minority rules ; and it clearly show*
that the action ot the Government is by States, ami
»»ot Lj iU« people in a muss, as is now contended for
by the Federal Court. *rn„ result of which is, tlier*
igreat probability that the wtiow tariff system, by
reason of this exercise of federal |iuv\l», \ % fixed
upon tho Union by a minority of the people, tliougli
by a majority of federal representatives.
The view I have just taken is confirmed bv that
celebiated work culled the Federalist, of high au
thority, as a cotempuraneous exposition of the con
stitution, even in the Supreme Court. Speaking of
the very cluuse of the constitution I have been dis
cussing, it says, “ a State may impose duties on
imports or exports, with the consent of Congress
(No. !»‘J, p. 169,) and then adverting to the chief
sources of expense in each Slate, these remarkable
expressions are found : “ The expenses arising from
those institutions which relate to the mere domestic
police vf a Utate, to the support of its legislative,ex
ecutive, and judiciary departments, and the encour
agement of agriculture and manufactures, which will
comprehend almost all the objectn of Slate expen
diture, are insignificant in comparison with those
which relate to the national defence.” (No. 34, p.
179.)
Here we sec, evidently, that the encouragement
of agriculture and manufactures was to be a matter
of “ State expenditure,” as distinguished from na
tional defence. Agaiu, as every construction of*
the constitution at the beginning of the Govern
ment is much relied upon, and particularly what oc-
uried at the passage of the first revenue law, wher*
something is said about the eucourageinent of mauu-
funture*,Jet us see what was said in Congress on
that occasion.
When tho first rovenue bill ever passed by the
Federal Government was under discussion, Marshall
in his life {of Washington, states that it produced
warm debate in consequence of the very unequal
effect w Inch the duties were likely to create in th*
different sections of the Union, rle says, 11 in pro
ceeding to fill up the blanks with the sum taxable
on each article, it was soon perceived that gentle-
n had viewed the subject in very different light*.
The tax on many articles was believed to press uior*
heavily on some SStates than on others , and appre
hensions were expressed, that, in the form of protec
ting duties, the industry of one part of the Union
would be encouraged by premiums charged on the la»
Lor of another paft.” (2 vol. n. ©d. 157.)
Now, every one must perceive, that if the Congres*
had the rightto lay duties to encourage manufactures,
they certainly knew it must produce an inequality in
tlio burthens of ff»e country, So they therefore would
express no apprehensions about it, but, in attempt
ing, on that on occasion, to aid that object inciden
tally, as no one has denied they have a right to do,
they soon found, if carried to any extent, taxes,
the form of protecting duties,” would be to encour
age the industry of on© part of the Union at th* ex
pense of another; and if this effect would result .
from mere incidental encouragement, in the name of
sense, what would it not do wuen resolved into an
open and direct system.
What are the simple A: sober inferences to be drawn
from thete stubborn facts ? Imagine fora moment
that the constitution, instead of being a compact be
tween thirteen independent Slates, is a contract he-
Dissolution of Copartnership.
connection heretofore existiu
Th.
S ihU in
vill b.
tied liy i
. iheroftlK
l*. BU T
WM. PA T PERSON.
II
usiucb* ot thi!
in ih, [all i !
IMPORTANT
7*o Dealers in .Medicines, Paints p I)ye Stuffs.
\V. ({AMMAN, Y> Imlcsiilu Orup-igt,
No 117, Malden Cni..' 1 ,MV.r> |.,r wile, nt (be Ion cl pri-
Ifi.w.L,,.,,, I,. s in ho I.PC, a. 'I Iwln.lo
■ III* pi
1,1 p i. i
fnmliintr documents or dozing over newspapers.—
[Hero Mr. O. >vas caUcd to order by a member,
us improperly reflecting upon tlio members of the
House Mr. C. observed that tlio gentleman
oundit to remember that tlio present company w <tl-
wans era pled. He hoped they would take noth
in-o f his remarks to themselves : it they did, he
would barely say they were made with a view to
,'ct their attention, and having succeeded in what
most had failed to obtain, he would proceed to the
suliicct i Mr. Chairman, the question before ns is
„„ i„ im rtunl one, and if appreciated in the degree
of its ^profound interest, and the still mere absors
.ng character of if probable results it involves a
. ■ , „ for utterance. Icmynund,
jealous, however, were the States that some mis
chief would ensue if the Articles of Confedera
tion were disturbed, that, for a long tuno, they re
fused this and other similar propositions. At
length they yielded to constant and urgent impor
tunity, and a Convention met in Mny, ’H7, not to
frame a contitution, for they had no such pott ers,
but once assembled, they took upon themselves to
produce that giant that is now striding over the
States, and crushing, at every step, some ot their
most invaluable rights. They avowed, however,
Up,. . Ini. speed, hlgbly rompllm.litdl «h.
Mr. Men....,; • ; *•••;• i„: ; dlad.vgM
(’on. from p. 259 to 26(1.) Here then, is the sub
ject of manufactures, by name, brought to the con
sideration of the convention. Wc have now tlio
two great objects of SCIENCE and MANUFAC
TURES distinctly submitted to the framers of the
constitution. These several propositions wore re
ferred to what was called the Committee of Detail:
and afterwards, on the 91st of August, were refer
red, together with some other reports which this
same committee hud partially made, to a grand
committee composed of one member from each
State. On tho 5th of September this committee
reported, among other tilings, the following propo-
1 -ltimi, which ia now found standing m the cont>ti-
insisted even tho little revenue thence arising khouid
be paid into the Treasury ot the United States,
and accordingly it is so determined.” (Secret De
bates, page 71.)
The difficulty is now ail explained, and the com
mittee will perceive the reason for this otherwise
mysterious provision. They w 11 now see why it
is thut Congress itself cannot lay duties on export*,
und yet have the power to permit the State* to do it.
Fxporta consisting generally of “ raw materials,”
are ull important to be kept within the country,as our
present tariff’ system will inconlestibly show, if
manufacture* are to be encouraged. But vurely if
the constitution intended that the Federal Govern
ment should protect manufacture*, it would have
raised, who is there can deny to the sufferer this mis
erable privilege ? But exhausUug the suing efficacy
of supplication and remonstrance, end rising away
from these weaker feelings, if th* virtu* of forbear
ance should be sunk into the stronger possum of re
sentment, with all its ungovernable agitations, such
as have sometimes fanned the flame* of the mo*C
bitter discord, and should occasion a struggle to
throw off’ at once the wrong and the oppr«*eor r
where is the spirit that could denounce, or even th*
prudence that would condemn such an effort at sejfi-
redresa ?
I proceed now, sir, to coneider the constitutional
power* upon which it is said this system is founded,
and by which it can be justified. They are two.*.