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first, under the power “ to Uy and collect taxes, du
ties, imposts, and excises; *° P*y the debts, nnd pro
vide for the common defence und general welfare o
the United 8tutesand eecond, 11 to regulate com
What were thee gen'ntl interests which we,el among the Slate., to t\ it, “ An act to retrain‘ "f
alike applicable to every part nf the oonfederatio.i -.pend all commerce among the StateeJ r the piirpoee
They were those of =!i='"‘ite^nv^hi^ve
ami koiu ion nrooTlaxiom. Now, whatever was
added to these general interests, and the regulation of
comineret % was the principal accession: was placeu
precisely under the same condition in the new con
stitution, which they held under the articles of con
federation ; for no one can believe that the general
interests of the States, ns a confederation, could
ever he chanced in character, or different m purpose
from bein'’ transferred to the new constitution. A
mere enlargement of general powers, and not
alteration of the objects of the government w as
tended. They remained the general interests still,
iina'yotir recollection l‘o ilia loct, that" to lay anil | 111 which all tin-Stalea were alike and ei|Ually
ling Jiur ICC , — |_ identical corned, and wera to be mannged ns before It i»
true the powers were increased in number in the
new Government, but not altered in purpose and
their regulation was to remain the same ; so that
roerce. •
The first ground is taken by the Committee on
Manufactures in their report latelv submitted t<» this
lleuse. The long and short of* the argument is
this Congress can lay duties for the common de
fence and general welfare ; to protect manufactures
is \o defend them against foreign manufactures, and
this it for the general welfare ; ergo, Congress ran
protect manufactures. Now, Mr. ( hairiunn, mark
whtt will be the consequence of this logic, first cal
sylvnuia and Massachusetts. ’ Does any
such an act would go down among the people.
Now, upply a similar law to the suspension »*t com
merce with foreign nations tor a similar object who
is there that will be so uncandid as to say that this
is a faithful, honest, and legitimate construction of
the clause of the constitution l have just read, feucli
interpretation would he a departure from the spirit and w
and true intent of that instrument; and n t 1
na (Mr. McDuffie’s) was read, and I found it pro
posed to lay a duty of 25 per cent, on all foreign urti
cles, I asked myself, is it possible that anv thinj _
more could in conscience be demanded W hen 11 ting llie g-> -
reflect that 25 per cent, was a tax of the fourth part as matters of
of a man's income, for nine men out of ten spend all
their income, and when I recollected, also, that most
men of money are contented with 2» per cent, in
terest, I wondered if it were possible that the manu
facturers were in the habit of receiving this amount,
yet anxious to get more. 'I here is hardly
I Hthat lie pnys twenty•
i the double of it!
•ame section. Iving side by Fide in the tamo grant
of power. Whatever, then, you can lay duties to
do, you can lay taxes to do that same thing , conse
quently if you can lay duties to protect manufac
tures, you can lay direct taxes to do the same.
There is no getting round this conclusion. It to
protect manufactures is for the common defence,
which the laying of duties may he made to subserve,
then that same common defence may he promoted
by a direct tax ; and, sir, I confess I should like to
tea thia experiment tried. In my humble opinion,
it would wind up the system in siiort order.
But, sir, I thought this doctrine had long since
been exploded I have been taught to believe it
was a thrice refuted fallacy, and that no^ federalist!
ever deserted from his own party
the republican ranks, who was not
hit CREDO, and therein this heresy
disclaimed. I find, however, I am niistak
therefore proceed to adduce the argument which I
t/u»t will once more put it to rest. The first steq
in the process is nn authority from one of the fram
era of the constitution . and I nm greatly
in the belief of its weight as well as the hope of its will of the
acceptance, from the fact that it comes from no oth
er than the distinguished pun of Mr Madison—a
name thatinustnrrest attention, ifnot from own its in
trinsic worth, at least from the late popular doctrines
on constitutional points which it has been mad
umphantlv to subserve. Mr. Madison savs “
tiler the phrases in question he construed to nullior-
• ise every measure relating to the common defence or
general welfare, ns contended by some, or every
measure only in which there might he nn applica
tion of proneU* as suggested hv others, the effect j doe
must bo substantially the same m destroying the im
port and force of the phrases in the constitution
for it is evident that there is not a single power
whatever which may not have some reference to
the common defence ami genaral welfare, nor a
power of anv magnitude which, in its exercise,
does not invoke or admit an application of money
The <iovernment, therefore, which possesses pow
er, in either one. or the other of these extents,
a government without the I imitations formed by
whatever meaning the term general welfare, or,
which was the same thing, gi acral interests, received
under the old confederation, was exactly the same
in the new (iovernment.
Now, it is well known that these phrases, the
“ general welfare,” the “ general interests,” the
general affairs” of the Union, found promiscuous-
^ .1 . ■ I i' i* .I ......... m 11 tuna it t (III.
ui hid Mime jenrn mm ne pa\s mu j i , . - • ■
nn v the public ; „r the bill lust mentioned prove. Hint the lax is over be iii.triiiiielital m putt ins down
incident to ,i« o.', per cent , or they would have taken it. fben, south : I did bo, and found it to
most fruitful wh.it is it ? The- Secretary of the Treasury, in Ins expectation. 1 believe I am wit
thousand beli . . .
this regard, according to all sound eXpGiition fef law, 1 five cents on every dollar that he lays out; and yet,
is not less illegal than a violation of its most express sir, what will he his astonishment whenjie comes to
provisions. If comm*.hi k was one of the prime j learn that he pay
causes of the Union, with a view to
debt, ami to prevent tin* wars ever
regulation, and of which it is the . ---- - .
source; if it was the source to which each State ] calculation! submitted to this House, places it at
looked |«tr its prosperity, it surely was the intent and 47 1-2 per cent. ; other calculations make it a frac-
intrrest of the whole to have it so regulated by the ‘ tion over 50. Now, 1 demand, if it be less than ei-
General (iovernment as to he productive of the j thef of these sums, that some friend of the tariff
greatest possible advantage to the confederation.— immediately rise in his place, and state what it is r
Thuleaoli State would give up tliis most valuable 1 finding no opposition to this statement, I set it down
source of wealth to he destroyed, can hardly he a s granted, that the duty is somewhere in the neigh-
credited by the most infatuated manufacturer. No borhood of 50 per cent, upon an average, on all the
^ BL - , one can believe it was for any other object than to be J usual articles of consumption
ly in the articles of confederation, all meant the encouraged, fostered, und promoted, by all the means , lens, iron, salt
same thing, and were not intended to be such uncer- which the united energies nf nil the States could — 1 *’
tain inh rests ns a ma jority of the States, (for that
(iovernment voted by States.) nnght in their discre
tion, consider genera! in opposition to the interests
States; hilt they were cir
which the united energies of all the State
exert. In the power to regulate commerce, no one
could possibly conceive lliero was contained a lurk
ing principle to destroy it ; yet every one must ud-
111 it that the direct tendency of the protection of
lure* is to produce that effect. And, in
this assertion, commercial men, commer
cial cities, raise their hands and voices in the most
earnest opposition to this singular method of regu
lating commerce by promoting manufactures.
The most rational way to consider the expressed
powers of the constitution, is to take them Separate-
Break down these, und the ly The Fill section of that instrument contains
vorninent heroine.* one vast consolidation, des- seventeen enumerated powers, all general and ap-
troying the Statu boundaries, and subjecting the j plicnhle alike to all the Hl&lo*of the Union. One is
federal rights of the minority to the most arbitrary not more beneficial than another, and this is what is
control of the majority. Why should there plira- j meant by the general interests in the old confedera
tes assume a different import when transferred to| tion, and the general welfare in the new constitu*
,i., and broke into • of the minority of the States; but they
not obliged to repeat; < umscribed by the specific and defined powers there- inanufacl
heresy was openly in mentioned, and wnr, in any instance, were de-j proof of
I shall 1 signed to convey unlimited power. In these well
‘ 1 described and cautiously expressed powers, both in
tno articles of confederation mid the federal consti
tution, the minority find their only security. They
anfirmed 1 were intended to he the harriers to the capricious
ujonty
Who-1 llm constitution? If they were confined to the
enumerated powers of the articles of confederation,
what good reason is there for giving them an unlim
ited efleet in the constitution, when connected with
the power to collect or appropriate money * And
ive, that, if this ho its true
1 interpretation, the new constitution could have been
1 despatched to the nation with a solitary article, and
I in a siuglu hour, viz. there shall be a general gov•
\ 1 rnment, icith jonn r to lay and rolled ta/cs, duties,
imposts, und 1 j cist v, and to proiiile. for the common
dtfmc1 timl general welfare" Every tiling else
perfectly unnet
of receiving ho
serves the
Now suppose the States, instead of confedo
ting for these seventeen objects, had only confedera
ted for one single purpose, and it might just ns well
have been tor one ns seventeen ; and suppose that
that one had been “ to regulate commerce does
any one believe that the agricultural and planting
States, for whoso especial benefit commerce was to
he regulated, because reports are as much the pecu
liar concern of commerce as imports, meant to give
up their commerce, to have a system of manufac
tures founded upon it, by which it would be destroy-
d ? And can it he imagined, for a moment, that.
ssary ; and the Convention, instead I upon this single power to regulate comine
*• --edit for their wisdom, de-j gre-- 1,1 >•"•'** •<* >••"1*1 r
old have dared to build the
for fixing upon them a government of such u gignu-
1 ration of all posterity structure commonly called the Americai
particular enumeration of powers, mo! consequent-j tie nnd all absorbing powers, untlcr the sue clous
1 * *• ' nnr rnuuicr and insidious appearance ol safely marked metes
No inie believes it. Now try all the other power
in the constitution, 0110 by one, in tho same way.
and sco whether there is any one of them that will
authorize this intolerable system of legislative plun*
Iv the meaning and effect nf this particular (
ution is destroyed hv the exposition given to these , mid hounds.
general phrases. The true and fair construction of | But, sir, to return to what shall ho considered ob-
tliis expression both in the original and existing led j jects of general welfare. Perhaps I may lie told
ernl compacts, appears too obvious lobe mistaken, that tho reason why Congress cannot appropriate
In both, tliu Congress is authorised to provide money , money lor the benevolent objects which I have just
for the common defence and general welfare I" 1 mentioned, is, beenuso they form the peculiar con*
both, is subjoined to this authority an enumeration j cern of Htato legislation ' Then, I answer, I nm
of the cases t<» which their power should extend — 1 contented with this test, and it reduces the matter to
Money cannot bo applied to the general .wellart* . j|, e only reasonable certainty, save that which, as I
otherwise than by nn application of it to some par 1 contend, belongs to the enumerated powers already
ticular mea.ru re conducive to the general welfare I explained ; and by it I nm willing to be governed.
Whenever, therefore, money lias been applied In 11 | 1# i us now reason the point upon this rule. No
particular measure, a question arises, whether the | one as yet denies hut that the (ieneral (iovernment
particular measure be within the cnumtn«(<d author• ,* entirely one of derivative powers. Prom whence
Hies vested in Congress ' If it be, the money re-. ( | UCtf it derive them * All must answer from the
quisile fo it may be applied to it. If it bo not, no States Then, all the power was once in the States
such application can he made Tins lair and oh , ttiis, I apprehend, is beyond all dispute. A certain
vious interpretation coincides with, and is enforced j portion has been parted with, and to that extent the
by, the clause in tho constitution which declares ^ States are the grantors, and the Federal (iovern-
4 that no money shall lie drawn from the 1 reasury 1 merit the grantee ; the balance of power not grant* j
but in consequence of appropriation* by law I ed, certainly reiidei in the grantors. Can any.poe-l polling Georgia to pay duties t<» Maasachueats
Appropriation of money to tho general itelfurCf would ; H( blo objection be made to tfio proposition that each (he protection of her commerce would he uncousti
be deemed rather a mockery than an obserrance of 1 „f u ie#e p nr iien is supreme in the exercise of the tutional, how does it happen that a precisely similar
I powers thus separated and belonging to each ? The
r'ederal Court lias declared that the (ieneral Gov
ernment, to the extent of its granted powers, is sov-1
ereign, and over them it is supreme. Then I assort
for the Htates, from whom these sovereign and su
premo powers were originally obtained, that their
riservedpoirers are equally sovereign and supreme.
A part of tho same whole cannot he different from
the other part. It must follow, then, that tho gran
tors have ns much right to judge of tho powers con-
1 forred. ns tho grantee ; and to nay tlinl the latter has
1 orbit! it j ( | lo rxcluntve right to determine how much tho for-
er lias granted, loaves no security for the reserved
constitutional injunction. What reasoning can
ha more convincing ? And, as to tho testimony,
how can it be rejected ? The gentleman from Penn
sylvania (Mr. On \wtonn) has, ill this very debate,
nuoted the authority of Sir. Madison. Will the
mends of liberal construction use this same witness,
on account of tho part ho took in the formation of
the constitution, from his acknowledged talents ami
integrity, and from along life of faithful services
to the country, to support constitutional principles
when it serves their purpose, ami then discredit hi*
evidence when it operates ditlereutly
candor ; forbid it every thing '
But there m a view of this branch of the question
that scums to my mind to ho conclusive. It is .*
universal principle, which no ono will controvert
that what is directly forbidden cannot he dono by
indirection. Now, the federal constitution, in grant
ing tho power to regulate commerce, was so fearful
that tho regulation might he made to operate par
tially upon tho States, to tho benefit 01 some, and
injury of others, that it expressly declared “ no tax
or duty shall ho laid on articles exported from any
State. No preference shall ho given by any regain
tion of commerce or ui \ i.m i to the ports of one
Slate over those of another." If, then,
tion of commerce or revenue could directly he made
to act unequally upon tho States, how happens it
that a regulation concerning manufactures, bottom
ed upon the power to regulate commerce, can In
fully have that effect * I n other words, if a law com
Congress never has, nor ever will puss a law
no other tillo than an “ act to collect,
money for tho common
vilh I
powors, and they are delivered over to a discretion,
cl to collect or n|rpr»’priate j which, like all other discretion, has no bounds hut
defence and general wel | itn interest or inclination. I affirm, then, that if each
fare.” Such a law would arouse the jealousy of the
people, ami they would naturally demand tho ob
jects of common defence and general wellaro con
templuted by the act. Anil surely when those ob
jects come to # lis made known, this same people
would imtuedialoly refer to tho list of powers as
onumnrutdd in tho constitution, to ascerta"* 1,1
ertlie law ranged within tl»*®* granted and limited
objects, beyond wl»i<*«» »*’ defined powers bo nothing
more than • aaiue, it dare not wander. If the ex
pressions 111 tho constitution, that the “ enumeration
of certain rights shall not be construed to disparage
others retained by tho people," and the “ powers
not delegated are reserved,” are not idle ami un
meaning sayings, intended more to lull suspicion
than to protect the Stale* ; then it must be obvious
to every mind that the general welfare principle was
intended to be restrained and circumscribed within
the“enumuted'. ami “ delegated” powers.
If to such an act, whose caption should bu like, the
one just mentioned, the people should bo told the
money was to ho applied to the building of churches
all over tho Union, to the suppression ef duelling,
gambling, drinking, indeed vice and immorality of
all kinds, to the erection of colleges and uuivorsi-
ties in each of the States, the promotion of religions
societies for christianizing the Indians within tin*
limits of States, ami colonizing the negroes on the
coast of Africa, the establishment of poor house*
and hospitals, and finally, the manumission of slaves,
there is scaroly any man, in the exerciso of the
most limited reflection, who would for one moment
contend that such an appropriation is within the let
ter or even the spirit of tho constitution. And yft
they surely belong, in as high a degree, to the gen - j \|, 0
ernl welfare, ns the protection of manufacture*. If, themselv
then, these great and public interest*, # so inlerwo
von with the frame of society, and indeiilified with
its vital prosperity, cannot he promoted by an ap
plication of money from tho (ieneral Government,
who is *0 hold as to tifgo that, nevertheless, the oth
er object ran be drawn within the principle? Can
any ono believe that the framers of the constitution,
with all the»r accuracy in the use of language, with
all) their precision in the definition of terms, ami
all their caution in giving and guarding powers,
should have loft «o fluctuatingn feature in that in
strument, ns that Congress might appropriate mon
ey for the general welfare, but (hat all object* of
the general welfare were not nhk« subject to its
care and control, and still have furnished no cri
terion by which u selection could ho made, or upon
which the power might or might not operate ? No!
the truth is, such uncertainty was never designed ;
the idea is vrh dly incompatible wfth the wisdom
nnd integrity of ihe convention. They fixed the
proper limits for the exercise of this riglit, and they
were none other than the schedule of enumerated
powers found in the constitution. This was
tain and unerring guide; the other is nil uncertain
ty, is totally with mt bound*, and sweeps from the ' <
constitution every thing like limited power.
\\ hen the convention commenced the work of
tho Constitution, it is well known sevet.l plan* were
proposed upon which to raise the structure. The-
peoplu never intended that their delegates should do
nnv thing more than amend the old articles of eon-
jederation,nm\. with such intention, many of them
assembled, and long retained that inclination. But,
after an interchange of various views, a new gov
eminent was resolved upon, and Mr. Randolph's
and Pickering's plan* were submitted to a commit
tee to report a rout tit ution. Mr. Randolph's pro
position contained fifteen resolutions, the sixtji of
which contained these word*, and formed the foun-
‘station of the enumerated powers found in the* pres
ent constitution • “ Resolved, That the National Le
gislature ought to possess the legislative rights vest
cd in Congress by the articles of confederation ; and,
moreorrr, to legislate, mi all case*, for the GLNI’.R-
AL I NTI’R PF’l’.S of the Union; and, also, those
to winch the Flute* aro separately incompetent, or
in which the harmony of the United States may
bo interrupted by the exercise of individual legisla
tion.”
Now, here is the great corner stone of the seven
teen powers contained ill tile eighth section of the
first article ot the federal constitution. *• The gen
eral interests oi the Union is an expression found
in the articles of confederation, and is there used
synonymously with the phrase genera f welfare ; and
meant nothing more 11, that inatnunent, ns nil will
agree, than the interests therein specially enumera-
Ud, in which all the Slates were equally and direct-
ly concerned —not general interests which one see-
tion of country might hold in opposition to other in-
terests possessed by another, but such as afiti ted
t|ia whole sisterhood nreciaelv u!il*e.
party in supreme over their respective powers, no
act of the legislation of tho one can interfere with
tho other, for the extreise of such a right would in
evitably destroy each others purpose*, nml thereby
k'olvo their proceedings in the most inextricable
discord and coniunion. With the nolitary exception
of* mx&uon, which •« 1 lie only concurrent right, a*
Alexnnder Hamilton himself deeU
>imseised
equally by the Ftales nml the General (iovernment,
and obviously different from ail other powers, (it
being the power or rather the means for carrying all
other powers into ellecl,) there is no other actually
conferred upon the General (iovernment, which the
States can, in tho smallest degree, exerciso; and they' present
only claim, for their reserved powers, the h.uiiu res- argument.
law to protect manufactures, derived from the right
to regulate commerce, is not equally
1 have now done with tho constitutional point, and
I make no apology for the grout length of tho argil
mont employed on this head ; for I readily own if the
subject of protecting manufacture* depended alone
up'in the question of expediency, unless it was ca"
ried to a state of manifest oppression, of which
shall speak hereafter, I should have nothing to say
for that is a matter legitimately within the pow
Congress and although I should greatly deplore
the adoption and continued prosecution of a policy
obviously grinding down the resources of one class
of the .states to build up and advance the prosperi
ty of another of life same confederacy, yet it would
ho curs to submit under the terms of the compact.—
All argument is vain against cupidity supported by
power , but, if it is unconstitutional, it i* <>ur right
nay, it is our duty, to resist, and to use every wea
pon in «ur power, from the voice of reason up to
the still hoarser tones of rebellion.
I proceed now to examine the question in refer
ence I** ,l * •ApeUieney ; and under two aspects this
branch will he considered.
1. The great inequality and injustice of tho sys
tem.
2. Its dangerous effect upon the peace and harmo
ny of the I nion.
On the first point, suffer me, Mr. Chairman, to
rions reflection before I proceed to the
by close thinking we sometime* get
pect from that Government. They contend, in the. upon the track of truth which leads to the most for
language of nn elegant writer, *• that it is a mani- tunato results. This system commenced, and is
lest absurdity to maintain that the same people continued, by petitions for RI’.LII’.F. Mr. Chair-
could desire to exist ns ONF, nation for an especial | man, ha* any ono ever considered where relief comes
or desiirunt'Ml object, and, at (lie same time, to exist j from 3 No ono will hr
edulous as to believe
TWLNTV-FOUR distinct nations for the self-j that relief is manufactured in this Hall, and 1
same object.” Now, let us apply these principles to | out to the supplicating sufferers ; if not, where does
tho ease submitted to the consideration of this com-| it come from f Certainly from some other quarter
Now, does
w _ ^ ever tho ro-
ufnclures ; or whom is it taken away from the I lief is taken, just precisely in proportion to the
Flntes ? No one will contend that the States may amount withdrawn must that part sutler? And
tniUoo. W here, in the constitution, is nny power I of tho country that does not complain
given to Congress to legislate on tho subject ot man- not every one perceive, that whe
not protect manufactures, for it is conceded they 1 would they not have a right, and be entitled to
can grant, towards that object, und have often done 1
»t, bounties, premiums, privilog
and this cannot he. done, by tho General Government. 1 , try to hush tho mouths of
Now, this plainly shows that tho irhede right is not
parted with by the States, and if not, I defy nn in
stance to ho shown in the federal constitution where
port, too, to turn round, and petition for relief also :
and exemptions, | What right has Congress to rob one portion of coun
try to hush tho mouths of another? If the north
I suffers, 1* it riglit to maku thu south, against her
will, relievo flint suffering No, the truth is, when
.. the smith petitions lor relief, they are tohl “youJie,”
havo divided nnv one power between I you do not suffer, or, if you do, it is greatly less than
I the (ieneral Government ; in other! you imagine ; at nl^evcnts, you must submit to the
'Flint j will of n majority ; and, notwithstanding the Federal
framed to tuko eqro of the inter
words, retaining a part nnd granting a part
each Government possesses concurrent jurisdictir
over a part, only, of n certain power, is an absurdity
►o glaring, that it cannot, for ono moment, he believ
ed Therefore, if the Ftntes have the right, the (ien
eral (iovernment has not , for I have already shown
that, in the nature of thing*, it is impossible for both
Governments to entertain supreme control over the
saint subjects, nnd whatever power is exorcised by
either party, must ho supreme nnd exclusive over
tlio objects upon which they have ft right to net.—
Any other doctrine, from the most common princi
ples of philosophy, implies a destruction of the pow
er, for equal forces destroy ono another, nnd indeed,
it is not too much to say, and it is said with groat
reverence, that even Deity, to remain consistent
with himself, cannot enforce two opposite laws with
out producing a monster. All that could hoconfen-
,1 for, by tho (ieneral (iovernment, is so much of
rnineut
ests of the whole, yet some portions of the country
must suffer, and lliero is no help for it. Is this the
kind of reply that a free people ought to submit to
You may think so, hut depend upon it, .1 very short
time will find you in a woful mistake. This
tion brings me to the assertion of n principle, which
if nny man pretends'to controvert, I wish to hear
from him before I proceed any further. 1 confident
ly lay down this position, that Government cannot
make one free man work for another without hi
consent. It c.auuot t ike the property of ono nnd
give it to another. That whatever would he wron
in the acts of Government, as between man and
man, i* equally wrong as between ten or ten mill
ions of men. Does any one deny this ? None
Then I proceed. If any casualty’ should, in the
ways of Providence, reduce the four quartets of the
the right, ami no more, as the laying of duties on j Union to but one man apiece, ami lie of tho
foreign imports- conveys “ incidentally,
cideutally, This has never been del
nnd only in-
But it
should l>e ship-builder ; of tho north a cotton spin
ner ; of the west a hemp weaver , and of the south
not every incidental power that confers the right to|a cotton planter ; in ufiat condition would the tariff
use that power directly. For instance, the General! system find these four individuals? Mark well, I
Government has the power to declare war, nnd. ' "
I incidental to that power, it may demolish hous
and enclosures to affect nn one
ho so idle as to contend that they could e.xerc
beseech you, Mr. Chairman, their exact relativ
situations, for this very picture is a faithful illustr:
hut no one would tion ot the hill on your table, and I pronounce there
»this is no getting away from it. Your hill, us plain
right in time of peace, or declare war merely for the j bill can talk in vernacular language, suvs to th
sake of destroying private property. Therefore, hemp weaver, and pointing at tin" same time to tho
whatever consequence th
will not make the incident
he acted upon in like manner with the one of which j bounty f _
consequence. I lie intended object of the | ns you do, but you a
bo honestly consulted.! fore must be prof
from a direct power, cotton planter, you may
substantive power, to) u fair price for your bag:
* r -«•.» y 0U ’ r labour.
direct power should nlo
ted.
ike him pay you, bos id
mg, five cents a yard
Iti* true lie works as hard
a man of capital, and there-
shall wrap his colt
and then all incidental results will be perfectly | your bagging, or pay a higher price to somo one else
hariyless. j f or that article. Your hill says also to the sliinbuild*
These reflections are ultimately connected with, 1 *t r » same cotton planter shall pay you a bounty
and naturally lead us to, some concluding remarks j fer carrying his cotton to the spinner. To the spin-
011 the oilier ground winch in said to justify the tariff) * r * ^ soys ho shall *ell it to you, and buy your
system, viz. thu right t«* regulate commerce The ■ clwth* ; or, if lie dares to carry it to any other mar
expression in the constitution is, “ t<» regulate com-1 shall pay you a tax of eight cent* a yard for
merco with foreign nations, and among the several j ever y-ya r d of cottons lie buys elsewhere Now, I
Flutes.. It tins been urged, m a late popular essayMr Chairman, is this just Would the
(hat, from tho meaning nf the term “to regulate; (mvernment dare to put its law into this kind of
commerce,” before the adoption ot the constitution, 1 f an g«ago ns between ono laborer and another?—
and the practice of the colbnies in relation to that j Aml * if it would not, how can it do so es between
subject, the right not only to restrain, but even to " hole communities ? Would the principle he chawr-
suspend commerce indefinitely, belongs to that ex-• f rom the case I have put, if the laborers and
pression. What would lie the conseqiienco c*f such j l ' u '* r pursuits were multiplied to ten thousand 3 —
a construction ? If Congress can restrain or mis- ^ ,u * if that single cotton planter could not bear the
pend commerce with foreign nations to protect man- drufts nt three taskmasters, will the whole
ulectures, it can certainly do the same tliin^J c * a *“ ol planters be in any better situation from the
“ ""long the several States,” for they nro both in the multiplied classes of manufacturers constantly prey-
same grant of power 'flic right way to test the ,n k r u P on l»*» labor : No, air, they cannot and will
legality of ft power is to carry it nut in all its corise- n " 1 * repeat, they are preparing to
queuces whatever, therefore. Congress can do m agnify it to you nt a way that cannot he muunder-
cottons,
live, and nil kinds nf tools
and farm!ha utensil*. I shall, then, fur the sake ul
easy ealuiilalion, place it at 50. This point being
adjusted, I proceed to slate another, which isneci-B-
sary to my purpose, and in which there can be little
or no dispute. It is this the price of an article i*
increased the amount of the duly. The establish
ment of this position will be postponed until I come
to answer the argument ofthe gentleman from Penn
sylvania (Mr. Stkwaiit) on that subject. One other
point is also admitted, viz. that tho consumer pays
the duty, and this for the present is enough for my
purpose, though I think 1 shall hereafter be able to
sustain the views of the gentleman from South Cart
lina,thnt the prodnnr pays the tax. These tlire
things being settled, to wit, 1st, that the duty is 50
percent.; ‘Jd, that articles purchased are increased
in price the amount of the duty ; and, 5d, that the
consumer pay* the duty, I proceed to present an il
lustration of its burdensome effects upon the planter*
the south. Suppose, Mr. Chairman, instead of
the Atlantic Ocean, a straight, narrow river, run
ning from Maine to Mobile, divided us from tho old
arid ■ nnd suppose all the different factories in the
United .Slates, instead of being clustered in groups
in the northern and middle States, were strung, at
suitable intervals, all along on this side of this divid-
stream ; imagine similar and corresponding fac
tories on the other side, exactly opposite to those on
this; nnd that aconvumentLrulgo lends from one to
the other : here, then, we have presented not only
two similar places of supplies, hut two market* for
produce of the planters. Instead of sending
their produce to these markets, ns is usual, through
the agency of merchants, each planter becomes Ins
hnnt. Now, sir, auppoaa ona jiroaonta
himself with his cotton at a woollen factory, and
desires to purchase a hale of bankets, lie is told the
pricq, is fifty dollars, hut that, on the other side of
the stream, a precisely similar hale can be had for
twenty-five. Having an easy nnd convenient bridge,
every one perceives he would have no hesitation in
selecting this cheaper market. But when ho arrives
at thu loot of the bridge, ho is met by u custom
house officer, who informs him that if he buys his
blankets on the other aido of the river, he will have
to pay one-half of them to the Government, so that
he might as well lay out his money with the factory
this side, lie inquires, why is it that I have
to pay half my produce to the Government? He
answered, all the owners of factories, strung up and
down this river, have united, and made their poor
workmen believe they ought to be protected by
iovernment, and they have been artfully put up to
lanior for relief, until tho (iovernment has compell
ed you to pay half your blankets to mo for her use
or half your money to them, and now you may take
your choice. Of course, he puts himself to no fur
ther trouble, returns, makes tho purchase, and loses
twenty-five dollars, which the manufacturer pockets
That this is the precise operation of the turill' sys
tem upon every article which a planter purchases
is as certain as death ; and 1 defy any one to detect
a fallacy in the statement. And, sir, here is the
proper place to exhibit the effect ithicli this syste
has upon our produce. Admit, for tho sake of argu
ment, as stated by the gentleman from South Curoli
na, (Mr. Drayton,) that a repeal of tho la ri IF would
not aifect the price of cotton, yet is it not obvious
that if the price of cotton is eight dollars per bund
red, nnd halt of that amount is paid in tax, when
ever laid out it cannot be worth hut four dollars to
the planter. Now, take oil* this tax, and though the
price might not rise, yet no one can doubt the cot
ton is worth four dollars more to him, in the uddi
tional necessaries which it will command.
But it is said the northern people consume ns
much a* the southern, and consequently pay as much
tax ns they do. Now, sir, this is very fallacious
doctrine, and 1 hope to prove it by a variety of argu
ments. I lay down this position, that the man, wo
man, or child, that is without employment, and has
to depend upon lilt* her daily labor for support, a*
a hireling, i* often driven to the necessity which no
man laments more than I do, of giving more for ar
ticles of consumption than those whose means ena
ble them** to make a choice of market*. Those who
exchange their immediate labor for tbo means of
clothing and support, are compelled, I own, improp-
erly to give more for their necessaries than those
whoso money or exchangeable commodities enable
them to purchase whore they please The people
of tho south make immense quantities of produce
for exportation ; they aro the most valuable staples
in the world ; nnd, as every one knows, constitute
the wealth and export* of this country, and which
cannot he consumed at home. The people of the
north* are divided into two laboring classes, those
who till tho soil, and those who work at thu facto
ries : the first produce, doubtless, valuable agricul
tural articles, which are intended to supply tho last.
The manufacturing system was gotten up for the ex
press purpose, first, of enabling capitalist* to vest
their immmense wealth in profitable employment,
and to live upon the labor of the poor ; and, second,
to afford a market for the agricultural productions.—
It follows, then, that the farmer, who gets a market
lor his pigs and potatoes, his onions and leeks, and
a thousand other things that cannot he carried to
F.urope, is well able to bear the tax upon consump
tion on what little he doe* not make himself, be
cause lie has nn increased means of supply, by rea
son of this market, erected immediately at his door.
It follows, also, that the laborers at the factories can
willingly hear the tax of consumption, because,
without this employment, they would ho cut oft*
from the means of support. Without this business,
they would have to fail back upon the agricultural
pursuits , and, having no market for their produc
tions, they would have to experience finally a loss
of labor from a glutted country. Indeed, tho whole
system is an artfully devised plan to find a market
for hoi i.'l productions, und employment for paupers.
Well may they cry out tor more tuxes, for more taxes
givo them more bread Does any man so abuse Ins
own understanding, or reflect upon the understand
ing of others, as to suppose that if the northern peo
ple paid as-much tax as the southern, by consump
tion, that they would ho repeatedly clamor for an in
crease of .taxes, and so violently oppose a reduction
as to say :t a million of musket-bearing freemen”
will keep up the taxes at tho risk of every conse
quence Who ever heard of a whole country's cry
ing out for burthens, if they either feel, oKwero not
bendfitted by them ? As to the manufacturers tli
selves, and they constitute an immense class of w
thy consumers, no one I presume will doubt that
they are willing to hear the taxes for the.sake of the
benefits derived from the system ; and yet, though
their profits may he greater, their interest is precise
ly like that of ihe other two classes 1 have just de
scribed. t
Permit me, sir, to present the difference between
a southern and a northern consumer, Uy an apt illus
tration drawn from the case I havo already supposed.
Imagine a southern planter and a northern day la
borer entering one of those factories on the stream
I have before mentioned, atone and the same time ;
the first with a bale of cotton, the other with noth
ing. 1 ho first understands lie can gel goods cheap
er on the other side ; lie carries over his product
and trades as lie pleases ; the other, having nothin
to export, willingly engages to labor for wluit ho
wants, and gives tiie price demanded on this side.—
Is not the reason apparent for tin* out cry for taxes :
Does not every one perceive that this day laborer
now becomes identified in interest with this factory
commerce with foreign nations, it can do gloo< l
tiling among the several States. N..\ Vl « The remarks I have made naturally conduct me
how mi act of this kind woqlcj be received l ° ,,n examination of the burdens ire think we bear
though tiie manufacturers think it 1b all delusion —
W Inn the bill ol the gentleman from South Caro'i '
lishinenU; fi>r those avocation* seem to possess the
true and only claim to tho title of American indus-
thing! fry, while all the immense planting staples, constitu-
‘ 1 xports of the country, are regarded
consequence. But, sir, 1 too am a
manufacturer, and have some precious facta to com
municate through this House to the nation. What
1 sav, may, perhaps, like all southern testimony, he
considered untrustworthy, hut the people ol* the
south will believe it, and, in believing it, will act
upon it in throwing oft* tho yoke of the manufac
turers. Mr. Chairman, finding that the lari ft *ys-
I tem had completely sapped my planting interest, 1
I resolved to transfer the capital there employed into
The rejection a cotton manufactory, believing and hoping it might
1 • ' • a the burthens of the
succeed beyond all
within bound* of truth,
when I say the capital doubled itself in two years
From these facts, permit me to draw n few inferen
ces as to the great imposition which this whole sys
tem inflicts upon the planting interest of the country.
1st. It is acknowledged that machinery saves
manual labor to a most enormous extent. The gen
tleman from Pennsylvania says, that the machinery
of England, with one million of hands, performs the
labor of two hundred and fifty millions. Wlikt a
fact! I know this to be true, lor each of the small
hands which was carried into the Georgia factory,
had his labor immediately multiplied forty fold ; and
yet, Mr. Chairman, will you believe it, the tnrill
system makes my neighbors, who are left in the
fields to work in rain nnd sunshine, with nothing hut
the muscles which the God of nature has given
them, contribute to my labor, increased as it is, forty
fold by the aid of machinery. I, who have multi
plied my force to so great an amount, cannot get
along without aid, and therefore must cry help, more
help, or I perish ! The people that can bear this,
can bear any thing : and if they do not rise in their
majesty and put down this system of legalized rob
bery, they do not deserve the blessings ol freedom.
2d. If the capital invested l»y the company to
which 1 belong, say somewhere about thirty thou
sand dollars, ha* doubled itself in two years, what
is the consequence 3 The gentleman from Tennes
see, (Mr. Bki.i..) whoso eloquently painted the ex
actions and influence of wealth, and the miseries
which the sudden und rapid accumulations of money
must create in any community, spoke truly when lie
said some one loses when another gains. Now, sir,
apply this truth to the fact 1 have related. Thirty
thousand dollars in two years have been soaked up,
as with a sponge, within a certain circumference.—*
While wo have gained it, our neighbors have lost
it ; and though they aro too generous to complain of
, knowing that neither our motives or feelings so
enter into the system, a* to desire* its continuance at
thu expense of principle : yet this is its true effect
throughout this whole country. And notwithstaud-
it must ho helped front the hard linmfed labor of
our honest planters, to whose fruits all other trades
and professions must look for support.
3d. The moment our factory went into operation,
there was a small circle around it which became im-
diately identified with its interest; those who
supplied us with such articles ol food as we wanted,
such mechanics as were necessary to the establish
ment in various branches of business, such supplies
of materials ns were needed tor buildings and re
pairs ; and, finally, such laborers as were required to
conduct the internal operations of the institution.—
Now, who does not perceive that all these interest
ed individuals, us well as myself and the rest of the
company, were better able to pay the tax of con
sumption than our surrounding neighbors not within
the circle I have just mentioned ? Jt matters not
whether the factories are in Georgia or Massachu
setts ; this is a fair picture of their effect and influ
ence, be them where they may.
•1th. Suppose when 1 changed my planting into a
manufacturing interest, I had left three of my neigh
bors, who had just the same kind of land, and exact
ly the same amount of capital, and our crops had
been precisely the same, still employed in that busi
ness. And suppose, which is true, that 1 make not
only what 1 made before, and, consequently, as much
as my aforesaid neighbors, but fifty per cent, more ;
is there any reason lliut these same neighbors Rhould
contribute to my new and more profitable husine
This must, beyond nil question, he the case, if the
system is kept up, and the south is forced to manu
facture. For every man cannot become a manufac
turer, and those who are left to till the ground, ex
cept that class who furnish the factories with sup
plies, must become hewers of wood and drawers of
water to the monopolizing lordling. Down, down
with this system of taxation for the benefit of a fa
vored class, or, depend upon it, down goes your lib
erties. If ull the factories of the United States he
longed to one person, and that person was a mon
arch, (and what is wealth but a monarch, a cruel,
tyrannical monarch ?) and he was solely deriving
all the advantages of the system nt the expense of
the sweat and labor of the people, every body would
see it in all its horrible odiousness, nnd it would be
demolished by the fury of an iudfgnnnt people.—
Yet, because it is in the hands of a few who have
contrived to delude their hirelings into the belief that
ii has boen founded purely for their benefit, this
abominable scourge i* permitted to exist. The day
is coining, mid 1 trust, rapidly, when it will have to
undergo a reckoning. before the tribunal of a long
abused and insulted community, whose .award
consign it to its merited infamy.
These are tho oppressions of which I promised to
speak, and which rise superior to all law, and would
of themselves, though they violated no written pnn
ciple of the constitution, justify a people, “ in the
pursuit of life, liberty, and happiness,” to provide
themselves with new forms of (iovernment. I sta
ted in a previous part of this argument, that nn ad
mission, on the part of our adversaries, that the con
suiner pays the tax, would be sufficient for my pur
pose in establishing the great inequality of the bur
then*, uud that it rested upon the southern people.—
i think 1 have made out the case.
( To be continued.)
and if lie can compel tho southern planter to trade
there, and there alone, his prospect for continuance
m business, and an increase of wages, aro almost
inevitable ? I his, sir. is the true reason why con
sumers at the north do not suffer like the southern
consumers. WhiTe, however, there are certain cir •
cles around these factories that are flourishing, and
demanding their continuance fur the reasons Jtated,
there are intermediate spaces between them that are
as withering as famine, and cold ns the grave, and
will like thu south, one d iv or other rise to redress
thou wrongs. The word Amercinii industry has
been repeated upon this floor until 1 nm heartily
so r of it. Nothing I shall hereafter dread so much
as an industrious man, for fear lie may he just fresh
fiom a northern manufactory, or from one of the
piOnpkm gardens that surround;* t lio^e 'aniuuj ( . t. h
SPASMODIC CHOLERA.
Tho New York Committee, appointed to inves
tigate the character, caused ami .symptoms of Chol
era Asphyxia, report in part, on the Symptoms.
The best writers on Cholera generally agree
that it is invariably preceded by the following pro
monitory Symptoms—
The patient complains of a lassitude, uneasiness
in the region of tho stomach, accompanied with
some slight evacuations from the bowels, iusufli
cient, however, to excite his attention or alarm.—
As these symptoms increase, and the evacuations
become more frequent, from two to Lwelyfetitnes i
day, accompanied with increased griping, bis conn
tcuance becomes sharp and dark, of which he ap
peared to ho perfectly unconscious. Occasionally
nausea sometimes appears at this period. The
symptoms generally continue varying iii severity
fioin one to ten days before the second stage su
pervenes. 'Fho evacuations ul first are of u darti
brown or blackish hue. As Hie looseness conLin
nos, they become lessor' a natural appearance, nn
til they assume the consistence ami aspect of dirty
water. Some headache, cramp of the lingers, toes
and abdomen, slight giddiness and singing in the
cars, accompany these symptoms. Sometimes
costivcncss of two or three days duration super
venes which is immediately succeeded by a re
turn ofthe diarrhma, and in a few hours after, by
a collapse of tho whole system, with nausea, and
vomiting.
It is during the prevalence of these premonito
ry symptoms that the mind of the patient should
.be seriously impressed with tho vital importance
of calling in medical aid. In this stage it is a
simple disease, caused by a morbid poison taken
into the system, which nature, in producing a diarr-
h<rn, is exerting her techie powers to dislodge
which are rendered still more feeble, every hour
the enemy is permitted to fortify and entrench it
self m those organs more particularly subjected to
its influence. The manner in which the poison is
to lie expelled, is by aiding the efforts of nature
with active ami powerful cathartic*, until the iin
mouse discharge* of feculent ami horribly oflen
siye dejections, demonstrate its total expulsion from
tiie body. But if this opportunity be lost, or in
stead ot evneuants, stimulating liouors und opiates'
su indiscriminately recommended by somo, should
now he administered, the disease would acquire
more strength, nml nature subdued, would on tiie
same ratio, yield and sink into the second sta"0 of
the discnsc. °
1 lie attack of the second stage is ocnernllv
unde beta con ten o’clock nt night nnd toil o’clock
m the morning, and is so sudden nnd violent that
the patient often compares it to the stroke of a
club.
1 rcquently the patient awakes with an ardent
desire to go to the water closet, or he is “struck”
indescribably on rising in tho morning, or soon af-
ter. A sudden and great increase of the previous
oiarrlnrn or a violent inclination to have a passage,
without pain, is ni most cases the first symptom
(.escribed by the patient. Vomiting occurs sim
ultaneously, or soon follows. Cramps, occuDvmo
successive!y'the soles of the feet, the calves oft)
legs, the thighs, und in a ftss degree the superior
extremities, supervene instantly, or in the con.,,
of two or throe hours. There is pain in the re
gion of the stomach, restlessness, and much thirst"
The evacuations resemble barley gruel. Sti|| t |,«
pulse is not depressed, nnd the patient can keen
on his feet. ‘ - *
11c now arrives at the collapsed stage of the
disease, nnd presents that frightful choleric decom
position of features, of which langungo con rrive
no adequate idea, llis eyes are sunk and s Ur
rounded with a livid circle, the pupils often dilated" '
face shrunk, cold and livid, particularly the tips -
nose cold and pinched up; tongue cold,moist, ami
a little furred with white—air respired from t| le
lungs perfectly cold—voice profoundly altered
nearly extinct, or heard only in a feeble whisper-
in a few cases quite extinct—extremities cohl
shrunk and livid or marbled—cold and iividitv
sometimes invade the trunk and particularly tho
sides of the chest—hands shrivelled and wrinkled
like a washer-woman’s—no radical pulsation, or it
is extremely feeble—thirst torturing, urine no
longer secreted—terrible purging and frequent
vomiting.
Although the intellectual faculties remain unin
jured, in almost all cases, the patient lies regard
less, except to make frequent demands for drink
and when his cramps extort from him distressing
cries—mostly on his back—his eyes half closed—
his mouth open. He vomits n watery, inodorous
liquid—his discharges nmdo in bed without pain or
even bis knowledge, resemble the thinnest corn
meal gruel, and have the odour of stale ovsters.
llis cramps, atrocious and almost incessant, pro
duce no convulsive movement of the limbs.
From a vein opened, the blood (lows not nt all or
with great difficulty ; is of a very dark color, and
at the end of sums hours resembles a dark and fee
bly coiidulotcd vegetable jelly and is without scum.
The mechanical part ot respiration is pretty wet}
performed, though the function is imperfect. In a
few cases, liickup and delirium supervene in the
course of the disease. Tho skin of the hands and
face is brownish, not blue.
In the last or mortal stage, there is a dreadful
low wail of voice; a cold clammy sweat breaks
forth on all tho surface; the dejections become
more frequent and severe, and vomiting is some
times excessive. lua short time tho patient dies
without a groan. If ho survives longer, or rather
if be is to last a little longer, after a few hours au
imperfect reaction takes plane—ho is partially
warmed, a feeble pulsation is perceived at the
wrist, the decomposition of his features is less
frightful—but the eye is injected in a peculiar man
ner, chiefly that portion of it that is exposed to the
light—in a less degree the part covered by tho
lower lid, and slightly or not at all the part covered
by the upper lid ; or an' ecchymosis forms in the
globe, or finally a thin pus is socretcd. Tho pa
tient certainly sinks in IH, ,‘Ki, or 18 hours from the
attack, and without tho slightest struggle. Somo-
times the reaction is more perfect, nnd lie gives a
hope of recovery for, 2, !1 or 1 days; when he
manifests a disposition to sleep, tho intellect ro- .
muining undisturbed, llis faeo becomes Hushed,
his eyes injected, und in despite of revulsions or
excitants, depletion locul, or general, stupor suc
ceeds, nnd he dies with tho usual cerebral symp
toms.
Wo now resume the consideration of symp
toms, with a view to glance at somo ton important
to be omitted, yet not sufficiently constant to form
a part ot a general description of this disease.
In ninny cases there seems to be an indescriba
ble momentary sensation of being seized with tho
cholera, before the appearance of any of tho
symptoms enumerated. The patient tries to con
voy this-idea by representing himself us ‘struck ns
with a blow.’
In very many cases vomiting lias preceded «l-
vine discharges. In a large proportion of patients
there is only a numbness instead of cramps of tho
upper extremities.
The nlviuc evacuations are described from the
sensation, by the patient, as consisting of puro
water. In some few cases there is dull vertigin
ous head-ache, with or without tinnitus annum
[ringing in tho cars.] In about half the cases,
pain or pressure of tho abdomen or epigastrium.
Under the fingers tho abdomen has a doughy feel.
Sometimes, though rarely, there arc slight chills
at tho commencement. In fine, tho constant and
characteristic symptoms are purging, vomiting,
cramps of lower extremities, choleric decomposi
tion of tho features, profound alteration of tho
voice, absence, or extreme feebleness of the pulse,
intense thirst, non-secretion of urine, general cold
ness and lividity or marble appearance, nnd integ
rity of the intellectual fucultics.
When the disease has passed through its climax
and is advancing to its period of diminution, it un
dergoes the following modifications—
The attack is rarely so sudden ns at first, it is
less rapid and violent in its course—reaction is es
tablished m almost all cases nml at nn early period
—the choleric decomposition of features exists in
a comparatively very slight degree, even in cases
which prove fatal in a few hours—pulse rarely al
together imperceptible, pain at the epigastrium, on
pressure, more common. In short, from its com
mencement to its termination there is n gradual
and great 'amelioration of symptoms. They be
come milder and of shorter duration previous to
reaction. When reaction takes place, there is a
determination of blood to the head, face Hushed,
eyes injected—tongue red, dry, u little swollen,
sometimes of a blistered appearance, is covered
with a harsh fur; sordcs about tho teeth; pulse
small, feeble, not very frequent—urine none or
scanty—vomiting, purging and cramp much less
urgent, or some of them wanting—a tendency to
hemorrhage.
Dr. Aslibcl Smith, of Paris, says, I have myself
made many autopries. In tho body, which was
cold as marble wliilo animated by the immortal
spirit, there is, after death, a disengagement of
heat that diffuses a genial warmth 12 or 15 hours
after the extinction of life. Dissection discovers
many of the eft'oets of the disease, but as usual
leaves a great deal unknown. The essential and
invariable symptom is the draining of tbo system
of its fluids, by means of tbo mucus membrane of
the nlnnojitary ennui—without some of the usual
and important phenomena of inflammation. In
many of the severest eases, there is a pain from
great pressure of the abdomen. Alvine dischar
ges are usually attended with no jiitin tehaltvtr-
ulsn tenesmus—often with no sensation. Seem
ingly, this does not arise from n want of sensibili
ty, for in other respects, that of coldness of tbo
limbs for example, the patient is sensible of it in
the same manner ns when in health. This tormen
ting thirst, however, while tho mouth is cool nnd
moist, has doubtless nn important connection with
the pathological state of the stomach.
Wasiiinutos, July Id
Tin: hint Scenes of the Sesfion.—We believe lliero
has never been a session of Congress so distinguish
ed for policical intrigue as tlmt which closes Ibis
day. 'J lie isriKA.vrs for the Presidency and its out
posts, the Departments, have been unwearied in
their efforts to throw the nllairs of the country into
confusion, with a view to profit by the chances.—
But the denouement shews that no coalition—no
compound ofthe discordant elements could bo con
cocted of sufficient strength to produce an explo
sion capable of shaking the foundations of the go
vernment. The power of public opinion, opera
ting in harmony with the patriotic wishes of tbo
Chief Magistrate, nnd blending its force with the
exertions of the honest and disinterested and faith
ful among the Representatives of the people, lias
brought every thing in the close to a fortunate issue.
Of the Inst scenes of the session we sliull give a
particular account. The public shall have especial
ly a very aecurala detail of what may be considered
the dying struggle of Messrs. Clay and Webster in
the Senate, in support of tbo Bank and tile I'Ura-Ta-
ritl'.—Globe. -
A Centleman lately from Trinidad, Mina's birth*
place and residence until compelled to lly for bis
life, stales that the accounts lie lias given of bis
parentage are absolutely false. 11 is parents are very
poor, are of the lowest class, and live in a little mis
erable thatched house, lie was outlawed from the
Island of Cuba on neenunt ot' the murder ot two
men ; nnd his character in Ins uulive place is that ot
one of the most atrocious viilians that ever existed.
.No terms are too liarsll to express the detestation ill
ninth llis neighbors held Imn | s 'ut. liulUtin-