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BY J. H. STEELE At P. THWEATT, Jr.
THE GEORGIA JOURNAL
IS PCIUIUD WUUT,
Sit ifi. oocnct op aiut ^ScutcocK. £fUeet»,
AT THESE DOLLARS l'ER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE,
Or Pair Dolton at Ur tad of Ur yrrr.
No Rubtcription will he received for lese than a year, nor
will any paper be discontinued until all arrearaget are paid.
The Paper will not be sent to any person out of the State,
until the subscription money is paid' in advance or satisfactory
reference riven.
ADVERTISEMENTS inserted at the usual rates.
tCT N. B. Sales of LAND, by Administrators, Executors
•r Guardians, are required, by low, to he held on the first
Tuesday in the mouth, between the hours of ten in the fore-
noon and three in the afternoon, at the Court-houae. in the
eounty in which tho property is situate. Notice of tliess
aales must be riven in a public gazette SIXTY DAYS pre
vious to the day of ssle.
Sales of NEGROES must be at a public auction, on the
first Tuesday of the month, between the usual hours of sale,
at the place ol public sales in the countv where the letters
testamentary, of Administration or Guardianship, may have
been granted, first giving SIXTY DAYS notice thereof, in
one of the public Eitett** of ibis State, and at the door of
Ihe Court-house, where such sales are to be held.
Notice for the sale of Personal Property, must he given in
like manner, FORTY days previous to the day of sale.
Notice to the Debtor* and Creditors of an Estate must be
published for FORTY dave.
Notice thet application will he made to the Court of Ordi
nary for loavo to tell LAND, must bo published for FOUR
MONTHS.
Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must be published for
FOUR MONTHS, before any order absolute efaall be made
thereon by tho Court,
All business of thf
teaUon at thoOffioo c
POLITICAL.
CIRCULAR
To the Feople of Georgia and especially lo the State
Right* party;
Fellow-citizens :—I feci it a duty I owe my-
aelfand you, to calmly and dispassionately present
my views of men and measures. Unaccustomed to
the language of flattery or dissimulation, I shall mnke
no apology for the stylo in which my remurks will
appear. By birth, by education, by habit, and by
principle, a Republican, you will not expect me to
play the courtier. A few years ago, when princi
ples marked and characterized the Republican par
ty of Georgia (a party for which I have always done
battle,) membership would itself have been suffi
cient to afTord printa facie evidence of sound faith
and action. From us, Federalism received no
couiitenunco; and the mere suspicion of its tuint
was a sufficient signal for our united opposition.
But, under the mighty workings of some extraordi
nary influence, recent occurrences demonstrate that
its odium is gone, and that our ancient adversary is
hailed as n boon companion. After all that had
been suid and done by my party friends in tho State,
I had no right to anticipate any movement, having
for its object the committing of tltc party the to sup
r irt of General Harrison. I am now satisfied that
relied with too much confidence on the uncom
promising consistency of those with whom I have
acted, anu their readiness to make every sacrifice
in order to sustain long.clicrislied doctrines. The
meetings in Monroe and Bibb ; the meeting in Co
lumbus ; the meeting in Augusta ; tho letter of Colo,
nel Dawson ; and the zealous manifestation of fuel-
ing that seems to prevail, favorable to nominating
and supporting a Harrison ticket in Georgia, have
made it necessary for me to pen this address before
the anticipated June Convention. In differing with
strong, influential, nnd worthy men, whose guid
ance I have long followed, I am not unnpprizcd of
of the share of odium 1 must bear from those whose
friendship I have long coveted and enjoyed. But
as I am not prepared to rally under the banner of
General Harrison, aud shall feel it my duty to use
every honorable means for his dufuat, I solicit the
attention of the honest and independent while I as-
•ion the reasons for my course.
I cannot give him my support, because he is a
Federalist; that he supported the black-cockade, ad
ministration of the elder Adams; that he supported
the administration of the younger Adams; that he has
never changed his Federal notions: that he is still a
Federalist; and must derive his main sujtporifrom
that party.
No matter how little the establishment of these
charges may o|icratc upon the minds of others, I
trust they will he sufficient to screen me from their
sneers. It is a tiling so easy for any man to be
branded as a deserter from his party—for his name
to lie subjected to infumy—tliut very many choose
rattier to float with tho lido of public opinion, thun
investigate their position nnd resist its current; but
if I am enabled to prove that General Harrison is a
Federalist, has always acted with that party, and is
now their candidate, wo have always professed vain-
ly in Georgia, if we give him out support. This
I will now proceed to do, in a plain and intelligible
manner; nor will I leave room for a doubt on tho
mind of any unprejudiced mutt.
My fullow-citizeus will remember, that while John
Adams the cider was President of tho United States
during his administration, the Federal party passed
the Alien and Sedition laws, which gave rise to the
Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1799, ’99.
During these years there were no neuti ais in public
life ; it was a time of severe parly conflict, and par.
ty lines wero very distinctly drawn. 1 have he.
fora me the 1st volume of “ Executive Journal,”
where, at page 292, it is recorded, that, on the 20th
of June of that ever memorable year 1799, John
Adams, the then President of the United States,con
furred upon Gen. Harrison the office of-Secrctary of
the territory northwost of tho river Ohio." Would
not this appointment itself afford strong presump
live proof that General Harrison was a member of
the Federal party 1 Take into consideration the
year, the time, aud tho circumstances, the proof
would be sufficient to shift the onus at least. But
tho proof shall proceed : General Harrison was a
Delegate from the Northwestern Territory, to the
House of Representatives of the U. States during
the session ol 1799nnd 1909 : during the session of
that Congress, aud before its close, he was np
pointed by John Adums, the President, Governor
of the Territory of ludiuna. (See Executive Jour,
nnl, vol. 1. p. 953.)
Now, when we remember that the election for
President look place that same year (1800), und
when we recollect the great excitement that pre.
vailed between the parties, and how oitterly JutTer.
son was denounced by tho Federalists of that day,
and the uncompromising spirit that prevailed, where
is the man that would dure believe that John Adams,
who hid bestowed on Harrison a prior appointment,
and who now was enabled to judge of his friendship
by his acts while at Congress until the time of his
appointment on the 12th day of May of that session,
would have made him Governor of Indiana, if lie
had not been his friend, and a member of his party.
oppose! to Mr. Jefferson and his party l No man
can doubt. But bo it further remembered, that a
majority of the Senate were Federal, wito had to
ratify the appointment; aud this, too, when univer-
sal proscription wus the order of the day, and the
celebrated black cockade the badge of Federal devo.
lion.
It would not seem iiccessurv to produce other
evidence ; hut, os it is convenient, I will call your
attention to his own admissions us late ns 1929. In
tlie Senate of the United States, in that year (1820)
as may be soen in “ Congressional Debates,” by
Gales & Seaton, in the first part of tho 2! vol., and
at page 859, John Randolph, of Virginia, said that
the difference between himself and General Ilurri-
•on was vital; thnt they differed "fundamentally
and totally,” and did when they first took their
•eats in Congress, Speaking of garrison, ho suid :
Jit was as open, zealous, and frank supporter of (he
sedition-law and blttck-cockadc administration ; and
I was a zealous, frank, and open opponent oj the
black-cotkadt and sedition-law administration. IFr
difer fundamentally and totally; we never can agree
about measures or about men. I do not mean to dic
tate to tho gentleman ; lot us sgree to differ ns gen.
tlcmcn ought to do, especially natives of the same
State, who are antipodes to each other in politics.”
Now this specific charge was made by John Ran
dolph on tho 20th of March, 1820. The reply of
General Harrison ia reported in the same volume of
debates, and at pages 304 and ’5, in which he said,
that" lie could not refrain from making his acknow.
lodgement to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr.
Randolph), for tiro notico he Imd been pleased to
take of him. He had been pleased to say that, in
the administration of Mr. Aduuts. I was a Federal*
ist; and he comes to that conclusion, from the course
pursued by mo in 1799 and 1800.” I wish it borne
in mind that Mr. Randolph charged him to his face
with being a zealous, open, frank supporter of the se
dition-law and black.cockade administration. He
then proceeds in reply: “At that session, the gen
tleman and myself met for tho first time : lie in the
station of Representative from Virginia, and I in
the more humble one of Delegate from tho north,
western Territory. Having no vote, I did not
think it proper to lako part in the discussion in any
of tae great political questions which divided the
two parties. Mv business waa to procure the pas
sage ofthe 13113 Which Ihatf introduced for tho ben-
efit of tho people I represented. The gentleman
had no means of knowing my political principlos,
unless he obtained them from private conversations.
As I was on terms of intimacy with the gentleman, it
is very probable that he might have heard me express
sentiments favorable to the then administration. I
certainly felt them—so far, at least, as to tho course
pursued by it in relation to tho Government of
France.” The charge is made direct and une.
quivocai, nnd tlie nnswor does not deny, but admits,
the charge ; but insists he made no public speech
to thnt oflect in the House of Representatives, inas
much as he had no vote ; and thnt Mr. Randolph
must have heard it from him in private converse-
tions. Yet he admits tho charge true. In the
same spcoch he says : “ For Mr. Adams, I enter.
tained at that lime, and have ever since entertained,
the greatest respect. I believe him lo be an honest
man and a pure patriot; and his conduct during that
sessionproted him to be such. This opinion, 1 know,
was entertained by those two ublc nnd upright
statesmen John Marshall and James A. Bayard."
Tltcsc are tho expressed opinions of General Har-
rison concerning John Adams and his ndininistra-
lion, in his speech in 1829. Take the charge made
by John Randolph, which lie knew to he true before
lie mndo it; the acknowledgement of General Hnr.
rison—his high esteem for the purity and patriotism
of tho elder Adams; and his receiving the up.
pointment of Governor to Indiana from his friend
and patron. If lie were now upon his trial for Fed
eralism, he might pick his own jury and they would
find him guilty. It may he proper to rcmnrk tliut
John Marshall and James A. Bayard, to whom ho
refers for proof of old John Adnms’s patriotism were
just as good Federalists as himself; and doubtless
they nil entertained tho same opinions. John Mur.
shall received the appointment of Chief Justice of
tlie Supreme Court, from Joint Adams, in 1891, just
before ho went out of office ; and tho other gentle,
men, Jamca A. Bayard, a Representative from Del
awure, voted for the Alien and Sedition-law, as the
journal of the House of Representatives will show.
The election of the younger Adams (John Q.) is much
mure fresh in your recollection, and rendered me
morable by two circumstances; the first, tliut
Georgiultad a favorite candidate in the field (Wil
Hum II. Crawford) ; and, second, the election of
Mr. Adams by wlmi has so frequently been called
coalition with Mr, Clay. About tho coalition I know
nothing—Clay made Adams President, and, as was
natural enough, Adams mado him Secretary of
Slate. At the first session of Congress after this
celebrated election, General Harrison was a mem-
ber of the Senate ; and the jourunls will show that
his votes stand recorded upon nil leading measures
with tltc Administration. It was during this Ad.
ministration, that, in the Senate, Joint Randolph
tnndo tlie charge I have quoted, that from his first
acquaintance with Harrison up to that time they
had always differed, and that they never should
ngreo about men or measures; the one being a
Federalist tho other a Republican. The appendix
to the Senate journal of 1825 and 1829, will show
thnt General Harrison voted for that muclt abused,
wild, and visionnry measure, the Panama mission.
On the 4tlt of March, 1829, tho Administration of
Adams closed ; hut, before lie quit office, lie was
not unmindful of tlie friend and ally of his father,
nnd the continued supporter of himself. On tlie
22dofMay, 1828, ho appointed General Ilurrison
minister to Columbia. What other or better evi
dence could ho wanted of his being a Federalist of
the old and new school 7 Ho wus the friend, tlie
zealous supporter, and admirer of tlie elder Adams
and his black.cockade administration, lie was the
friend and supporter of Ihe. younger Adams's admin
istration, and, from both tlie father and tlie son re
ceived the reward of faithfull services, by receiving
appointmentsfrom their hands.
But fcllow.citizens, if Mr Webster is a Federal
ist (and this is not deuiod even by himself), we have
other proof of his Federalism, and oflater date. In
ills Cheviot speech of which so much has been said,
to further the claims of General Harrison, delivered
on tho 4th of July 1833, ho remarks : "I have thus
fellow-citizens, endeavored to explain to you tlie prin
ciples upon which the government of our Union is
formed. I recommend to you, however, the Proclu.
motion of the President of the United States, issued
on tlie 10/A of December last, and the speeches of Mr.
Webster, delivered in the Senate of the United Slates
at their last session of Congress, in answer lo the ar
guments (f Mr. Calhoun, as containing the most elo-
Madison. Mr. Jefferson found nearly all thy 4
filled by Federalists, very many of whom bed
ucd. Tltis circumstance cannot weigh a fei
favorable to his being a Republican. If jmy^teati.,
mony could be brought to show tbGjMi es ’
to bu a Republican, it would but afford eVii
his being n tergivcrsnlor, and unfit to be trusted. 1
Ought not Georgia to have assurances,
ian she supports fos President would veto
interfering with slavery in the District of
Columbia or the States 7 For me, thcwcll-authen.
licat.d fact that he is a Federalist, that he is their
tandiiate and supported by them, and titat, if elected.
B „ „ „ it wiilbc a Federal administration, would he suffi-
But the truth of liis being a Federalist is so welt as- 1 , cient t# prevent me from yielding him any support.
tublislted that no unprejudiced mind can doubt.
Who, thou,are tho present supporters of Gener
al Harrison 1 No one can doubt that tho master
spirits of tlie party are Webster, Clay, nnd Adams;
and although there are now among iiis supporters
some who nave professed and acted witlt the Re.
publican party, yet, by far the majority of his sup.
porters are the Federalists ; and if he is elected, the
Government will inevitably be under the control of
that party.
I will beg leave to present another subject to your
consideration, worthy of your serious regard—»
subject of vital importance to tlie whole South—I
mean the subject of Abolition. It is the blindness,
of stupidity, or tho madness of party, for any ni
to doubt that the nomination of General Heirrls
wm made with the view and for tlie purpose of ob.
taining strength by procuring the votes of Abolition,
ists. The friends of General Harrison suy tlmt he
was nominated because it was thought he could ob.
tain the most votes. Of this I have no doubt ; but
the renson for believing lie could procure a better
vote than Henry Clay, was, that he might get the
strength nnd influence of this support, which Clay
could not. There are some facts which I know,
and a few others to whiclt I will refer, upon this
subject. I know thnt no petition, having for its
object the abolishing of slavery in the District of
Columbia, in tlie States, or Territories, has been
presented this session, but by a Whig. 1 know
that no speech has been made in fuvor of Abolition-
ists, this Congress, hut lias been made by a
Whig. I know that upon tlie final vote, to exclude,
by a rule of the House, the reception of ttiese poti-
tions, but one Whig from n non.slnveholdin ; Stale
voted with us, while four Southern Whigs voted
against us—among whom was John Beil, of Ten.
nossee, the Whig candidate for Speaker. I know
that at least two of the Democratic party relused to
bo made tlie instruments of presenting such peti.
tions, nnd one of them, a Senator from Ohio, n non.
slaveholding State, where tltc Abolitionists are nu
merous. Mr. Tappan snid :
“ Ohio will ilo unto others ob she claims (hot they should do
to her. As site will not permit any interference with her own
inatitutione, so she wiH not permit her servants lo interfere
willi tho institutions of oilier States. I know her will upon
tliis matter; it ie clear nnd unequivocal, ltesolutions of her
oanemtily have repeatedly declared liar sentiments upon the
subject matter nf these petitions, and her decided opiniun thet
the ultcniiit uttiklni by these petitioners M is hnstile to the
spirit of tlie Constitution, nnd desttuclive of the harmony o>
the Union;" and a recent mure numerous assemblage of Dem
ocratic doleKOtes inn Slate convention titan bus over before
met in tlmt State, witlt hut three dissenting voices, adopted tlie
And Ilia position, by affiliating witlt the Abolition,
iats, ns I Imve shown, would bu of itself n sufficient
barrier. It is not my purpose to almao General
Harris»n ; farfromit. Nor will 1 abuse Federal
ists, or Abolitionists. It is enough that 1 am not
willing to trust tho Government in tlio hand* of
either; and I shall he mistaken if the people of
Georgia are.
Again; most of you have long known that I am
opposed to the chartering n National or United
States bank. 1 do not believe cither in its constitu-
tionality or expediency. This opinion was expres.
sed to the people of Georgia betore my election ; I
have.changed no opinion, but, having devoted more
~ ' ation of tho subject,, preparatory
togWUffcYcW upon, the bill, which has for its ob-
joct tho separation of the Government from all
banks, I am the more confirmed in my opposition to
the bank, and believe it alike dangerous to our
form of government, and tlie happiness of the
people.
It is said that General Harrison is against the
Bank, and indeed he lias declared his belief of its
uiicoiistitutionulity; hut he has said and dune
enough to satisfy the friends of the bank upon this
subject. Indeed, in our own State, we have only to
look to the men who are giving most aid to the
prospects of General Harrison, to know that at least
seven-tenths are in favor of n hank ; and that this
influence prompts their action. The leading meas
ure of the Administration is tlie one which pro.
proses an Independent Treasury. Tho strcngtli
of tlie Opposition is basedCupon their friendship to a
bank. Nor is it dealing fair with the country to
deny this. An attempt to win the votes of such
persons as arc unfriendly to such an institution, by
saying General Harrison is opposed to the bunk, is
committing a fraud upon their suffrage. Eigin
tenths nf his supporters nrc hunk men, and if they
boliuve he would veto u lull for its charter, he would
again I am stopped, in tlie year 1932, the party
of which I am a member gnfe ngnin their support
to Mr. Van Burcn for Vice President of the United
Slates. His vote, and the circumstances u..der !
which it was given, wer no secret—Wire wrii!
known to the public, anil til u tlmt great excitem lit
upon the subject of tltc tariff It is not in . wisli lo \
censure others, but to assign tho reasons which
govern my own conduct. Acting with iny party, i !
gave a cordial support to Mr. Van Bnren at both
those periods (1824 and 1832). Without going I
into a vindication of those votes now, I think you
will agree with me that l should present them with !
bail grace ns reasons why lie could no; get my vote. I
They were reasons which should Imve operati ii !
upon our suffrage with much more force then titan
now. It has been near twenty years since the
Constitution of New York wn» revised, nnd the vote
of instruction to Rufus King tmd the restrictive
vote on Florida given. With every apology that
could ho offered for Mr. Van Burcn, if wo hud
heard or known nothing of him since, in these times
of abolition excitement, these votes would bo sutli
ciunt to deprive him of southern votes. But how
stands the case. Wo supported him then without a
call for his opinions upon ihe subject of slavery—
since which we have hud his publish, tl opinions mid
resolves upon this-viml subject, to which I will call
your attention. Ho was in'errogated by the Jack-
son and Sliocco committees before his election to the
Presidency, his answers to whicli show how far his j
votes, twenty years ago, ought to alarm tlie South ‘
upon the subject of slnvory. He suys. if fleeted.
a J must go into the Presidential choir the inflexible '
and uncompromising opponent of any attempt, upon
the part of Congress, to abolish slavery in the District
|> 1C*
. sea l them ■
:.j ilwir
UtlllV
States. Ot
»he 4.0*1
Cot.-
tile V,
r lfigs pi
wiiie!
i limy did u,.
r reside,
7 • '
J'iitisu lire fa
••is whk
j-jurn
uls, uml gitu
1 ti JO nun
the iuimei.se c’ipurity between them 7 Anotlj
singular fact is worthy of notion, that in some 7 !
tit • Slates, and 1 mention especially New Hans
sue where the Democratic party is Strang, and
where the wh >ln representation of the Stato is of
ta.tt party,-.ie Rept'esentut'vss refuse to present
et- -i- petitions; Hud the Abolitionists from those
friends who come from
he 4.979 petitions presented last
ptosonted from States in
etude, 1.317; the Democrat!
I can show from tho
tlie names of all who presented,
lit: States from which they presented, nnd tho
number presented by each. Such circumstan
ces as those uro met by sttying that there are
Abolitionists among the Democrats, which is no
doubt true, hut they are not favored by the Demo
cratic party, while they are courted by the Whigs.
1 am nut content to make declarations ami endeavor
to force your judgments by clamor. This is a
matter of too muclt consequence to you, for mo to
ftivur this or that party, while by so doing Ishnll be
giving strength to an interest wholly adverse to
vour rights. B it I will continue to state facts, and
you draw your own conclusions, and net upon, tho
'. . -.p insibility of your own judgments. I will not
viunneruto the many votes given during several
preceding sessions, ul! of which will show the same
preponderating influence of the Whigs in favor of
the Abolitionists. 1 will .submit a few direct votes
only. By reference to Resolutions introduced upon
this subject by Mr. Pinckney, of South Carolina,
one of them will be found to rend thus: “That, in
ilia opinion of this House, Congress ought not to in-
, terlhro, in any way, with slavery in the District of
of Columbia, against the wishes of the slaveh tiding Columbia.” Tne resolution passed by a vote of
States; and also with a determination, equally decid
ed, to resist the slightest interference with the subject
in the States where it exists." Are not tin se declar
ations, made before his election in the face of tlie
world, strong enough to satisfy the South upon this
subject? lie avers his injlcxib/c and uncompromis. ;
ing opposition to any interference with our rights.
But I ant uware tliut many declared th it lie wus in- ,
sincere, and could not bo trusted. Vet after his
election, when, if lie itad any desire to betray our j
rights and falsify his declarations, when there was
following resolutions:
Resolved, That, in the opinion of this convention, Con
gress ought not,without tho consent of the people of the Dis
trict, nntl of the States of Virginia ana Maryland,, lo abolish
einvrry in theDietrict ol Columbia; and thnt tlie eiforte now
Hoiking for liml purpose, hv organised societies in tile live
States, are hostile to the spirit of the Constitution, and destruc
tive to the harmony of the Union.
" Resolved, That,' slavery ncing a domestic institution re
cognised by tho Constitution of tpc United States, we, ss t-iti-
eens of e free State, have no right to interfere with it; and tlmt
the organizing ofeocielies nnd associations in free Stntes, in
opposition to tile in.million* of sister States, while productive
of no good, mny be tie. cause of muclt mischie'tand while sucli
associations for political purposes ought to be discountenanced
by every lover nf peace and cotlcurd, tin sound Democrat will
have part or lot witlt them.
" Kerolvcd, Titat political Abolitioniem ia Iml ancient Fed
eralient, undera new guise, nnd that tlie political action ot
anti-slavery eocietios is only adevico for tlie overthrow of De
mocracy."
I know, air, that these resolutions express the deliberate
judginement of the Democracy of Ohio, ns to the sentiments of
the opponents of the Democratic parly, tlie llarrisonians, I
know less; Theirconduct is open lo observation. Ily that, it
is well known thnt they htdd in their fraternul embrace the en
tire abolition part of the population of Ohio.
These facts have occurred during the present
session of Congress, und yet very many southern
memburs shut tlmir eyes to tlieso startling truths,
und arc glad at heart that tho northern Democrats
will lose strength in their respective districts, for
giving us their aid. Much pains have been taken
to throw poppies over tlie eyes of the South, by at-
tempting to prove tlmt Gen. Hurrison himself is
not an Abolitionist. But official tellers and speeches
prove this ; that lie is opposed to slavery and desires
it abolished. As I am writing for your candid coin
sidcration an unvarnished tale, I will cnll your at
tention to his circular, which lie published for the
purpose of satisfying tlie displeasure of tltc Aboil
tionists:
“ Fti.Low.CtTizE.NS :—Being suddenly called
home, to attcml to my sick fumily, I have hut
a moment to answer a few of the calumnies which
arc in circulation concerning me. “ lumaccuscdof
beingfriendly to slavery. From my earliest youtli
to tlie present moment, I have been the ardent
friend of human liberty. At the ago of eighteen.
1 became a member q) an abolition society, esta
blished at Richmond, Vu. tho object of which was
to ameliorate tile condition of sluves, nnd pro
cure their freedom by every legal menus. My
venerable friend Jutlgu (latch, of Clermont county,
was also a member of tliis society, and has lately
given mo a certificate that I was one. The
obligations I then came under, I have faithfully per
formed."
Tliis circular proves that he is unfriendly to
slavery, and that lie considered it n calumny to
he considered friendly, necessary for him to repel;
und it proves that lie was so anxious to retain the
friendship of tlie Abolitionists, tlmt he oetunily
thought it noeossury to obtain a certificate that hr. was
a member of an abolition society. If other prtuf be
necessary lo stiow tlmt lie is opposed to slavery,
and wishes it ubolishud, read again tlmt part of ins
pcccli (a part of which has so frequently been puli
quad and satisfactory exposition of those principles j |j s hcd in his defence) in which ho says : “Should
that have recently been published. By isssiting that. [ he asked ifthcre is no way by which the General
proclamation, I think General Jackson has rendered a j Government can tiiti tho cause of emancipation, I
service, lohis country oj greater magnitude than his \ answer, that it hue long been an object near my heart
splendid victory at Kcw Orleans." H’liat think you !
of iiis opinions of the construction of the Constitu.
tion 7 If Mr. Webster is lutitudinous and Federal,
so is General Harrison; tor ho lauds and com
mends the former as tin eloquent and satisfactory
rvnstitutiona/cijmitor. But what will tho members
of; lie State Rights party say of his high eointnciidu.
tions of the Proclamation 7 a paper tiiut tlie friends of
the President liuvc tried to modify und explain. Re.
contly, Mr. Wehstei,in order to aid General Har-
rison' in Iiis election, and to correct a falsehood
wliicii lie suys Imd been circulated, among other
things makes the following remarks;
** He [General Hurrison j tins now been sclecteil hv tlie gen
eral voice of Ilia if ithan political principle agree villi hit ovu,
to go to the heed of lite column, slut la bear vpatitl irteaurr
Mr flag uniter vhirh ii it hoped Mote prineiplet may be main-
tallied and drjended
I Imve now shown you that General Harrison
wus a Federalist in 1798, in 1829, ill 1833, and if
Mr. Webster is authority, in 1840. But Ilia com
mittee who have charge of General Hurrison and
his opinions, confirm the saino thing, in the follow,
ug language ;
“ Tl»« General*!
lo see the whole of ils surplus revenue appropriated
lo tlmt object." Entertainin': these views so strong
ly disapprohating slnvory ; living, as he does, in it
non slaveholding Stui ■ ■; itiudo the uvailahlo candi
date for the president y through their influence, anil
warmly supported by Slude, Adams, Granger
Gates, aud other advocates of abolition in tho Imll.
ofCougrcss ; who will dare believe, if u hill should
pass for immediate emancipation, tlmt lie wool
affix Iiis veto. Whether lie is the advocate of tin
present action of the Abolitionists, is very immate
rial. His speech ut Vincennes shows tlmt lie did
not approve of tltc designs of tltu Abolitionists; and
Iiis vole for tlie admission of Missouri w ithout res
triction, are arguments in Iiis favor. But what is
he now l Wliut evidence Imve wo tlmt lie is not
now an Abolitionist 4 Letters Imve been address
ed to him upon tliis subject, which lie fails to an
swer. A committee Imre now taken charge of his
person and opinions, so far as to stand between him
and the people of the United Stales, whose confidence
he. seeks, and refuses to give any satisfaction. Will
tltc .Slate of Georgia, with these fucts authenticated
rcgnril a, nil the important andvx. and staring them in the face, he satisfied with the
citing questions nf the tluv, imve heretofore hern givri,
public, fully and explicitly ; nnd that those views, whether
connected with constitutional or other questions,et very great
interest, have undergone no ehnugo.”
I Imvo noticed, among tho resolutions submit,
ted by tltc committee nt the meeting in Mucon, tlmt
it is slated that “on the formation of the Indiana Ter-
ritory ha wasappoiuted by Mr. Jefferson and by Mr.
Mudison Gov. of tlmt large and iutc resting depondan-
cy of tlie Union.’’ The committee will perceive they
Imve made a mistake, us I Imve already shown. In
stead of having been appointed by Mr. Jefferson, he
was appointed by tlie elder Adams. Mr. Jefferson
found him in office when ho enme into the Prcsi.
demist chair, and did urn remove lum ; so did Mr.
remurks lie made many years ago upon tliis subject
especially when tlicv know how the list of Aboil
tionists have swullcd in Ohio since his speech nt
Vincennes? Will they trust a man who now re
fuses tu answer any question upon this topic for
their satisfaction 7 Taking Ills abhorrence of slave
ry, Iiis location, tlie manner he has been placed be
fore tho people, tlie triumphant feelings exhibited by
those who have made speeches in fuvor of the Abo*
litionists, their joy at his nomination and prospect
of success , take theso circumstances in connexion
witlt li<s declining to answer questions upon the
subject, and I ask any dispassionate man if his Via
ceunes speech aloaa entitles him to the suffrage of
unquestionably lose their support. The hank men no actuul call or necessity, in Iiis inaugural address,
til the South forget another thing—that, by placing | ho repeats them. I ask any candid man whether
the Government in tlie bunds of Harrison, Clay, I he would have said any thing upon tin- subject if lie 1
Adums, Webster, & Co., they must tuke with the
bank its legitimate concomitants—a protective tar-
iff, internal improvements, and every Federal
scheme that Webster, “ the eloquent and satisfacto
ry" expositor of constitutional law, shall propose.
In the mighty uffirls now making upon the subject
of the Presidential election, it requires no fur-fcleh.
cd discernment to perceive sweeping over the trou-
bled mirror of tlie time tltc shadow of tho giant
bank. While I retain one mite of consistency I
must pronounce it unconstitutional to incorporate a
bunk. And while I retain a sacred regard for the
rights, virtue, and happiness, of this republic, 1 must
pronounce such a charter inexpedient and danger-
uus. I will not argue the hunk question now, I
nope to do it hereafter if my health permits; hut 1 may
he permitted to suy to tlie farmers uf my much loved
State, tlmt muclt has been said and done to make
thumbulieve that their present low price of cotton
is f>r the w ant of a hunk, und that the hard times
arc attributable tu the Government. When I speak
to you und of your interest, nothing shall stand be-
tween me and a candid expression of truth. Noth,
ing is more uncandid limn the attempt to impose
upon you such a belief; if every merchant in Sa-
Vannuli, Augusta, Macon, and Columbus, wero free
from embarrassment, and thousands of dollars at
their command, it could not ullect tlie price of cot.
ton ono cent. The merchants that buy purchuse to
sell again, and they are regulated by tlie price of tlie
article where they sell. Tlie prices at Liverpool
mainly regulate the price of this important staple of
the Booth ; and there they ought to have plenty of
money, as they Imve the Bank of England, witlt its
immense capital. But the truth is just the reverse;
the luboriug clusscs are in a muclt W'orse condition
than our people, as there is abundant evidenco to
prove.
Having given these reasons why I cannot consent
to support General Harrison, I will now assign
those which induce me to prefer his opponent. In
doing so, none will likely charge mo with coming
to the task influenced by any feeling of partiality.
My greutost difficulty will he to grant justice;
which, however, I will endcuvor to do. 1 usk ull
who love truth nnd hotiur, and hate defamation,
to divest themselves of passion anti prtjudice, and
weigh the arguments 1 offer with mature and deli,
berutc consideration. To he freed from prejudice
is nt all times necessary in order arrive at just con-
elusions ; hut now, when too many presses urc pros,
litutedluthe vile purposes of slander; when the
most spotless characters in sucicty are lorn and
lacerated, to accomplish party views; and when
public taste is so corrupted and vitiated, that noth
ing hut calumny is |mlatablo, 1 may properly ask a
calm and dispassionate hearing.
I Imve already Imd occasion of reference to the
memorable yuur 1824. At tliut time I wus a tyro
in Politics, nnd ardent in the support of the Craw
ford und Troup party of the Slate ; 1 shall never
163 yens to 47 nays. 1 suppose you would con.
slier this vote in the negative some evidenco that
there were men in Congress who felt thnt Congress
ought to interfere with slavery in tlie District?
W ho were they 7 And how stood the parties upon
this vote 7 Of the 47 who voted in the negative,
42 were Whigs, tho remaining live Democrats.
M . P itton. of Virginia, under tho instructions, it is
said, of a meeting of southern members at the sue-
"coding Congress, offered this resolution, viz :
“ Itenolevd, Tlmt all |i«'tUiiMi9,meinor»nl* l anti papers,touch-
ins: the hI» mh ion ah very, or btiyinjr, selling, or transferring
«• I ,»iv rilait. I’Strict or Territory, nf the United Staten,
b»*l.. • • • :• upon the without being debated, printed, read, or re-
ferre ui •! ’lint no further action shall he hud thereon.”
V •■•ntlic :i'l* ptiun of t is resolution, the vote
! : yeii* i''." nays 74. Among those
> ig ♦. ail: . . i‘ m non sluv^hoiding
••• •*- the veiv in. . i.emucrals, n;:d hut one
. Mr. A tiler
introduced r
D. .nocrat), of N. Hutnp-
alutions, one of which was
Wr.
slur
j this
1 “ llkiofrtd. That petition* for tin* abolition of slavery in the
. District of Columbia, uml the Temtorie*of the United rStutee,
und ut'iiiimt the removal of alavea fnnti one Sstntn to utmiher,
are part of a plan ofoperHiioim Bet on foot to 11 fleet the infftitu*
tioiiKof •lavery in tint neve.ruI Slate*, and, indirectly, to destroy
j that institution within their limits.”
| This resolution wnsoflored by a Democrat from
on.sluvchoiding State. Upon its passage, there
rs. Of the
itivc, 02 w ere Whigs, 01
third resolution upon tho
ii.m no right to do (hat indirectly,
had not intended faithfully to execute Id promts •«* '
He gives us in his inaugurai address, ti: *t a r- • ; •
ence to wliut he had previou ly said i , . o:
which is the above extract, and thru *• It how
only remains to add, that no bill conflictv'dh these
views can ever receive my constitutional sanction
Wliut more, fellow.citizens, can we ask. in order
to satisfy us titat, during his administration, there
will be no interference with this domestic institu
tion. But nearly four years have passed, and you
mny wish to know whether he is still inflexible upon
this subject, and whether the growing rage of fanati
cism has not driven him from his position. This
is right; you should know, and, without a distinct ^ I , Vif . 0 , l4 , WIIUIVilll . uwl(;
confirmation, and you might prudently withhold j stniKl'reeoXd—T:m yeas, arai'uri
your votes from any candidate. On the 10th ot
February, of the present year, n very respectful
letter was addressed to General Hurrison from
some gentlemen in Virginia, in which they pro.
pound, among others, these questions.
“ Is it constitutional, nnd if so, w ould it be ex
pedient to abolish slavery in the District of Coluin
hiu 7”
“In the event of your election, should a bill to
abolish slavery in the District of Cuhm^ia pass
Congress, would it receive your sanction I”
Now these were very plain questions, easily an
swered by an honest man who intends no imposition,
and yet General Hurrison refuses to answer. His
friends ill the South im y say one thing, uud appeal
lo his speech made ut Vincennes, while iiis friends
in the iion-slavelioldiug Slates know another. How
different has Mr. Van Burcn acu d. On the 2lst
March of the present year, a letter from Virginia was
addressed to him upon this subject, to which lie replies
on the 27lh of the same : “ I have rcceired your let
ter of the 21i/ instant, nnd can have no objection to sny
in reply, that the sentiments expressed, in my letter to
Junius Amis and others, on the 0th March, 1930. und
substantially repeated in my inaugural address, arc
not only still entertained by me, bat Itai-e been greatly
strengthened by subsequent experience und reflection.'
Bv tliis, we Imve renewed assurances of iiis del, r- j 1 '
miuatioti to preserve inviolate this species of our
property. There is no concealment—there is no
equivocation—hutcandidiv and fully expressed, and
published to tlie world. L should feel myself ex.
ceedingiy humbled, if i were now to say t<• the peo.
pie of my Slate, that l oppose Mr. Van B iron for
tho vote instructing Rufus King, or the v rte ch mg-
ing llieCoustituiioii of New \utk, or liio vote of
restriction upon Florida. No matter how objec
tionable those votes, l and tlie putty with which 1
acted, to say the least of it, excused them then, with,
out any favorable pledge front Mr. Vuu Burcn.
Notan objectionable expression lias fallen from his
lips or pen since, aud those repented assurances in ;
our favor ; und how could 1, with any sort of con. ■
sistency, assign these votes us reasons i r denoun. |
eing him now. But there is other pi : . valence j
of his sincerity upon this subject. M - .- . •«-cili- ;
05 who voted in tho lie
northeii Whig*. Iiis
subject was this:
“ Kmoteed, TlmtCongre
which it i-nniiot do directlv
In favor of this, the yeas ore 170. and nays 30.
Kw’ry Hv*’* who voted in the negative was a Whig,
i' u fit'!, and last resolution wus divided, and tho
vote demanded upon the first branch, which reads
thus :
'* firtoft'fd. That nttrtjnpt* on th« part nfCougieffs to ahol-
irfh.-M .w’i-v i„ ih.» Diiti i-t ot 'J iltuubi ,or tho Territories or to
prolii’ it tii” removal .*f ■*!i;vp» from State to State,or lo dis-
criniiii'iti* hetwe. ii tin- i’lBtitutiniis of one portion of the Con
federacy and another, with (lie view* aforesaid, arc in violation
of the Constitution, destructive of the fundamental principles
(>ii whi *h Mi union of those dtates rest*, and bevund the juria-
diciiuu of Congress.”
Tliis branch of ;his resolution is as strong as any
man from the South can ask ; and let it not be for.
gotten that it was introduced by a northern Demo,
crut. This passed by 11 vote of 149 yeas, to. 52
nays. You will be glad to know, doubtless, who
voted in tho negative ; I Imve their iiaincs. Of the
52, there were 47 Whigs, nnd hut 5 Democrats.
During the same session, the jourunls show that
Mr. Slade,a zealous Whig, and an equally zealous
Abolitionist, made a motion, “ that tho ruies iu re
in tne order of business he susupended, to en-
nine :h:.i to move n resolution, which was read at
the Clerk’s table, ns follows :
ih-in-
forget, ami very many with whom 1 came in con. I zens will remember, that a hill wt;j introduced in
tact wilt not forget, the conflicts of that time
William H. Crawford wus the Republican no.
mince for President of tho United States ; and I
wish every candid State Rights man in Georgia to
refresh his recollection us to tlie candidate we ran
for Vice President in that election. Is there
one who does not remember tliut our candidate for
Vice President was Martin Van Buren, the present
Cliiot Magistrate 7 Is there ono who dues not rc.
collect, that the Crawford electoral tiqket succeed,
ed ; und that »e gave the vole of Georgia to Craw,
ford for President, and Van Buren for Vice Pro.
sidunt 7 1 think these facts will not he denied by
any, and if they should, there ure plenty of living
witnesses of their truth. Cosiun Eniar Bartlett,
ihu then editor of thu Georgia Patriot, charged
Van Buren with h-iug a Missouri restrictionist;
this paper, vou " ill remember, opposed Mr. Craw,
ford and Van Buren nt that time. This happened
but a few years after lie had given tlie vote of in-
nt ructions to Rtfus King, in the Legislature of
New York. How did this charge affect him with
the Troup nnd Crawford party 7 Did they nban-
don his support * So fur from it u reference to the
leading party journals of tho dny will find the vote
palliated ami explained. Tlie Georgia Patriot,
likuwiso rung tltc various changes upon the public
ear, of his vote for freo.negro suffrage. This
charge was likewise niude by tho Patriot ufowyeurs
after the constitution of New York was altered, at
which time the vote wus said to Imve been given.
How did tliis charge elfeet him with tlie Troup and
Crawford party 7 l)id it drive them from his support 7
By no means. They defended uud sustained him.
Aud, io 1824, a few years after these votes wore
given, when tho maimer and circumstances of their
having boon given were fresh and well understood,
wo recommend Mr. Van Buren to tho support of
onr friends ; and gnvc him a triumphant vindica.
tion from the charges, bv giving him the support of
the Stato for thu second office ill tho gift of tlie
American people.
Let it bo remembored, too, that as Mr. Crawford
was the regular nominee of tho Republican party,
that Mr. Van Buren supported him, notwithstanding
there were then running Adams, Clay, and Jackson.
Tho vote of New York tells on this subject. The
vote given for the tariff uf 1828 is now trumpeted
abroad ns an objeetiou to Vun Burcn. For litis
both the candidates fur Presideul voted. But hero
the Senate to prevent the transportation by mail of j
anti-slavery pamphlets, hooks, newspapers, A:c., |
Ate. This hill enme before tlie Senate on the ques
tion, “Shull this hill he engrossed, and read a third .
time 7” while Mr. Van Buren was Vic President. |
Upon this question the Senate tied. 18 and 18. and !
tlie decision Imd to he nunfu by Mr. Van Be - it.
He mot it promptly, and voted for its pas- g . A • j
tiro treating gentlemen from non slaw -a doing'
States with grout unfairness w hen we ub i- - them, j
after every demonstration they cun make in onr i
fuvor. I shall have to lose my regard for virtue
und consistency before I enlist in the crusade. But i
strongas are the expressions, and as decisive ns !
has been the conduct of Mr. Vail Buren, 1 would
not feci that the South would he just to herself tu
yield him Iter support, if he was courting abolition
votes nt tlie expense of our rights, und if Iiis
sujiporters were affiliating with these fanatics.
For this reason, the candidates for Presiecnturothe
representatives of great principles, which princi
ples! must often understand from the zeal und
character of their supporters. On many the lesti.
mony I may offer may have hut slight effect, and
with some, none at nil; hut situated where 1 have
been enabled to weigh every circumstance with
reasonable impartiality, I feel ils force. In ull the
attempts to prove Harrison no abolitionist, uml titat
lie would not get tit ■ support of these fanatics, no one
pretends to clturgo tho fact tliut Mr. % an Buren
stands any chance to obtain them. They denounce
him in every print as the slave of the South; that
his son has married the daughter of un extensive
slaveholder; und tlmt he is a " northern man with
southern principles." Bu' 1 propose to go further, and
show a preponderating difference in favor oftli
northern Democrats, tile supporters ol Mr
Buren.
In the last Conj-ress there were presented 4079 abo
lition petitions,each petition varying as to the number
of petitioners they contained. Oi tliis large amount
of petitions brought into Congress, will it uot ho of
sonic consequence for you to know in wliut propor.
tion tliov were presented by Whigs and Democrats.
It seems to me that by it you may at least learn this
fact, who are the most zeulous in their cause. 1
have taken the pains to inform myself, und liio re
sult is that 3,780 of that number wore presented by
Whigs, and the remaining 293 by Democrats.
Will it uot strike tlie mind of every man, hi once,
«*%ist-«. uml i* rut.led on, between the porta
‘olmobiu and other |>orts untie United rotate*,
nml under tin* junction of tlie law* (hereof, utm«|i) iu human
hung*, whereby thcu«nud<i of them are atinu tilv *ri!d nml
truii-puried from suit! Diatrict to dit*lant port* of the country,
in vessel* Itulnnuing t«» the ciiizen.* of the United Slate*, there
fore, to th** end tliut h 11 ohotncifA to the consideration of tin* ttnb
jet t removed, and a remedy lor tho evil speedily provided,
*• /{vMutced, Thnt so much of the tilth section of the rcsolu-
tion* on tin* subject of sluvery, passed bv thi« Hoi.se on tho
lltli nnd 1'Jtli of ilu> present mouth, ns relates to the removal
of slave* from State to State, und prohibits the action of thia
Hou»e, aud every petition, memorial, resolution, or paper,
touching the sutnc, be, and hereby is, reaciudcd.”
The effort lo repeal this part of the resolution, I
deem another question, calculated to show which
party leans to,anil is sustained by the Abolitionists.
Up ni tliis motion there stand recorded 59 yetis ami
147 nays. Of the 00 who voted in fuvor of Mr.
Slade’s motion 53 .v ro Whigs, and but 3 Demo,
"rats. 1 would desist from exhibiting further evi.
deuce, hut 1 fuel it my duty to exhibit facts that can.
not he contradicted or denied; that the |ieople of
'ii'
Van
nay at least net understanding!,'. God
a 1 have no such sympathy for either pur.
ty would iu luce me to betray yuur tights. I
' .passionate judgment.
;i.si motion made tu introduce u petition to
to.., Cougr-ss upon ti. subject, was until- by Mr.
Lincoln, u Whig member from Massachusetts.
This was met by south, r.i ...tlcmcn, among others
Mr. Cave Johnson who m vetl to luv tlie motion
fur reception on tlie table. If thia motion prevail,
cd,you will perceive that it «ns equivalent to tho
rtj.'cliuii. l'lit tote was taken upon this motion,
wiiic.i wus carried iu tlie ufurniutivc by a vote ot 131
to 68. Of lite 08 votes given in the negative, 01
were northern Whigs, 1 Southern Whig, and tho re.
muitiiMg 6 Democrats. In this vote it was not con.
side red that the right of petition was involved; and
nearly the vvliole Democratic parly voted with tho
South. When the vote was ullerwards taken to
muke it a rule of the House, that no petition upou
tile subject should he received, the riglit of petition
wus alarmingly enforced by the VV liig orators; and
vet a sufficiency of tlie northern Democracy voted
with us to adopt tlie rale, in tliis 27 Democrats went
fiilli. r lo mi. min our rights lliuntlid 4 of the south.
, rn W ig-. In tin: Semite there have likewise been
i, tew questions exhibiting the state of parties upon
this suhjeit. lhnvealreudy mentioned the iutro-
tluctioit of the hill prohibiting the transportation, by
mail, ol Abolition pamphlets, Are. Tliis hill, upou
its final passage, wus lost. Not a solitary northern
Whig voting lor it, and four southern Whigs voting
iiguii.si it. it is a fuel, nowhere denied, 1 think,
that the principle ground of objection, to the admis
sion uf Arkansas into tlie Union, arose from tho fact
that slavery was recognised in tier constitution; and,
upou the passage of tho hill, uot one Whig Senator
from N. England voted for it. In the House of Rep.
rcseutatives, U|k>u tlie passage of tlie same hill, tho
votes slaud about as ostial; yeas 143, naya 53; and
of tho 52 who voted iu the negative 49 were Whigs,
and but six Democrats.
During tho present session of Congress Mr. Cat.
houn introduced resolutions iu the Senate in relation
to '.lie national rights of vessels, forced by Ureas of
weather into friendly ports, aud the suiaurc of the
brig Kuterprise under these circumatanc—.