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TUB GEORGIA JOURNAL
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uardians, are required, by law, to be held on the first
Tuesday in the month, between the hours of ten ,l, “
aoon and three in the afternoon, at the _Cotm< *
county in which the property is sij
aales must bo ( iron in a nut *
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«-•— «r aiLfi imica at apnblie auction, on tbe
between tbe usual hours of sale,
Sales of NEllROj
first Tuesday of
at the dUrbuI puMk sales la the countv where the letters
of Adn»
milam——ry. of Adminiatration or Guardianship, may have
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•M nt the public fnaettas of this 8ute, and at the door of
tha Court-honae, where each aales are to be held.
Notice for the ode of Personal Property, must be given in
Ilk* manner, FORTY day a previous to tbe day of sale.
Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be
pabliehed for FORTY days. _
Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordi-
McJnTHS*** 10 IBUat ^ pwbhahed for FOUR
Notice fair leave to sell NEGROES, must be published far
FOUR MONTHS, befare any order absolute shall be made
AlTbuZoMNinfUiis kind continues to receive prompt at-
teetloa at theOfika of the GEORGIA JOURNAL.
POLITICAL.
sarily, Iinvc held the tame political opinions with
the President who appointed him. 1 may concede
to Mr. Colquitt the truth of his proposition, if lie will
limit its application, as the annals of our country
will limit it, to the present and preceding adminis.
trillions of tlio General Government. They, in
deed, have acted upon the principle, publicly pro.
claimed by one of their partizans, that the offices of
a free people are spoils, which belong to the victors
in political strife. But the concession stops here,
ntl in making it. I. must .remind him that this very solui* oerlainty, aod I affirm most solemnly, that
iOhMMkJ under the administration of Washin;
.. _i«)o of tijL__
mities, which have at length awakened our country
men to the necessity of their interposition. If Mr.
Colquitt will consult the Excutive Journals again,
he will find 1 vol. p. 200, nomination by Mr. Adams
to tlio offico of Governor of the Mississippi territory
of that gallaut Soldier of tlio Revolution,.who was
presented by Gen. Washington to the French min.
ister, as a man that was proof against bayonet
wounds. I refer to Gen. John Matthews, of Geor-
•gia. Was he a federalist? If he will refer to
page 244, of tlio same journal, he will find the nom*
ination by Mr. Adams to one of the highest office*
in hisgift,of Bldridge Gerry. Does Mr. Colquitt
know the character of that distinguish
TO THE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA,
And especially to the State Rights Party.
Fellow-Citizens :—I have read with unfeigned
regret the Circular Letter of the Honorablo Mr.
Cufquitt. If I mistake not, he will ere long expe
rience this same feeling in a greater degreo than I
do now. When he comes to see tho universal re.
probation Which it has received from those, With
whom he has been hitherto politically associated,
and the shout of exultation with which it his been
welcomed by those who have heretofore denounced
him. he will bo constrained in his moments of re-
tiroment, calmly to review the course which ho has
pursued. Such a scrutiny cannot fail to awaken
feelings of poignant regret, that he has thus expos
ed himself to the reluctant, but decisive censure of
his triends, and to the still more unwelcome appro
button of those, by whom the party to which lie was
attached have beon heretofore denounced as the ad
vocates of treason. As one of the State Rights’
Party of Georgia, to whom this letter is addressed,
I make the remarks which follow, rather in sorrow
than in anger. Mr. Colquitt is a man of respects
bio talents—as I have always understood, of private
worth—and, as I have had somo occasion to know,
aealous in the assertion of his political opinions.
How such a man, representing the State Rights'
Party of Georgia, in the Congress of the United
States, could have brought himself to avow to them,
his determination to support Mr. Van Bttren for the
Presidency, is a mystery which I protend not to
•olve. 1 only know, for tho evidcnco is before me,
that in the letter in question, lie has dealt unjustly
with his political associates, and has evinced a want
of candor, or a misconception of facts, which it
is painful to notice, but impossible to overlook.
The avowed object of Mr. Colquitt’s address to
the 8late Rights' Party of Georg in, it to announce
his secession from them on the Presidential question
and to assign the reasons for his course. His pur.
MM is to convince thorn, that they are wrong in sup.
-porting Geqerel Harrison, and if this may not be,
that with his views, he is right in opposing him.
Such a purpose pursued in n spirit of frankness, is
perfectly unobjectionable. It is however not mere-
ly open to scrutiny, by those to whom it is addressed
—but it invites it. In the effort to establish his own
consistency, Mr. Colquitt necessarily imputes its
opposite to those with whom he has heretofore act.
cd. Confining himself within the limits of legiti.
mate self defence, it is therefore tiie right of each
member of that party, however humble his position
for himself and Ids associates to repel the char gc
In doing this, I do not propose to oiler an elaborate
vindication of Gen. Harrison's qualifications for
the Presidency. That would occupy an undue |>or.
tionofa daily paper—and more appropriately bo.
longs, so far as they may deem it necessary, to tlio
Convention, which is shortly to assemble at Mil.
Icdgcvillc. I have onothcr reason which, with me,
is even more influential. The People of Georgia
HAVE TAKEN THIS MATTER INTO THEIR OWN HANDS.
Aroused by the calumnies which had been circula.
ted among them, against a citizen, grown grey in
the public service and whose patriotism and integ.
rity, even his accusers did not venture to question,
(Ary have come to the rescue. They have learned
the story of his eventful life, from tho moment
when in the spring-tide of youth, lie first drew his
■word aguinst a savage foe, to that in which he now
reposes in retirement, a peaceful cultivator of the
■oil, which liU valor had defended. They iinvc
traced him through more than forty years of public
service, and have found no single blot ou his es-
cutcheon. They have consulted our public annals,
and have seen tho recorded evidence that he has
uniformly enjoyed the confidcnccof those, who,
themselves stood highest in the confidence of the
country—and yiulding to tlio just and generous im
pulses of their nature, as a meet reward for deeds of
noble daring in tho field, and for faithful and efficient
service in the cabinet, they have hailed him by ac
flnnnklinn. na Till? PBBPT.I! S flAMniTJATE. dltorilliimi
ished statesman?
Does he know that he was a leader of the Republi.
can party in Massachusetts, the competitor and rival
of Governor 8trong, who was the champion of the
Federal party in tbatSta’a? If Mr. Colquitt wlllcnrc-
fully examine this same journal, he will find other
instances besides that of Gon. Harrison, and those
which I have mentioned, in which Mr. Adams ap
pointed Republicans to office. Let us recur now
to the specific case. The proof of General Harri.
son’s Federalism is that ho was twice appointed to
office by John Adams. Te ascertain this Mr. Col.
auitt has referred to the Executive Journals. In
the same volume, pp. 83 and 132, it will appear that
this same Gen. Harrison was twice appointed to of
fice by this President Washington—at pane 441,
that he was appointed to two distinct offices, by
President Jefferson—at page 44, of the second vo.
lume, that he was again appointed to office by the
same President Jefferson—at pp. 130,300 and 820
that he was three times appointed to office, by Pros
ident Madison. Here let us pause for a moment
In n deliberate appeal to the people of Georgia, on
a momentous and exciting question, Mr. Colquitt
adduces as a fact, which he deems important in its
decision, the charge that Gen. Harrison wns a Fed
eralist, and in proof of it he refers to the Executive
Journal of the Senate, to shew that he was appoint,
ed to office by John Adams. Did ho not know that
the same Journal would prove that he was twice
appointed to office by President Washington, thrice
by President Jefferson, and as many times by Pies,
ident Madison ? Looking to the argument which
he was urging te the.poople of Georgia, was it right
to suppress these facts ? Now that the excitemont
under which I trust this appeal was penned may in
some degree have subsided, docs lie liimsclf think
that lie lias made a fair statement of the contents of
the Executivo Journal ? Mr. Colquitt was not ig
norant that Gen. Harrison had been appointed to
office by other Presidents besides the elder Mr. Ad.
ants Ho proves this, in a subsequent part of his ad.
dress, in an attempt to correct an aliened error of tho
committee of tlio citizens of Macon, In doing which
ho fulls into a much greater error himself. Tnoy had
stated that on the formation of the Indiana territo
ry, Gen. Harrison had been appointed its Governor
by Mr. JefTorson, and Mr. Colquitt asserts thnt “in-
stead of having been appointed by Mr. Jefferson,
ho was appointed by the elder Adams.” He says,
“Mr. Jefferson found him in office, when he came
into the Presidential chair, and did not remove him
so did Mr. Madison.” And ho proceeds to say,“this
circumstance cannot weigh a feather favorablo to
his being a Republican.” The plain and direct as-
sertion hero is that Gen. Harrison was not uppoint-
cd by Mr. JefTorson, or Mr. Madison—that they
found him in office, and only suffered him to remain
there, nut removing him. Now mark the facts. Tho
appointment which Gen. Harrison received from
Mr. Adams expired on the 13th May, 1803, the office
being held for three yenrs, 1st Executive Journal,
p. 441, and Mr. Jefferson appointed him for three
years more. That appointment expired in 1800,
more unfounded falsehood was never invented. Myl Ins admitted himself to have been an advocate of
personal acquaintance with him commenced ini tin Sedition Laws and of Mr. Adams’ administra-
1700,under tho administration ofWashington
intimacy betwoon us was constant; and from tin!
till he left Cincinnutti, I was in the habit of arj
and disputing with him ou political subjects. I was
a federalist—honestly so, from principle, aud ad.
Iicrcd to the party till it dissolved, and its elements
mingled witli other parlies formed of different prin.
ciplcs. I can therefore speak on this point with ab.
when Mr. Jefferson again appointed him—and his
id on th
clamation, as the people’s candidate, determined
to confer upon the patriot soldier and sage,
“ Tha prouilaat meed which freemen may accord,
The unbought homage of the breve and free."
Even while I write, thousands of our countrymen
on our mountains, iu our midlands, and along our
whole Atlantic border, are proclaiming tiieir high
resolve. It would be worse than idle, therefore, for
a humble individual like myself, before a people thus
awakenod, to enter upon a labored detail of Gen.
Harrison’s qualifications for tho Presidency. They
know them by heart already. And tlio attempt to
change, or to resist tho current of popular feeling
and opinion, which is bearing him on in triumph to
the Presidential chair, is a still more bootless task,
even to one enjoying, as Mr. Colquitt docs, the ad.
vantage of high official station. Still, it is due to
tho State Rights’Party, that Mr. Colquitt’s appeal
should bo inet. Justice to them requires, that it
should bo weighed iu tho balance, with the frank
ness with which it profosscs to have been written.
As an associate in seasons of past political strife,
and »ith the feeling of auId lung syne, which tliat as
sociation recalls, I sincerely hope that the process
may not be entirely useless to himself.
Mr. Colquitt’s address has two general divisions.
In the first he specifies the reasons why lie cannot
support Gen. Harrison.—In tbe second, he states
the considerations under the influence of which lie
has endeavored to reconcile to liimsclf tlio support,
which after many qualms of feeling, if not of con.
science, ho has resolved to give to Mr. Van Burnt.
We have now to do with the first.
Mr. Colquitt’s first charge against Gen. Harri-
son is, that he is “a Federalist. 1 do not stop to
weigh the degreo of criminality which this charge
implies, hut proceed directly to an examination of
the proof. By a reference to tha Exective Journal,
Mr. Colquitt has found that Gen. Harrison was up.
pointed Secretary of tlio North-Western Territory
In 1708, and Governor of Indiana in the session of
17j99, and 1800, and that both these appointments
were made by John Adams. Mr. Colquitt thinks
these afford such decisive proof that Gen. Harrison
is a federalist, that “no man can doubtlie is so
convinced of this, that he considers it unnecessary
to produce any other evidence, and only does so,
“ as it is convenient.” The proposition with which
he affronts the intelligence of the State Rights' Par
ty of Georgia, is that a man to offico, must, ncccs-
third term of office expired on the 10th January
1810, when Mr. Madison re-appointcd him te the
same office, 2d Executive Journal, p. 130. If Mr.
Jefferson or Mr. Madison had desired to get rid of
Gen. Harrison, it was not necessary to “remove”
him. His term of office expired twice under Mr.
Jefferson, and once under Mr. Madison, and they
recalled him to office by new appointments. Thus the
Macon Committee are substantially correct, cer
tainly more so titan Mr. Colquitt.
But this is not all. Both Mr. Jefferson and Mr.
Madison, gavo him original appointments to effite.
which had not been conferred upon him by Mr. Adams,
Will that “ weigh a feather?” On tho 4th Februa.
ry, 1803, ou a distinct and separate original nomi
nation by Mr. Jefferson, ho was appointed “a com
missioner to enter into any treaty or treaties, which
mny bo necessary, witli any Indian tribes, Northwest
of the Ohio, and within the Territory of the United
States, on the subject of their boundary or lands”—
one of the largest commissions over granted to any
individual, and from which important benefits have
resulted. 1st Executive Journal, 441.
Mr. Madison did more. In 1812, while Gen.
Harrison was still Governor oflndiunu, under Mr.
Madison’s own appointment, lie nominated Win.
Henry Harrison to be a Brigadier General, and in
1813, to bca Major General in the Army of tlio
United States.—2d Executive Journal, pp. 300,
320.
Tito questions heretofore proposed, now recur
Adverting to the statement made by Mr. Colquitt;
and the argument whicli lie founded on it, was it right
to suppress these latter facts?—Calmly reviewing
that statement and argument, docs lie himself think
that lie has dealt fairly witli Gen. Harrison, or witli
the State Right’s Party of Georgia, in this regard?
Has he acted in conformity to that golden rule,
which in private life lie would delight to exemplify ?
Nay, has lie not in his remarks on the statement of
tlio Macon committee, fallen (unintentionally ol
course, into a pluinund pulpablc error of fact ?
The statements which wo have thus examined,
seem so conclusive to Mr. Colquitt, that ho thought
no man could doubt, flc deemed it unncccsssnry
to produce any other evidence, but as it was “rnn.
venient” he calls “our attention to his (General
Harrison's) own admissions in 1820.” 1 enter up.
on this part of the subject with great regret. The
object of Mr, Colquitt hero is to prove tliut Gou.
Harrison was by his own admission, “a zealous,
open and frank supporter of the Sedition law, and
Black Cockade administration.” I am not going
to speak now to the question of fact. That is set
tled beyond controversy, by tlio testimony of Judge
Burnett, who being himself u Federalist,and in bn.
bits of friendly intercourse witli Guu. Harrison, lias
given the most direct and unequivocal testimony
of tlio fact, that ho was the uniform supporter of
what wus culled the Republican party, at tlio bead
of which was Mr. Jefferson. The knowledge do.
rived from sucli intercourse, could not deceive, and
Judge Burnett is incapable of deceiving. If Mr.
Colquitt has not rend that letter, 1 recommend its
perusal. If lie is unacquainted witli Judge Burnett
tlioro are many around him who will sutisfy him tliut
tile Judge’s character for voracity, is as unquestion
ed as it is unquestionable. Meantime I present
tlio following extract from the letter. Speaking of
this charge of federalism against Gen. Harrison,
Judge Burnett say9 : ‘It has bocn asserted entire
ly at random, that lie was a federalist of tho black
cockade order, in the time of the elder Adams.’ A
ington, and the ad.
ministration ofthe elder Adams, Wm. Henry Har
rison was a firm consistent, unyielding republican
of the Jefferson school—Ho advocated tho election
ofMr. Jefferrson, nnd warmly maintained his claims
against Mr. Adams.”
But to Mr. Colquitt’s argument—Ho refers to the
second volume of Congressional debates te prove
that Mr. Randolph charges Gen. Harrison with be
ing “an open, zealous and frank supporter of the
Sedition laws, and black cockade aamintration,"
which charge he says Gen. Harrison admitted. In
proof of which he quotes apart of the reply in which
Gon. Harrison says Mr. Randolph may Itave heard
him express sentiments favorable to the then ad.
ministration, and adds “ for I certainly felt them, so
far at least at to the course pursued by it in relation
to the Government qf France.” This Mr. Colquitt
soys is an admission of the charge made by Mr.
Randolph. Gen. Harrison, in common with Gen.
Washington, and the most distinguished patriots of
that day, approved ofthe conduct of Mr. Adams’ ad
ministration in relation to the Government of France
—and this Mr. Colquitt says is an admission that he
was a supporter of tho Sedition laws, and of tho
black cockade administration. Does he deceive
himself when he resorts to such an argument ? But
Gen. Harrison was guilty of the unexplicable sin of
acknowledging that he felt tlio greatest respect for
a revolutionary patriot, one who did not merely
sign, but nobly sustained the Declaration of our In
dependence, and who was then os our Chief Exec
utive Magistrate repelling the aggressions upon our
rights, of Revolutionary France. He approved
Mr. Adams’ conduct in relation to that Government
and therefore was a zealous supporter of the Sedi
tion law, and of his whole administration. Is this
fair ? Can such nn argument deccivo any body ?
When tho movements on our Canadian border threa.
toned a short time since te involve us in difficulty
with Great Britain, I, in common with many oppo.
nents of the present administration, approved ofthe
conduct of Mr. Van Buron and freely expressed my
approbation. 1 pray to bo protected from the inter
ference, which according to Mr. Colquitt’s system of
logic,Jmay bo drawn from this fact, that l am there
fore a zealous supporter of Mr. Van Buron's ad-
ministration, sub-treasury, abuse of patronage, ant'
all. But Mr. Colquitt in referring to Gen. Harri'
son’s admission, that he had expressed an opinion
fuvorablo te Mr. Adams’ administration, which we
have seen was iimitted to its conduct towards Revo,
lutionary France, omits tho following sentence which
immediately follows it. “ Nor was I unsupported
in that opinion by those, who had a right to control
my actions if not opinions. In no nnrt of the coun.
try, were those moasures (referring to the moa.
suras of Mr. Adams’ administration in relation to
France, which he, General, Harrison had approved)
more decidedly approbated than by my immediate
constituents, as the address of tliat body to the
President dnriug that session will shew. Here ill
this sentence in tlio same speech front that whicli
Mr. Colquitt quotes, Gen. Harrison says that the
limited approbation of Mr. Adums’s administra
tion which lie felt, and expressed, was in conform'
ity to tlio expressod will of his own immediate con'
stituents. Why did Mr. Colquitt omit thisscntcncc
That whicli immediately precedes, and that which
immediately follows it, are inserted in his address.
—Standing by themselves, tliat may be misinter
preted, as Mr. Colquitt lias proved. Takon in con.
nection with tho scntenco which lie lias omitted,
tlio misinterpretation is corrected. Thus taken,
tho declaration of Gen. Harrison amounts simply
to this: I did express sontiments fuvorablo to Mr.
Adams' administration, so fnr at least, as to tho
course pursued by it, in relation to the Government
of France—and in doing this, I uttered the expressed
opinions of my own immediate constituents.
If this view is'unfavorablc to the argument urged
by Mr. Colquitt, and founded on Gen. Harrison's
own admission, that whicli follows iB more so. Let
this assertion be borne in mind, that General Har
rison in 1820, admitted tliat he was a supporter of
the Sedition Law, and black cockade Administra'
tion. To prove this, lie quotes so much of Gener
al Harrison's sjiccch as lie supposed liable te this
interpretation, omitting that which would entirely
have refuted it. Those who will refer to the Register
of Debates will find at the point where Mr. Col
quilt’s quotation ends, the following :
“ (To the question asked by Mr. Knudolpli, wheth
er Mr. H. recollected a conversation between Mr.
Nicholas and himself in relation to tlio negroes and
politics of Virginia, Mr. H. answered)—I recollect
it perfectly well, but can this be adduced as an evi
dence of my favoring the sedition law l Mr. Nicho
las was my relation and intimate friend; tlio con.
venation was entirely jocular, and so considered by
that gentleman at the time, and ever after.
I will never, said Mr. H., resort to any one to
support an assertion of miuo on a matter of fuel.
But if I choose to do so, tiie gentleman from Mary
land, who sits opposite to me (Gen. Smith) and
who was tlio brother-in-law of Mr. Nicholas, knows
the undeviatiug friendship and support, which I re
ceived from Mr. Nicholas througli his whole poli
tical life. Mr. Jefferson wus at tliat time Vice
President ofthe United States, und wns upon the
most intimate terms with Mr. Nicholas. Ho took
his sent ns President of tho Senate within fifteen
minutes uftcr tho conversation had passed. If it
had liecn considered in any other light, by Mr.
Nicholas, limn us n joke, Mr. Jefferson would cor.
luinly have iieard of it, and lie would ns certainly
have withhold those evidences of his confidence and
regard which I received from him din ing the whole
course of his subsequent administration. But sir,
said Mr. II. my opposition to the Alien und Sedition
Laws was so well known in the territory, that a prom
ise was extortedfrom me by my friends in the Legis
lature, by which I was elected, that I would express
no opinions in Fhitadrpliia, which were iu the least
calculated to defeat the important objects with which
I was charged. As I had no vote, 1 was not
culled upon toexpross my sentiments in tiie House.
The Republican party ware nil in favor of the
measures I wished to have adopted. But tiie Fe
deralists were tlio majority. Prudence therefore
and my duly to my constituents, rendered it proper
that I should refrain from expressing sentiments
which would injuriously affect their interests, and
whicli if expressed could not have tlio lenst iiillu.
unco upon the decisions of Congress." Now, re
membering tliat Mr. Colquitt refers to this speech
fur the purpose of proving that Gen. Harrison, by his
own admission, wasn supporlcroftheSedition Law,
and of Mr. Adams’ administration, how docs lie
justify liimsclf in tlio omission to quote those parts
of it, in which Gen. Harrison denies the charge,
aud not only asserts his opposition to the Alien und
Sedition Luws, tlio prominent measures uf Mr.
Adams' administration, hut moreover declurcs tliat
tliis opposition on his part, wax so well known to
his constituents, as to induce them to exact from
him a promise that ha would nut injure them by tiie
expression of his opinions iu Congress, where the
friends of Mr. Adams had a majority. In the face
of these declarations, which are contained in this
same speech to whicli Mr. Colquitt has referred,
could lie ha vo YOUllUOd to say, that Gen. Harrison
Most certainly not. Did he then overlook
iluding part of tlio speech, tliat which ful-
rthe question put by Mr. Randolph? I
-and will therefore dismiss this part of tho
with the expression of the ho|ie that in the
spirit <ff that singleness of heart, nnd sincerity of
mirpose which Mr. Colquht has endeavored to
briqg to tlio discussion of this subject, lie will not on.
ly oease to urge upon others, but will pause lumself
in adopting conclusions which are not merely not
J, but which are refuted by the very refur-
’hich ho makes to support them.
lUsfarMr. Colquitt is evidently at fault in Ids
attempts to fasten the charge of Federalism on Gen.
Harrison. His references to the Panama question,
andto tho administration of tiie younger Adams,
aro.equally futile and may be more briefly disposed
of.
It Mr. Colquitt withholds his support from Gen.
in consequence of his vote on tiie Panama
be Will he equally embarrassed iu his new
Nt. The present Vine President witli
whij£)if is about to ally himself voted on that quos-
tios with Gen. Harrison, though unlike him, lie
joined with the opposition in the efibrt to defeat
it, by voting with them on all the preliminary ques
tions, but ranged himself under the standard of tiie
administration on the final vote, as the Executive
Journal will prove.
As to the administration ofthe younger Adams,
it is known tliat before he came to the Executive
chair, he had quarrelled witli, and as they said, lie-
trnyod his federal friends, tliat he had made his
peace witli Mr. Jefferson—had been appointed
Minister to England by Mr. Madison, was ilia Se
cretary of State of Mr. Monroe, and that lie placed
at the head of hisown cabinet the great champion of
the Republican party in its strife with Federalism.
The truth is tlio administration of Mr. John Quincy
Adams, like his mind, wns of tiie composite order, a
medley of parties, and was supported and opposed
indiscrimatcly by ail. Nothing is to lie inferred
thereof in proof of Gen. Harrison’s federalism
from his support of that Administration. It was
probably owing to tlio belief tliat Mr. Clay would
give tone to its measures. Tliat gentlemen had
long boen tiie Champion of tiie Republican party,
tiie supporter of Mr. Juffcrson and Mr. Madison.
Between him and Gen. Harrison there bud been an
early and continued community of political opinions,
and of private feeling, and to this cause the younger
Adams was indebted ~
for the support whicli ltis ad
ministration received from Gen. Harrison.
Mr. Colquitt’s next evidence of the Federalism
of Gen. Harrison is his approval of tiie proclama
tion issued by Gen. Jackson.—On this subject
there can, with the State Rights’ Forty of Georgia,
be no paltering. For one, I would not yield iny
opinion of this measure, to effect tlio election of
Gen. Harrison to tho Presidency of tiie United
States, us highly important to the interest and pros
B of the Uuion, ns l consider it to be. If Gen
son entertains the opinion expressed by him
in his Cheviot speech, I differ with him tola ratio, but
love it. The prophecies of an anony-
I do not believe
mous writer Itave little claim to public confidence
'andyet 1 will venture to predict, that “the sober
second thought” on which Mr. Van Buron so much
relies, will induce Gen. Harrison to recall the up.
probation expressed on that festive occasion, if lie
has not al ready done so. At present however, wo
must deal with facts us they now nppear. Giving
then to Mr. Colquitt, tlio full benefit of his quotation,
I onvitc his attention, and that of the reader, to tiie
following considerations. This Proclamation wns
issued by Gen. Jackson at tiie moment when Mr.
Van Uuren was tlio man of his counsels. If it did not
originate witli him, it received iiis cordial concur
rence. Its real origin is to bo found in tho deadly
hostility of Gen. Jackson, to Mr. Calhoun, in which
feeling, Mr. Van Burcn cordially sympathised with
his “ illustrious predecessor.” The Union Putty
of Georgia, those witli whom Mr. Colquitt is, on ac
count of Geit. Harrison’s approval of this Procla
mation about to unite iu tiie support of Mr. Van
Burcil, were so fur from taking umbrage at this act
of dcs|iotic power, tliut they joined in tho exulting
shout which emanating from Mr. Forsyth iu the
Senate Chamber, was re-echoed by tiie whole rank
arid file of tiie party. Tiie proclamation notwith
standing, they continued to be the devoted suppor.
tors of Gen. Jackson, op to the moment of his re.
lirument to tbe Hermitage. When in obedience to
Iiis mandate ltis mantle wus cast upon the present
incumbent, who wns lot and part in the original con
coction of this measure, aud pledged to tread in tiie
footsteps of ids predecessor, they gave in their ad
hesion to him. Still Mr. Colquitt declares Iiis tie.
termination to unite with tlio Union parly in sup.
port of Mr. VnnBureu. He refuses to act with Iiis
political associates who are rallying around Ilani.
soil, hecauso he lias expressed an opinion favorable
to the Proclmntion—and throws liimsclf into the
arms of ltis political opponents, to unite witli them in
the support of one of the original contrivers of that
very measure. Of such a course, uuder tiie inllu-
euco of such moves, 1 can say truly, non eqidem in
video, sed miror magis.
Such in relation to this Proclamation, lias been
tiie course of the party with which Mr. Colquitt is
uliout to unite. That from whicli lie is separating
liimsclf, lias not boon without its own diffcullies.
The hostility of tiie State Rights Party of Georgia
to tltc Proclamation of Guu. Jackson, is abiding,
universal nnd uncomprosing. Mr. Colquitt cannot
express his own feelings in relation to it, too strong
ly, to find a cordial response in the bosom of every
Statu Rights’ man. Hu ccrtuioly finds it iu mine.
If tliut party could sco among the candidates for the
Presidential chair, one who would faithfully carry
out their principles of State Sovereignty, they
would liy to iiis standard witli all tiie enthusiasm of
their revolutionary sires. That is indeed n con.
summation devoutly to be wished,but for whicli tiicy
have hitherto looked in vain.—What then—must
they therefore disfranchise themselves I forego llieir
rights as American citizens, and leave the Republic
a prey to the spoilers t Every consideration of pa.
triolism forbids it. if we may not infuse into thu
Administration of tiie Federal Government, our
own peculiar principles of State Sovereignly, let us
still strive to have it administered by holiest men.
If we cannot proclaim from tin Capita! nt Washing
ton thu sovereignty uf the States, let is at least
unite with those who are likcmludcd witli our
selves, in cleansing tiie Augean stable. If we can-
not obtain all which we desire by tlio election of
Con. Harrison, it would still be unwise to refuse
the good whicli is within our reach. We cun by
united efforts secure mi honest administration of die
Executive power.—We can stop the abuse of Ex
ecutive patronage. We can stay the waste of the
public treasure. We can restore public confidence.
Wo can re-establish die credit of die nation at home
ami abroad.—We cun put an end loan incessant link,
ering with thu currency, which operates a lieaviurtnx
upon each of iis, than would suffice in the aggregate
for the liberal support of the Government, properly
administered. Wo can purge the National Coun
cils,and restore to tiie Halls of Legislation that
spirit of decorum without which tile high powers
delegated by the people to llieir Representatives,
are incessantly liable to abuse. Finally, weeuilprae-
tieally assert the right or thk people to select
THEIR OWN CHIEF MAGISTRATE IN OPPOSITION TO THAT
EXECUTIVE DICTATION, BV WHICH MARTIN VAN BIIREN
after shew, (frdor tiie highest and~mo3t sirtnmn
guarantees for tiie preservation of our owu peculiar
institutions. Shall we refuse tiie accomplishment o,
all these dcsircablu objects, because Gcuoral liar,
risen may differ from us on a question of power be.
tween tiie States and tiie confederacy whicli will not
in all humun probability again arise until wc ore
all slumbering in our graves ? And for what ? To
promote the re*clection of a man who lias brought
counties evils upon the county—who, unlike Gen.
Harrison in all that we desire, concurred with him
in tliis very doclrino of federal supremacy whicli we
abhor. Tlio State Rights’ Party of Georgia have
nut heretofore so thought or acted. At thu last
Presidential election, when tiie sufi'errings of the
country were but a tithe of those which we now cn.
dure, wo gavo a cordial, united support to tho ven
erable Judge White, differing from him as we did
on this important question of Constitutional power
—under the influence of the considerations which
I am urging, and witli fur less favorable prospects of
success, we gave tho vote of Georgia to the Senator
from Tennessee. Where then were the scruples
which have driven Mr. Colquitt from Iiis party now?
And how docs he reconcile his acquiescence in tlio
support of Judge White who had voted for tiie Force
Bill, witli Iiis refusal to vote for General Harrison,
who at tiie most has merely as an individual citizen,
expressed un opinion in favor of the Proclamation,
and when too, there is reason to doubt, if thatopinion
be still entertained by him ?
Let it ever be borne in mind, tliat the State Rights’
Party, in tho present crisis of our affairs, ure called
to decide, not, morcly whether they will support
Gon. Harrison, hut whether by refusing to support
him, they will indirectly, but practically and effici
ently support Mr. Vun Buron. They cannot if
they will, he neutral in this contest. If they abstain
from voting—if they throw away their votes—if
they do not immediately rally to tiie support of Gen.
Harrison, the Electoral Ticket of the administra.
tiou parly will prevail, and the vote of Georgia will
be given to Mr. Van Huron. If they rally ns a par
ty in favor of General Harrison, it is already abun
dantly evidont thnt many of our Union fellow-citi-
zens disgusted witli the measures of the administra
tion, will flock to the standard. State Right’s men
who ure ready like Mr. Colquitt to vote for Mr
Van Buren, will of course reject Gen. Harrison.
But, if with a more correct view of llieir own best
interests, both as individuals, nnd us a party—if in
the exercise of a sounder judgment upon passing
events, and above all witli a more accurate knowl
edge of facts than Mr. Colquitt lias given to them
hi his address, they cannot bring themselves to take
the nauseous draught which lias already quaffed,
then let them come to tiie rescue, inscribing on their
bumicr, Harrison and Reform !
The next subject presented bv Mr. Colquitt to
the consideration of the State Rights' party and
people of Georgia, is that of Abolition, a fruitful
tlieiuc, and one which with tiie exception of Execu
tivo patronage has afforded more political capital to
Mr. Van Buren than every tiling else besides. Mr.
Colquitt maiutuins tliut Gon. Harrison is an aboli
tionist, that lie is the candidate of those fanatics, and
that if elected to the Presidency, lie would favor their
views.
To support these charges. Mr. Colquitt refers to
calumnies so often refuted, as to make it almust a
waste of time to repeat tlio refutation, it would be
inexcusable, except to enable tiie public now, and
Mr. Colquitt hiinscifhcrcafter, properly to estimate
thu spirit in whicli Iiis address is writen. He makes
us3uinptiuns whicli arc merely gratuitous, and sus.
tains his position hv arguments so feeble, that to
state, is to refute them. He asserts tliat “it is the
blindness of stupidity, or tiie madness of party, for
any man to doubt” tliat Gcu. Harrison was
nominated fertile purpose of obtaining abolition
votes. I pray my ancient associate to recall this
expression. 1 am neither blinded by stupidity, nor
maddened by party,and yet I doubt. I do more—
exercising the right of a freeman, that of judging for
myself, l disbelieve. If the faet which is here as.
sorted were true, which it is not, would it prove that
Gun. Harrison was an abolitionist ? if tliat band
of fanatics, irritated by tlio exposure ufiheir inqui.
tous schemes which hud been recently mud by Mi.
Clay, in life able argument iu U. S. (Senate, were!
more inflamed aguinst him tlum ug.iinst Gen. Hi:-,
risen, w hose dcnuncatiuns wore mure ancient, mill j
less fresh iu llieir recollection—nndiftlio.se who;
sought to rescue the Government from the misrule
ol Mr. Van Buren, calculating upon ibis state of
feeling, had been influenced by it to select Gcu.
liar rison ns their candidate, would this have made
him mi abolitionist! Pursue this idea farther.—
Suppose Gen. Harrison should receive the vote of
a portion of the abolitionists—(wo know that lie
cannot receive their united vote, for a part of them
insist iqionnominating their own candidate, while
uilothcr portion supports Mr. Vun Bun n)—sup.
pose Gen. Harrison should receive a number giea.
ter or less of abolition votes, would this make him
an abolitionist ? When iu 1824. Mr. Colquitt's po
litical opponents mid mine supported Gen. Jackson
in opposition to William 11. Crawford, does Mr.
Colquitt believe they were more influenced, (I mean
those who regulated thu movements of the party)
by attachment to General Jackson, or by enmity
to Mr. Crawford ! Mr. Colqtiiu bus an extensive
connect ion, a large circle of friends, some of whom
have differed with him in relation to tiie local politics
of the Slate, if these, under tiie influence of what-
ever motive, had sustained him iu the Congressional
canvass, would it have shaken Iiis State Rights’
principles? Il'cvon now, as the reward of Iiis se
cession nt a moment so opportune to the adminis
tration party iu Georgia, when each man is ready
to cry out “ help Cassius or I sink,” if they should
(most unexpectedly to Mr. Culquitt) pul Iiis name
on llieir Congressional ticket, and in good faith
give him their votes, would lie thereby become
subinissionisl—the miserable craven lie Inis so often
denounced, who knows no rightful remedy beyond
petition mid tiie ballot l> ix fur the violation oi' I
constitutional rights ? Mr. Colquitt will see, and
if in ltis present slate of feeling lie emmet, the Suite
Rights’party will see tliat such arguments mu tin
weak to avail with any man, who was not mow
than half convinced already. But our worthy re
presentative is wholly at fault in relation to tiie mo.
tivos of this preference of Gen. Harrison to Mr.
Clay by tho Conv ntion ut Harrisburg. I' wiil Is
difficult for him, with all ids advantages of position,
ill running over tile catalogue >f American 8'tnt, ■<.
limn, to select any two individuals equally distin
guished on the theatre of political life, between
whom, there bus been throughout their whole course
a greater community of Iboling and of opinion, t!:un
between Mr. Clay aud Gen. I (arris hi. To cither
of them, the Convention ut Harrisburg would wid-
inglv have confided the Ex- eutive Clilur. Tin
every breeze from_tho West, of Gon Harrison’s
triumphant progress in the affectionsof the people
there, attest the correctness of their decision in re
lation to that suction of the Union. If they erred,
ns it is now manifest that they did in their calcula
tion concerning the South, let us not therefore ques.
lion their intelligence. The Revolution in public
opinion and feeling which has been accomplished
here, even at the moment in which I write, both in
its extent and the rapidity with which it h*s boon
effected, is unexampled in the annals of political his
tory. It could not have been anticipated by them
—since now that it has occurred, it so thoroughly
surprises us.
[To be concluded next week.']
REPLY OF JUDGE COLQUITT
To the Editors of the Georgia Journal and the
Chronicle and Sentiuel.
Gentlemen: Having boen informed of the un
paralleled excitement tliat prevailed iu Georgia up
on the subject of the Presidential election, before
1 wrote my circular, 1 apprehended thnt I should
incur the displeasure of many highly esteemed
friends if I dared to think for myself, nnd pursue in
that cqntcst tiie dictates of an iioncst judgement.
No oneragretted more than I tile prospect of a di.
vision umong those who had been so long associat-
cd upon those principles which 1 have always cher-
ished, and which I shall ever advocate, os the best
safeguards of constitutional liberty. While you
arc endeavoring to imprest the minds of your rea
ders, in order to excite tiieir prejudices against mo
(because I prefer the election of Mr. Van Burcu to
that of General Harrison), be kind enough to toll
them that, in doing so, 1 have neither repudiated,
condemned, nor abandoned, a solitary principle of
the State-rights party. But you desire the infer
ence to be made, that I have made a wonderful
change, because I prefer Van Buren to Harrison.
Let us see how this stands •- Neither Van Buren or
Harrison is a State Rights man ; both having been
opposed to those political principles and doctrines
that brought the State Rights party into existence.
Tho whole party was, lltcreiore, so lung as it made
our principles the test, standing alike opposed to
both. I, then, as a member of the party, wns
against Harrison as well as Van Buren ; and, if I
should now prefer Harrison to Van Buren, ami
suppurtliim, might you not say what a wonderful
change ! Judge Colquitt was, a short time since,
oppused in General Hnrrisun, and it is now for him
tu reconcile how ho is for him. By stating the case
in this way. you will perceive thnt the. Journal would
be busy in giving reasons for having undergone
some slight change within the Inst few weeks.
And i should be glad you would charge home a
similar change upon every Statc-riglits man who
gives his support to Harrison. Von will, iu tiiis
way, clearly perceive tliat an issue is now made ;
by the very making of which, dvery member of tlio
party, no matter which candidate ho may prefer,
is equally made liable to tiie charge of having chan
ged. 1 willrcleryoutotbovoryappropriatereumrks
made upon tiiis subject jn (^.editorial of the Georgia
ournal ofthe 28th of.*
Mi
"I Mi
motive (or the profi-rein
found in llieir belief the
tion wus greater than ll
tin would receive iu tu ' .‘h
Middle Stall s. all tile votes w
given to Mr. Clay, Iiis coini
the West, which had been tin
ry and ciril services, wuuli
counterbalance the influence
do not think tliut wc of thu South were taken ...e
tiie calculation of thu opponents of tile administra
tion, who were assembled at Harrisburg, it was
believed that wo were either devoted to Van Hu
ron, or so entirely wrnppt d up in Mr. Calhoun and
. 1' — to:.I w i
nt,'Easier:.
•. would have !"
t.ff'L' popular!:v
"I.'IIO of iiis mi!l
mil it tdone wm
It'll. Juliusc
I his phantasies us tu make it hopeless tliat either
Gen. Hurrisiiii or Mr. Clay would
WAS FOISTEU INTO THE I'REXIDENTIAL, CHAIR, ALL
unworthy and unfit as HE was, and is. to he the I Gen'. Harrison or Mr. Clay would receive support
ruler of a free peofle. We euu do all this nod from us. That they were right in their judgment of
more, if wo are truo to ourselves iu the approaching the Northern, Eastern and Middle States, is already
Presidential contest, and we can do it, us 1 will here-1 evident, nnd tiie tidings wJiich arc borne to us upon
hat a nomination of
General Harrison by tiie convention will produce thu
affect of funning a ncil'jltFtHB" destruction of the.
Stale.rights parly, must be evident to all who refect
upon the subject,” A;c. This issue, which is a for-
ilia! dissolution of tiie party, I had no right to anti
cipate ; and when 1 learned that it was ut all prob
able, [ labored to prevent, not by endeavoring to get
up Van Buren meetings, as I understand is curren
tly reported in private circles, but by desiring the
nomination of I lurrison tu lie opposed, that a split
might thereby lie prevented. Almost the entire
State-rights party responded to the resolutions pas.
sed nt Miiieugcvillo lust winter; and i think you
will do me tiie justice to say that i have been among
tbe Inst to abandon tiie position assumed by thu
party. And yet you seem to wisli it understood
tliat I have changed, while the mass of the party are
consistent. I om to be jeered for associating in this
election with our former opponents in Georgia
while those who advocate Harrison would gladly
embrace every Union man in the State, who would
come to their help in the contest, nnd trumpet fortii
every acquisition from their ranks us a happy
omen fur success. Tiie editors of die Chronicle
and Sentinel, I suppose by way of reproach, say
tint lam now associated with Cosnm Emar Bart
lett; and does the editors deem it a reproach? if
so, they are entitled 'to its benefit j for Cosnm
Emin' Bartlett is the editor of a paper in Florida,
and lias hoisted the Harrison ling. But, gentleman,
apart from this, you must permit me in tbe spirit of
kindness, to notice a low of tlio remarks you havo
been pleased to make upon my circular and
upon me, which, if not so intended, is calcu
lated to affect my charter. This I had no right
to expect, especially from the editors of tho
Journal, whoso personal knowledge of me, and
of my motives, enabled them to know that, iu tiieir
strictures, they were doing me manifest injustice.
Tiie frequent charges of retailing slundcr, stating
'iilsehooils, suppressing truth, garbling to deceive,
jj-c., with which your cditoriuls abound, by which
my character is ussailed, 1 will show you, are not
supported by the facts upon " Inch you rely; and,
il you have inadvertently fallen into errors, you
will, as ruble men, correct them; but, if your
attack Ins been a studied desigu to injure or des-
troy my char eler in order to elevate General Har
ris.,ii, it wi" oer:! tiie censure of every honest citi.
/"it "I die land. As you are al the head of leading
and iidkioiuh.i political journals, you will pardon
mo lor suying that abuse is not argument—by it
you may succeed in pampering prejudice, to whose
empire every principle of justice and political trutli
may be sacrificed, but it usually indicates bad hearts,
a weak cause, and vicious purposes.
It sometimes happens that, when trutli is too for-
ciblo to be palliated or denied, abuse and even
vulgarity are subterfuges to escape from its force.
You say tint I charge General Harrison with be-
in" an "\boliiiouist. Here is our first issue. Isay
! , uidenosiH'l charge, and yout saying that I
,|.j, i, ii. a supported by any part of my circular, l
sax tiiis: tliut bo was nominated “with tho viexv
and for tlio purpose of obtaining strength by pro
curing die vat, sof Abolitionists.” This truth is too
uniters;,'.!)' admitted for a denial, aud you have,
•d its point. I proceed to
transpired here during tlio
g the character ofthe two
(abolition, to wliie.il 1 hope
till
?ri.k
»iv, c:
in’fully ovt
V
!“
VC «'V
iik ik
v ofwimt Ii
CSOlIt Coll
gross show
rtii's
ItJ.OI
; !.o suljoo
v *i
u \vi
II loo
!v with at to
lit*
• iiit<
. rest
.,f (-iourgia
! M
.tali*
tiiis :
That *‘ i»
:!„
row 1
l> YP"
,^.ver tho
tin
i ': ,v '
* tint Clotu
i'it " N>"
tin
\ li
lt tin.
M'llot
•tV-1 put til.
jrtj;
:ir.l t
Ti.i
m If i
ill
my
circt
ilu.. 1 uu'w
i; round
, niul
show that
upi
.111 til
nit subject, by re
which !
II? W:
,s ttomii.au
trr
• of
nort!
mm Whu
Co
i. U'l
■ u:
ion th.it au!
mils
U du
t
::t! U
iumph ui’ti
: \tA\
.o- or.
iv.svd to si:
c 1
; an
it 1 by
iason of i
i; and its trutli nonu denies,
nuch pains lias been taken to
eyes ofthe South by nttenip-
end Hori lson himself is not
\\ 'leyeii mark wlrat 1 said ;
>• '.-unpin to sleep nnd oil’their
tu;. :o prove that General
1 un Ah'-diii'iuist. While l.
,'t upon itii:
tut
:ht not to bn trusted
i iite influence through
reason of tho c.harac-
wn by their votes in
A..
ou ofthe
mir,ination as an advaute-
i if principles; by reason of
vary und desiring h ubuii.eTi.
er he is nn Ahoihtionist or not. Those are tlio
grounds 1 took iii my circular, none uf which you
deny, or can deny; but content yourselves to di
vert public, attention from those issue* whicli I
make ; and attempt to do tho very thing which I say
efforts arc making at tho South to accomplish,
by debating a question which admit* of argument.
W '.'l