The Georgia journal. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1809-1847, May 07, 1844, Image 1

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ADDRESS of the secretary of war To tke People of the 21st Congremioaal District of PenaaylrSDia. A Treaty has been aignea for the annexation of Texas to the territories of the United States. 1 now feel called upon to state to you, my fellow citizens and late constituents, the grounds of my acquies cence in this momentous measure. I have thought much upon this subject, and en. deavored to give it a candid and impartial consider. tion, which has produced the most decided convic tion in my mind, that it is of the highest importance to the welfare and happiness of the whole country, and sspecislly conducive to the great interests of you who so lately honored me with your confidence and support. To the United States as a nation it gives a com pact territory, which is so essentail for defence in war and so useful in peace, by removing all cause of collision arising from infraction of revenue laws and from disputes about common rights in naviga ting rivers. Eight year* ago, Texas gained her independence on the fields of San Jacinto and has ever s ince maintained it. She hag been recognised by the first powers of Europe, has preserved the character ofan independent and sovereign state througb|all that time, is now as thoroughly severed from Mex ico as the latter republic is from iho Kingdom of Spain, to which she belonged not more than twenty, two years ago. I cannot perceive how the right of Texas to negotiate with foreign powers, to form alliances or to transfer her territory to another gov- ernment, can be questioned. In 1810 we ceded Texas to Spain. In 1822 we recognised the independence of Mexico. In March 1825, one of the first acts of the now administration, Mr. Adams President, Mr. Clay secretary of State, both uniting in the measure, was the offer to purchase Texas from Mexico, in the face of the solemn pro. test of Spain, and while war, stilt pending between that kingdom and its revolted province. The im portant fortress of San Juand’Ulloa, which comman- <led the principal port, and almost the entire trade of Mexico, was during all this timo, in the posses sion of Spain; and was not finally evacuated until Dec. 23, 1825. The naval warfare did not cease for many years afterwards; Spain actually not recognizing the independence of Mexico, unli I after Texas had established hers. If ihere be any force in the objection, that Texas is still unrecognized by Mexico, it would have been much stronger to the proposed negotiation of Messrs. Adams and Clay in 1825; for Mexico was then not only unrecog nised by Spain, but, also, by other of the pvincipal powers of Europe. This proposition was made less than six years aAer we had by solemn treaty ceded Texas to Spain; Nor is there at this moment any war pending between Texas and Mexico other than by paper bulletins, and even this has been suspended by a late armistice . What wrong then is done to Mexico/ What will she lose. Not Texas! for that is already lost. There will be no loss. Mexico will gain a peaeful and friendly neighbor, having both the will and determination to guarantee the integrity of all her actual territo ries against aiiy European power. Tlio law of nations authorises this treaty with Texas, for her independence is recognised and established. Our treaty with Mexico is rescinded by the rev olutiou in Texas just as our prior treaty with Spain was abrogated by the successful revolt of Mexico herself. It is not and never lias been a principle of the law of nations, that a revol ted province is not fully and absolutely sovereign, until she is recognised by the power front which she has been severed by the revolution. This power must, necessarily, be the very last among nations to recognize such independence. This people were first invited to settle the wild lands of Texas by the King of Spain, and after wards encouraged in extending their settlements by the very government of Mexico—all under the pledge ot the protection of those rights, held so dear and sacred by every American. A disregard of these pledges and attempt at subjugation, were met on the part of the poopie of Texas by resis- tcnce and successful revolt, which now constitute them a sovereign and independent people. The vast territory, nearly three hundred lltous and square miles, which belongs to Texas without any conflict with the actual poseasions of the re public of Mexico, starling from the Gulf, is bound ed on the south, by the river the Rio Bravo del Norte, to the point where that beautiful stream breaks forth from its mountain passes, and from thence north is separated to the westward from the well known Santa Fe province by a strongly defin- cd natural boundary of mountainous and prairie country, which, if not uninhabitable, will for a long time be left free to the Indian, buffalo, and roving trapper. The most indisputable proof exists that Spain, in 1819 when she sold Florida to tho union, and the latter ceded Texas to Spain, had actually instruc ted her minister to acknowledge, if necessaty, our title to the whole of Texas as a part of the Louisans territory, purchased by us in 1803, The question of annexation has been discussed ■n the various newspapors published over the coun try. Every one, who trusts in the perpetuity of our union of which no true American ever doubts, knows thst the bonds of connection have strength ened with the increase of territory, and that the confederate system beuttfully adapts itself to any extent of country. Local legislation by congress °r its interfsrence with the strict province of the •lutes, becomes impossible when national objects and interests engross its atlnetlon. In aconleder- •cy of great extent, threats of disunion, when con fined tu so small a sphere as the limits of a single statu, carry with them no cause for alarm, and can never instil into the moil traitorous bosom any hupes of success. i'lte elevated mountainous districts of Texas ex tend on the southwest to within one hundred mile* of the Gulf coast. Its high table lands, with its . *H* and vallies, will be best adapted to the grow- iog of grain, or raising stock, which class of labor "appropriate to the small proprietor and freeman. 1 he division, between the planting and farming district, U marked by the best natural boundaries, and no edict of man can chango it. There is nei ther necessity nor excuse for extending slave labor beyond the alluvial districts bordering on tlio Gulf •utl lower than Red river, nor can it be aooxtend. ed by law. The rich lands of this region running three degrees further south than the best sugar lands of Louisiaua, must always be settled, if an nexed, by a population whose fnlorest will be Amer ican. This section of Texas, which must chiefly bo a sugor growing region, and therefore, identified, with that portion of Louisiana, now engaged in the same culture, will unite in supporting the great prin. ciple of extending full and adequate protection to American products and industry. Sugar is a crop, which must always look to the home market for the surest sale and most retain return. VVe shall, thus, gain in the southwest a powerful acces sion of strength upon that great question, which so deeply involves the interests of your district. I candidly believe tiiat it will not be long, before a majority of the people of the south, whan their labor is thus diverted into different channels, will become convinced of the sound policy of protecting and fostering American industry. This will not only be important and decisive in favor oi such, but will bo eminently calculated to harmonize and perpet uate our institutions, a result to he hailed with glad, ness by every patriotic heart. Iam no advocate for slavery, nor would I see it introduced into one region, unless I were at the same lime assured, that it would withdraw it from another, and that without increasing it in the aggregate. The an- nexation of Texas must soon he followed by the voluntary abolition of the institution of slavery in our neighboring States, Virginia, Maryland, and Delaware, and also indeed in Kentucky and Missou ri. We can all truly rejoice in its withdrawal from our own immediate vicinity. I am satisfied that the best interests of that class of our fellow beings, originally brought to and forced on those Stntes by British rapacity and injustice, and who must always be u marked and distinct race, as long ns they abide among our own people, will behest consulted by securing the outlet, the only hopo which has ever presented itself, of their acquiring an independent home, or attaining a position elevated und equal lo the people amidst whom they dwell. Such a re fuge is offered beyond the Rio Bravo, among the Mexican and South American nations, who have no prejudice either as to caste or color. The treaty is nowwith the Senate to be confirmed or rejocled. You, as a part of the great American family, are called upon lo consider how it affects your own immediate interests, ns well as those of tho nation to which you belong. The inhabitants of Alleghany county, are a min. ing, manufacturing, commercial, agricultural, and navigating people. Every interest of these sever- af branches of industry will be vastly promoted by securing to us, under our present tariff, thus exten ded by annexation over all its territory, the entire markets of Texas. The navigation of Red river, one ot the chief tributaries of the Mississippi, fur nishing one thousand miles of navigation into the heart of a rich country, now a divided and common right, will then be exclusively our own; to that add the important rivers, the Trinity, Brazos, Colorado, Rio Bravo del Norte, and many other smaller but navigable streams, and we behold the vast demand from that region, on tho boat builders nrtd mechan ics of the Ohio valley, adding at least one hundred steamboats largo and small, yearly, to the many now built for the wants of western navigation. Our boats, which will benefit by the great carry ing trade between Texas and her sister Slates, will in return for our manufactures of our iron.cotton, wool, hemp and glass, and the products of the farms and forests carried there, receive and bring back her cotton and sugar, her rice and indigo, and pro bably even her coffee and other tropical products. The Santa Fe trade, which hasnlrendy become so lucrative lo many among you, would be cut off from us by a foreign, and by no means necessari ly. friendly power, whose territories intervene be tween us and that region, if the treaty should fail to be ratified. Manchester wagons, and Hartley’s strong harness will no longer serve to carry Amer ican domestics and Pittsburg wares across the prai ries, to be converted at Santa Fo into bullion and Mexican dollars. On the other hand, with our territories border ing on New Mexico this trade would soon be vast ly increased ; for a Pittsburg steamboat with a car go on board, can ascend the Red river to a point less than three hundred miles remote from Santa Fe, and at a distance of 500 miles from Chihuahua, the first great interior city of the integral provinces of Mexico, which is but slightly further than that city is from Sunta Fe, the present mart at which our traders meet those from the region of Chihua hua. To the entire people of the United States this question is of vast and weighty moment. If the treaty for the annexation should now be rejected, the re-action of feeling in Texas must then inevit ably render it a commercial dependency, in fact if not in name, of Great Britain; You may rest as sured that even should a free trade treaty not be concluded between England and Texas, that the latter will so modify and relax iter tariffby discrim inating duties, augmenting the imposts upon flour, grain, beef, pork, lard, and such articles, whilst taking offthose on iron and nil its manufactures, glass, cotton bagging, ar.d all cotton and woollen fa brics and similar articles, thereby excluding American products, and admitting England’s free ofduty. Such is the avowed policy of Texas, as a separate republic, and thus, oven without a trea ty with England, that country will monopolizo her markets. But it will not end here, Texas like Gi- brultur and Portugal lo Spain, will be made the great inlrepol and channel of British Commerce, by means of which iter active merchants will in de- fiunce of all imposts and tariffs, not only flood the interior of Mexico with British wares, hut through the channels oflhe Trinity, Sabine, and Red rivers glut our own country with a multiplicity of her ex tensive manufactures, breaking up our very best es tablishments, and carrying ruin and bankruptcy into every manufacturing district of the United Stales. manufactures to all the rest of the world. As a tariff man, I have always viewed the home as the best market for our manufactures, and where such matkets can bo extended with honor and propriety, it would be madness in the advocate for the protec tion of domestic industry to oppose such extension. Titese markets are beyond the rivalry and jealousy of other nations, and must forever remain exclu sively our own. Should Texas be refused admission into the union, she must become a most dangerous theatre for foreign intrigue, from which the most deplorable consequences to our welfare may ensue. Indeed, at some future and not distant day, we may be compelled, for the safely and perpotuily of the union, to gain by conquest what ie now so freely offered for our acceptance. But with the coast of Texas added to ours, we should then hav e nearly the entire shore of our own great sea. the Gulf of Mexico, and would then not only be beyond the reach of smugglers, but would also set at defiance any attempt at invasion, directed against New Orleans or the great', outlet of the Mississippi and Ohio rivers; Now, my fellow citizens, having given you my views on this subject, let me recall yuur attention, without Jeference to Florida, to the acquistion of Louisiaua, without which wc should not at this moment be the uni ted and happy people, which constitute this great na tion. Yet that noble purchase, was not without oppo sition of a decided and indeed most violent character. However, no patriot of that day lives to regret that ad dition to our territories. 1 am, fellow citizens, your grateful and obliged friend. WM. WILKINS. Washington, April 13, 1844. Letter of Mr. Forsyth, Secretary or State. To General Memucan Hunt, &c. : Tito undersigned, Secretary of State, of tho Uni. ted Slates, has had the honor to receive the note of his excellency, General Hunt, Envoy Extraordina ry and Minister Plenipotentiary ofTcxns, dated the 4th inst. proposing a negotiation for the purpose of annexing that country lo the United States. That communication has been laid before tho President who lias considered it with just sensibili. ty.—In giving to the undersigned instructions to present, in reply, a prompt and decisive indication of the course it Itus iboen deemed necessary to adopt, the P resident indulges the confident expectation that no unfriendly spirit towards the Government or tho people of Texas wiD or can be imputed to the Uni ted States. Neither tho duties nor the settled policy of tho United States permit them to enter into an examin ation of the accuracy of tho historical facts related by Gen. Hunt, nor to allow them, even if admitted to be correct, to control the decision of the question presented by hint. The United States were fore most in acknowledging the independence of Mexi co, and have un iformly endeavored and desired to cultivate relations of friendship with that power. Having always since the formation of their Government, been exempt front civil wars, they have learnt the value of internal quiet and have consequently been anxious yet passive spectators of tho feuds with which their neigh bor has been afflicted. Although in the con troversy between 'Texas and Mexico, circum stances hnve existed, and events have occurred, pe. culiarly calculated to enlist the sympathies of out- people, tlie effort of the Government lias been to look upon that dispute, with the same rigid impar tiality with which it has regarded all other Mex ican commotions. In determining wit'n respect to the independence of other countries, the United States have never ta ken the question of right between tlio contending parties into consideration. They have deemed it a dictate of duly and pt ilicy to decide upon the ques. lion as one of fact m erely. This was the course pursued with respect to' Mexico herself. It was ad. bored to when analogous events rendered it prop, er to investigate the question of Texas indepen dence. That inquiry was made with duo circum spection, and the result was not arrived at until its probable consequences had been accurately weighed. Tho possibility of a collision of interestsarising among other causes, fro rn the alledged superior apti. lude of the climate and soil of Texas for the growth of some of the staples of tho United States, was not overlooked. A sense' of duty and a reverence for consistency, however, it was considered, left the Government no allernb'.tive, and it therefore led the way in recognising Toxas. A hope was certainly entertained that this act, and the motives that con duced it,oven if no other considerations were to have influence, would point out to the Government of Texas the propriety not only of cherishing intimate and amicable relations with this country, but of ab staining from other connexions abroad which might be detrimental to tho United States. Apart from this, however, it was presumed that Government would enter upon the execution of the intentions in timated by its Envoy Extraordinary, with respect to connexions with foreign powers, with a full un- derstanding of the just and liberal commercial stipu lations existing between the United States and other nations, A pervading principle of those compacts is impartial treatment of the citizens, vessels, and productions of the parties in their respective terri tories. As it was not to bo believed that the com mercial allies of the United States would swerve from their engagements, no apprehension was felt that the interests of this country would suffer from tho arrangements which Texas might enter into with them. The question of the annexations of a foreign in dependent Stato to tlte United States was never before presented to this Government. Since the adoption of their constitution, two large additions hnve been made to the domain origiuuily claimed by tlio United Stales. In acquiring them this gov ernment was not actuated by a mere thirst for sway over it broader space. Paramount interests of ma ny members oflhe confederacy, end the permanent well being of all, imperatively urged upon this gov ernment the necessity of an extension of its juris diction over Louisiuna and Florida. As peace, houevcr.was our cherished policy, never to be de. purled from unless honor should be perilled by adhering to it, we patiently endured for a time se. rious inconveniences and privations, and sought a seas, which it lias always been tlio policy of our government to iostor. Tni* was clearly foreseen by Mr. Van Burcn, who in his despatch to Mr. Poin. suit, the Amorcan minister lo Mexico, on tlte 25th of August, 1829, tho very first year of General Jackson’s administration, directly alludes to this quostion of smuggling, whon instructing that minis ter to endeavor to procure tlte annexation of Texas to this union by a purchase and cossion from Mex* ico. But the evil does not cease with tho injury to the sltipping interest. Our revenues trom imposts on foreign commerce, necessarily falling short of the wants of tlte government, we shall bo forced to re- sort to direct toxalion to support and maintain tlte ^InTeathour exports to Texas, which was then recognized by no other power, amounted to one and three quarter million of dollars; but now in stead of having doubled with her population, they have dwindled down to two hundred thousand dot. lata in value ; being not one seventh of what they wore in 1830. In that year those exports to l exa» embraced over one The imports, which we must receive from abroad. . ■ v _ instead of being brought ns they now are, chiefly I transfer of those regions by negotiates and not in American vessels into our ports, will, to escape i by conquest. . , the duties, bo carried to Texas, to bo smuggled in. j The issueof those negotiation. was a condt ton. to the United Slates. This will impair, if not de-! • cession of these countries to the Untied Stale*. . __ The circumstance, however, of their being colonial stroy our great navigating interests on the Digit . f „...i ,i„ possessions of France and Spain, and therefore de pendent on the metropolitan governments, renders those transactions materially different from that which would bo presented by the question of the annexation of Texas. Tho latter is a State with an independent government, acknowledged as such by the United States, and claiming a territory be yond, though bordering on the region ceded by France, in the treaty of the 30th April, 1803. Whether the constitution of the United Stales con. templaled of such a Stale, and if so, in what manner that object is to he effected, are questions, in the opinion of tlte President, it would be inexpedient, under existing circumstances to agitate. So long as Texas shall remain at war, while tlte United States are at peace, with her adversary, the proposition of the Texan Minister Plenipotentiary necessarily involves tlte question of war with that adversary. Tlte United States are bound to Mex ico by a treaty of amity and commerce, which will be scrupulously observed on their part so long as it can be reasonably hoped that Mexico will perform her duties and respect our rights under it. Tho lourth of tlio total exports of our Untied States might justly be suspected ot R disre. g ard of the friendly purposes of the compact, if the 0 verlure of Gon. Hunt were lobe even reserved fo.y future considerations, as this would imply adis- po sition on our purt to espouse tho quarrel of Tex as with Mexico; a disposition wholly at variance wi th the spirit of tho treaty, with the uniform poli cy and obvious welfare of the United States. The inducements mentioned by Gen. Hunt, for ll to United Stales to annex Texas lo their territory a re duly appreciated, but powerful and weighty as ci jrtoinly they arc, they are light when opposed in tl le scale of reason to treaty obligations, and res- p ect for that integrity of character by which tho 1 Iniled States hnve sought lo distinguish themselves s ince Iho establishment of lltoir right to claim a p lace In the great family of nations. It is presum. ed, however, that the motives by which Texas has been governed in making this overture, will have equal force in impelling her to preserve ns an indo- pendent Power, the most liberal commercial rein, lions with the United States. Such a disposition will bo cheerfully met in a corresponding spirit by this Government. If tho answer which the under signed lias been directed lo give, to tlio sentiments of that Government is to induce an attempt to ex tend commercial relations elsewhere upon terms prejudicial lo the United Stutes, this Government will be consoled by a conciousness of the rectitude of its intentions, and a certainty that although the hazard of trancient losses may he incurred by a rigid adherence to just principles, no lasting pros, perity can he secured when they are disregarded. Tho undersigned avails himself of tlte occasion to offur Gen. Hunt renewed assuiances of his very distinguished consideration. JOHN FORSYTII. Department of Statf.. Washington, August 25, 1837. Extract from Governor M’Duffle's Message, of De cember, 1830, to the Legislature of South Caro lina. “ifany consideration could add to the intrinsic weight of these high inducements lo abstain from every species of interference with the domestic af fairs of a neighboring and friendly State, it would be the tremendous retribution to which wo are so peculiarly exposed on our southwestern frontier, from measures of retaliation. Should Mexico do- dare war against tlio United States, and, aided by some great Europern Power, hoist tho standard of servile insurrection in Lojisiana and the neighbor ing States, how deep would bo our self-reproaches in reflecting that these atrocious proceedings re ceived even a colorable apology from our own ex ample, or from tlte unlawful conduct of our own citizens ! “There is one quostion connected with this con troversy, of a defiinite character, upon which it may ho proper that you should express an opinion. You nro doubtloss nwnre that tho people of Texas, by an almost unanimous vote, have expressed their desire to be admitted into our Confederacy, and ap plication will probably bo made to Congress for that purpose. In my opinion, Congress ought not even to entertain such a proposition in tlte present state of the controversy. If we adniitTexns into our Union while Mexico is still waging war against that province, with a view to re-establish her supra- macy over it, we shall, by the very act itself, make ourselves a parly to the war. Nor can we take this step, without incurring this heavy responsibili ty, until Mexico herself shall recognise tho iudepen denee of Iter revolted province. “We have no official information of the precise state of our relations with Mexico. Enough is known, however, to satisfy us that the conjuncture is eminently critical. Let us be scrupulously care ful that wo do nothing to countenance, and all we can, to prevent tlio calamity of a war”’ [correspondence of the charleston codeier.] Washington, April, 23. In the House, today, Mr. White, of Ky., late Speaker, spoke or. tlte subject of tlio tariff. He did not, however, confine himself to that subject.— He took occasion to defend Mr. Clay from the cltargo of “intrigue, bargain and corruption,” urged against hint in i&25, when lie accepted tlte appoint ment ns Secretary of Stale from Mr. Adams ; ann also from the charge of having made a speech in which lie declared that “we must have white slaves, if we had not black slaves.” When Mr. White iiaci taken his seat some con versation arose among members in itis neighbor hood upon the subject, and Mr- Rathhun of N. Y- remarked that tlio charges against Mr. Clay were true and could bo proved. Mr. White being irritat ed by tho remarks, made n sharp reply. Mr. Ratlibun, after the exchange of a word or two with Mr. White, struck him. Mr. While returned the blow, and tlio parties were immediately engag ed in cluse conflict on tlte floor. All this was the •vork of an instant. Tlte members interfered in bodies. No harm was done. During the melee a young man from Kentucky, named Moore, who had b-ten admitted upon tlio floor, rushed into the crowd of members, within the bar, in a violent and menacing manner. He was seized by some mem bers and dragged out. Mr. McCuuslio, of Ohio, thrust him out of the door. The mahogany doors were fastened back, ns usual, and green cloth doors substituted.— Moore drew a pistol and fired upon McCatislin through the dour. The ball missing its object, took effect upon tire thigh of Mr. J. L. Wirt, one of the wa.tclimen of the Capitol. The hail entered tlte inner part of the tliigli and passing around the bone, lodged. It is hoped that tlio wound is not very sorious. The Chairman of tlte Committee resigned his Beat to the Speaker, and tho Sergent-at-Arms ap peared among the combatants with tlte mace.— Tranquility was in a moment restored. As to Moore ho was seized by Gen. Dodge und kept tran quil, till lie was arrested in due form by tiie Ser- gent-at-Arms, Mr. Dromgoole moved tiiat tlte parties to the affray be brought to the bar of tlio (louse far trial. Mr. Saunders suggested that a Committee Le appointed to inquire into and report upon the facts. Mr. White rose, and in a brief and very pro. per manner, expressed his deep regret at the oc currence, at.d apologised to the Iluuse fur his par ticipation in it. Mr. Rnthbun followed, and submitted himsolf to the judgment of tho House, apologising to ail around for what lie had done through a busty temper, and declaring that he felt nothing but the greatest re- spect and friendship fur the gentleman from Ken tucky. Mr. White, thereupon, offered his hand to Mr. Ratlibun, declaring, that after the gentleman’s declaration, it was not in his nature to entertain any unkind feelings towards him. This reconciliation had so dramatic an effect that the whole audience—on the floor and in the galleries, began siinultunously lo applaud, by clap ping of hands. Mr. Dromgoolo withdrew his proposition, and remarked that he did not consider it necessary to pursue the subject. Mr. Saunders thought it due to tlte House tiiat an enquiry should be ntude. Tlte matter would go forth to tlio public, and would bo misrepresented There should be an authentic report of tlte mutter, if nothing else was done. Mr. Holmes, after some preliminary remarks on the disgraceful character of these disorders, said he felt it due to his constituents and to the country to offer a resolution, which ho sent to the chair, viz: 11 1 hat the Hon. John While, of Ky. arid tho Hon. B. Ratlibun, of N. Y. bo expelled (tom th/j House.” Mr. CitArrELL, of Geo. supported the resolution m some eloquent remarks. Mr. Cave Johnson recommended that future acts of violence bo prevented by a rigid and inflexible rule on tlte subject. He wished that the Commit, tee ott tlte Judiciary should bo instructed to report a bill lo punish such acts in future. JJ * 1 ’’ Hamlin opposed Mr. Holmes’motion. .. dld ,he Rame - ll i"«at be noticed that Mr. White called upon the reporters espeeiul. ly to note ins declaration that the rash young man, Mr. Moore was utterly unknown to him. Though Mr. Moore was said to be a Kentuckian, he avow, ed that ho did not know him even by uij»ht. Tho end of the mutter was that u'll other proposi tions being rejected or withdrawn, i: e -,. ordered that a eomr, tier. ,f fi, u l, e appointed io inquire into and report upon the subject. Acts of violence on the floor had often occurred but tins is the first instance of the interference of a stranger, and an armed man. inthenffrnvs of tlio House, ott tlte floor, and in full session. It is an evil precedent, and the more so, inasmuch ns tho offender is said to bo a responsible and respeetu- ble man. 1 In the Senate, Mr. Wright, of N. Y. concluded ins speech against tlte tariff of 1842 and tho pro tective system. ■ 1 Mr. Clay’s letter against the annexation of Tex as, will it is said, appear here in a day or two. Tito Mexican Minister lias taken up Itis con- exions with this government for the present, ami ill repair to New York, and remain there, until the Senate act on tlio treaty; .r n 1113, Clay '—The following extract, says tlte V tllago Record, is from a letter received by a gen tleman in Chostor county. Mrs, Clay, the with of the farmer of Ashland, illustrates the truth that "a virtuous woman is a crown to Iter husband.” A. hint to the IVivcs of Congressmen. “In these days of economy, industry und repub. Iicanism, it ,nl, y 1101 ^ uninteresting to some of your readers, Mr. Editor, to learn that Ashland is a market farm, and that Lexington is indebted lo it for large supplies of dairy produce and vegetables and that during Mr. Citty’s sojourn at Washington, the active duties of its superintendence are perform- od by Mrs. Clay. Of how well site is qualified for these duties we leave to tho determination of the fair dairy mistresses ofClioster county, not doubt, mg that they will decide her equally qualified to preside over the domestic economy at Ashland and to do the part of hostess at the White House in 1845, when we tell them that Mrs. Clay’s butter is the most sought after, and Mrs. Clay’s milk cart brings tho richest milk and cream of any that comes to Lexington. Mr. Calhoon a Candidate Again.—A Wash, ington letter writer of the Charleston Mercury says: In a few short weeks ATr. Calhoun's name will again be run up for the Presidency (in 1848.) and nailed to the mast, all consideration to the contrary, notwith standing. 1 don’t give this ns my opinion, but us fact." WHIG MEETING IN Heard COUNOf. At a meeting of tho Whigs of Heard county, held in the "own of Franklin, on Thursday evenin'., the 18th ui'. Berry. D. Johnson was called 'o the chair, aid Jxu H. Gass appointed Secretary. Tlte Chairman explain, ed the object o! the meeting—after which Iho following preamble and resolutions were introduced, and read by Col. W. II. Houghton, and on niu..on adopted. Whereas the timo has arrived when t/io great Whig parly of tho United Slates should gird on their armor and go forth to glorious victory—and whereas it lias been demonstrated tiiat nothing contributes so much to the spread and disseminat ion of sound political informa tion as a proper and efficient organization—and as wo have witnessed with feelings oi the most lively satis faction, that tlio people throughout our extended coun try are organizing themselves into political bands—for the purpose of more efficient and overwhelming success. And whereas,notwithstanding we have in the ranks of the great wltig party, a large number of distinguished men, whose talents, experience and virtues remlerthem worthy of the highest office within the gift of l he people yet the people have, with a unanimity unparalleled in history, except in that of the Father of his Country, se lected as their chief to lead them lo a certain and glo- rious victory, tlte distinguished patriot Henry Clay. Therefore we, a portion of tiie people of Heard county do resolve, 1st. That Henry Clav is our first choice for .the Presidency, uniting in himself, as we conceive, all the elements of true greatness, long ami efficient services tohis country, and the most exalted patriotism. 2d. Unsolved, l’hat we do hereby organize ourselves into a Clav Club, to be called the “Clay CJub of Heard County.” 3d, Resolved, Tiiat our united eBoris shall be exert, ed to secure the election of our distinguished champion and the spread of sound political information among the the people. 4th. Resolved, That we recommend tlte organization forthwith of a Clay Club ir, every district in the coun ty, to ho branch (flubs of this association—that tlio same hold slated meetings at some central position in each district, and from time to time correspond with and report to this Club. 5th. Resolved, That wo do hereby most solemnly pledge ourselves to use ail laudable efforts to dissemi nate sound political information among tho people, and for tins purpose we will freely circulate, and endeavor to get the people to read, good VVhig papers,documents speeches and statistics, and exercise ail our personal influence to convert our neighbors and friends to tho good old Whig faith. Tlte meeting was then addressed in a very able and eloquent manner by A. C. Ferrell, Esq. of LaGrange, and E. D. M’Kiniey, Esq. of Neivnan. On motion, the meeting proceeded reorganize a Clay Club, by iho election ot a President, five Vice Presidents and a Secretary. The following gentlemen were nom- inated and elected: Berry D. Johnson. President; Jno. Stewart, Mason Jones, Win. Davis, |Benj. Askew, and J. C. Culberson, Vice Presidents, and J elm 11. Gass, Secretary. On motion of Col. VVm. II. Houghton, it was Resolved, That we send tlireo Delegates to the Con- vention proposed to ho holden at Fayetteville on the first Monday In June next, for the purpose of selecting a suit a h e candidate for Congress front the 4th Congress ional District, Resolved, That Dr. J. F. Moreland, W. C. Robinson, and William Stewart, compose said Delegation, and Unit the Chairman of this meeting be authorized lo fill any vacancy that may occur therein. Resolved, That the said Delegation be requested to urge the claims of William Dougherty, Esq as a suit, able candidate for Congress from the Fourth Congress ional District. On motion, it was Resolved, unanimously, That it is tho deliberate opin ion of this ineoting that Texas ought to he annexed re the United States—that the country as far as the Hie del Norte, was clearly reded by the Treaty with Franco and that it is, and of right ought to bo, part and portion of our common country. Resolved, That a copy of the preceding resolution be forwarded, by the Secretary of this meeting, to each ot cur Senators in Congress. Oil motion, it was Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting he signed by tlio Chairman and Secretary, and he publish, ed in the VVItig papers generally throughout tho State, and that this meeting adjourn to mcot again on tho first Tuesday in May. BERRY £>. JOHNSON, Cfa'u. John ll. Gass, Scc’y. MR. CLAY OR THE TEXAS QUESTION. Tlte following letter from Mr. Clay to the Edi. tors was forwarded from Raleigh on the day of its date, but did not reach our hBnde in tima for publi. eation earlier than to-day.—Nav Inl.,Ytlh April. | To the Editors of the National Intelligencer.] Raleigh, April 17,1844. Gentlemen :—Subsequent tomy departure from Ashland, in Dcceinbor Inst, I received varioua com munications from popular assemblages and private individuals, requesting nft expression of my opinion iipmi the question of the Annexation of Texas to tiie United States. 1 hove forborno to reply to them, because it was not very convenient, during the progress of my journey, to do eo, and for other reasons. 1 did not think it proper unnecessarily, to introduce at present a new element among the olh. er exciting subjects which agitate end engross the public mind. Tlte rejection of the overture of Tex as, "otne years ago, to become annexed to the Uni ted Stales, had met with general acquiescence. Nothing had sinCO occurred materially to vary tho question. 1 had seen t;o evidence of a desire be. ing entertained, on the part of any considerable portion of the American people, that Texas should become an integral part of the U. States. During m y sojourn in New Orleans, I Itad, indeed, been great ly surprised, by information which I received from Texas, that in the course of last full, a voluntary uverture hud proceeded from the Executive of the United Stutes to tlte Authorities of Texas lo con clude a treaty of Annexation; and that, in order to overcomo the repugnance fell by any of them to a negotiation upon the subject, strong and os I be lieved erroneous representations had been made to them of a stnte ofopinion in the Senate of the Uni. ted States favorable to tiie ratification of such a treaty. According to these representations, it had been ascertained that a number of Senators, vary ing from thirty five to forty two, were ready to sanction such a treaty. I was aware, too, that holders or Texas lands and Texas scrip, and speculators in them, were actively engaged in promoting the object of Annexation. Still, Idid not believe that any Executive ot the Unit—cl States woulo’ venture upon so grave and momentous a proceeding, not only without any general manifestation of public opinion in favor of it, hut tit direct opposition to strong and decided expressions of public disnppro- bation. But it appears that I was mistaken. To the astonishment of the whole nation, wo are now informed Ihnt a Ironiy of annexation has been ac tually concluded, and is to be submitted lo the Sen- ule for its consideration. Tlte motives for my si. lence, therefore, no longer remain, and I feel it to bo my duly to present an exposition of my views and opinions upon the question, for what they may lie worth, to the public consideration. I adopt this method ns being more convenient than several re plies to the respective communications which I have received. 1 regret tlint 1 Imvo not the advantage of a view oftho treaty itself, so as to enable mo to adapt an expression of my opinion to the actual conditions and stipulations which it contains. Not possessing that opportunity, 1 am constrained to treat the question according to what I presume to be tlio terms of tlio trenty. If, without tlte loss of nulion- nl character, without tho hazard of foreign war, with the general concurrence of the nation, without any danger to the integrity of the Union, and with out giving an unreasonable price for Texas, the question ol'nnncxation wore presented.it would ap. pear in quite a different light from that in which 1 apprehend, it is now lobe regarded. The United .States acquired a title to Texas, ex tending. as I believe, to tlio Rio del Norte, by the treaty of Louisiana. They ceded mid relinquished that title to Spain by the treaty ofl819, by which the Sabine was substituted for the Riedel Norte as our western boundary. This treaty was negotiated under the Administration of Mr. Monroe, and with tlio concurrence of his Cabinet, of which Messrs. Cmwlord, Calhoun, and Wirt, being a majority, all Southern gentlemen composed a part. When the treaty was laid before the House of Representatives, being a member of that body, I expressed the opin ion, which 1 then cnteitaincd, and still hold! that Texas was sacrificed to the acquisition of Florida, We wanted Florida ; but I thought it must, from its position, inevitably fall into our possession; that the point of a few years, sooner or later, was of no sort ol consequence, and that in giving five millions of dollars and Texas for it, we gave more titan a just equivalent. But, if we made a great sacrifice in tho surrender of Texas, we ought lo lake care not lo make too great a sacrifice in the attempt to re-nequire it. My opinions of the inexpediency of the treaty of 1819 did not prevail. Tlte country and Congress wore satisfied witlt it, appropriations were made to carry it into effect, the line of the Subino was re cognised by us us our boundary, in negotiations both with Spain and Mexico after Mexico becumo inde pendent, and measures have been in actusl progress to mark the lino, from the Sabine to Red river, and thence to the Pacific ocean. VVe have thus fairly alienated our title to Texas, by solemn national com pacts,!!) the fulfibneut of which wo stand bound by good I'uitli and tiatioi.nl honor. It is, therefore, per fectly idle and ridiculous, if not dishonorable, to talk of resuming our title to '1 exas, as if we bod never parted with it. We can no more do that than Spain can resume Florida, France, Louisiana, or Great Britain tlio thirteen colonies, now composing u purt of the United States. During the adu iniat rat ion of Mr. Adams, Mr. Poin sett, Minister of the United States at Mexico, was instructed by me, with tlte President’s authority, lo propose a re-purcliaso of Texas; but lie forbore even to make an overture for tiiat purpose. Upon ilia return to the United Slates, he informed me, at New Orleans, that bis reason for not making it was that lie knew the purchase was wholly impractica ble, and tliut lie wits persuaded tiiat, if lie made the overture, it would imvo no oilier effect than to ag gravate irritations, already existing, upon matters of difference between the two countries. The events which Imvo since transpired in Tex as are well known. She revolted against the Go vernment of Mexico, flow to arms, and finally fought und won the memorable battlu of San Jacinto, an nihilating a Mexican army and making a captive of the Mexican President. The signal success of that Revolution was greatly aided,if not wholly achieved, by citizens oftho United Stales who had emigrated to Texas. These succors, if they could not always bo prevented by tlte Government of the United Slates, were furnished in a manner and to nn extent which brought upon usEome national re proach in tho eyes uf un impartial world. And in my opinion, they impose on us (he obligation of scrupulously avoiding the imputation of having in stigated ana aided the Revolution with the ultimate view of territorial aggrandizement. After the bat tlu of Sun Jacinto, the United States recognised the iudepeuco of Texas, in conformity with the princi ple and practice which have always prevailed in lltoir councils of recognising the Government “de facto," without regnrdingthe question dejure. That recognition did not affect or impair the rights of Mexico, or cltunge tho relations which existed be tween her and Texas. She on the contrary, has preserved all her rights, and has continued to as sert. and so far as 1 know yet asserts, Iter right to reduce Texus to obedience, as a part of the Repub lic of Mexico. According to late intelligence, it is probable that she lias agreed upons temporary sus pension of hoatiljtiea ; but, if that has been done, I presume it is with the purpose upon the termina tion of the armistice, of renewing the war and en forcing her rights, as she considers them. This narrative shows the present ectuel condi tion of Texas, so far as 1 have information about it. If it be correct, Mexico hot not abandoned, but per severes in tiie assertion of Iter rights by actual force of arms, which, if suspended, are intended to be re newed. Under these circumstances, if the Gov ernment of the United States were to acquire Tex as, it would acauire along with it all the incumb rances which Texas ie under, end among them the