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actual or suspended war between Mexico and Tex.
a*. Of that consequence there cannot be a doubt.
Annexation and war with Mexico are identicul.
Now, forono^I certainly am not willing to involve
thie country in n foreign war for the objoct of ac.
quiring Texas. 1 know there are those who regard
such a war with iuditrerence and as a trifling affair,
on account of tho weakness of Mexico, and her in-
ability to inflict serious injury upon this country.
II il I do not luo'.t upon it thus lightly. 1 regard all
wars ns groat calamities, to be avoided, if possible,
and honorable peace as the wisest and truest policy
of this country. What the United Suites most
need are onion, peace, and patience. Nor do 1
think that tiie weakness of a Power should form «
motive, in any cuso, for inducing us to engage in
or to depreciate the evils of war. Honor und good
faith mid justice ore equally due from this country
towards the weak as toward the strong. And, n an
act of injuslico were to he perpetrated towards any
p aver, it would he mure compatible with the dignity
oftlie nation, ami. in my judgment, less dishonor
able, to inflict it upon a powerful instead of a weak
foreign nation, But are we perfectly sure thnt we
should be freo from injury in n stato of war with
Mexico ? Have we any security that countless
numbers of foreign vessels, under the authority and
flag of Mjxicn, would not prey upon our dclcnce-
less commerce in llie Mexican gulf, on the Ps'cific
Ocean, and on every other sea und ocean ? What
commerce, on tho oilier hand, does Mexico oifor,
as an indemnity for our losses, to the galluulry and
enterprise of our countrymen ? This view ul llie
subject supposes tliut the war would be confined to
the United States and Mexico ns the only hilliger.
cuts. But have wc any certain guaranty that Mex
ico would obtain no allies among llie greut Eu.
ropean Powers? Suppose any such Powers, jeal
ous of our increasing greatness, and disposed lo
check our growtli nnd cripple us, were lo lake pari
in behalf of Mexico in llie war, how would the dif
ferent belligerents present themselves to Christen
dom and the enliglilenod world? We have been
aoriously charged with an inordinate spirit of ter
ritorial aggrandizement; und, without admitting
the justice of the charge, it must, be owned tliut wo
have made vast acquisitions of territory within llie
last forty years. Suppooe Groat Britain and
France, or uno of them, were io take part with
Mexico, and, by a manifesto, were to proclaim that
their objects wore to assist a weak nnd helpless ally
to check the spirit of encroachment and ambition ol
an already overgrown Republic, seeking still fur
ther acquisitions of territory, to maintain the inde
pendence of Texas, disconnected with the United
Stutes, and to prevent the further propagation of
slavery from llie United States, what would be the
effect of such allegations upon the judgment of uii
impartial and enlighloned world?
Assuming that the annexation of Texas is wai
with Mexico, is it competent to the treaty.inuking
power to plunge this country into war, not only
without the concurrence of, hut without deigning lo
consult Congress, lo which, by the Constitution, be
longs exclusively the power of declaring war?
i have hitherto considered the question upon tho
supposition that tlio annexation is attempted with *
out tiie assent of Mexico, if she yields tier con
sent, that would materially affect tiie foreign aspect
of the question if it did not remove all foreign ditii
cullies. On tho assumption of that assent, the
question would ho confined to the domestic consid
eraliuns which belong to it, embracing the terms j
and conditions upon which annexation is proposed.!
1 do not think liiut Texas ought to be received in
to the Union, us on integral part of it, in decided I
opposition to tiie wishes of a considerable and res. |
pociuble portion of the Confederacy. I think it furj
more wise and important to compose and harmon I
ize tiie present Confederacy.as it now exists, lliun to I
introduce a new element of discord nnd distraction I
into it. in my liumbli) opinion, it should be the I
constaul und earnest endeavor of American states. I
men toeradicute prejudices, to cultivate nnd foster'
concord,und to produce general contentment among t
all parts u( our Confederacy. And true wi dom, it |
seems to me, points to the duty of rendering its I
present members happy, prosperous, and satisfied i
with eaclt other, rather than to attempt to introduce j
alien members, against the common consent nnd
with the certainty of deep dissatisfaction. Mr. I
Jefferson expressed tiie opinion, and others brliev-t
ed. dial it never was in dm contemplation of the fra
ntersof the Constitution to add foreign territory to
the Confederacy, out of which new Stutes were to I
be formed. The acquisitions of Louisiana and
Florida nitty be defended upon the peculiar ground
nf the relation in which '.Imy stood to tne Stutes of
llie Union. After they were admitted, we might
well pause aw title, people our vast wastes,develop#
our resources, prepure the means of defending what
we possess, nnd augment our strength, power, and
greatness. If hereafter further territory should he
wanted for an increased population, wo need en
tertain no apprehensions but that it will be acquired
by means, it is lo be Imped, fair, honorable, ami
constitutional.
It is useless to disguise that there are those who
espouse and those who oppose the annexation of
Texas upon the ground oi' the influence which it
would exert, in the balance of political power, be
tween two great sections of the Union. 1 conceive
that no motive for tiie acquisition of foreign terri
tory would lie more unfortunate, or pregnant witii
more fatal consequences, than that of obtaining it
for the purpose of strengthening one purl against
another part of tiie common Confederacy. Such u
principle, put into practical operation, would men.
ace tho exi gence, if it did not certainly sow the
seeds of a dissolution of tlm Union. It would be to
procluim to the world an insatiable and unquencha
ble thirst for foreign conquest or acquisition of ter
ritory. For if to day Texas ho acquired to strength
en ono part of the Confederacy, to morrow Canada
may be required to add strength to another. And,
after that might huvu been obtained, still oilier and
further acquisitions would become necessary to
equalizo and adjust tlm balance of political power.
Finally, in the progiess of this spirit of universal
dominion, tho part of llie Confederacy which is now
weakest, would find itself still weukcr from tiie ini-
possibility of securing new theatres for those pecu
liar institutions which it is charged witii being de
sirous to extend.
But would Texas, ultimately, really add strength
to that which is now considered the weukesl part of
the Confederacy ? If my information ho correct,
it would not. According to that, the territory of
Texas is susceptible of a division into five States of
convenient size und form. Of these, two only
would be adapted to those peculiar institutions to
which 1 have referred, and the other three, lying
west and nortli of San Antonio, being only adapted
lo farming and grazing purposes, from tiie nature oi
their soil, climate, and productions, would not
admit of tlioso institutions. In tho end, therefore,
there would bo two slave and three free Stales pro
bably added lo tho Union. If this view of tlm soil
and geography of Texas be correct, it might servo
to diminish the zeal built of those who oppose and
those who are urging annexation.
Should Toxns bo unuexed to the Union, the Uni-
tod Statos will assume und become responsible
for tiie debt of Texas, be its amount whui it may.
What it is, I do not know certainly ; but the least i
have seen it staled at, is thirteen millions of dollars.
Aud this responsibility will exist, whether there be
a stipulation in the treuly or not, expressly nssum.
lag the payment of the debt of Texas. For I sup.
pose it to be undeniable tliut, if one nation becomes
incorporated in unolher, ail tiie debts, and obliga
tions, nnd incumbrances, and wars of llie incurpo.
rated nation, become tho debts, and obligations, arid
incumbrances, and wars of tho common nation ere-
•tsd by tiie incorporation.
If any European nution entertains any ambitious
designs upon Texas, such as that of colonizing Iter,
nr in any way subjugating her, I should regard it ns
the imperative duly ol'llie Government of tiie Uni.
ted Stales lo oppose to such designs the most firm
and determined resislance, lo the extent, if noccssu.
ry, of appealing lo units lo prevent the accomplish*
mont of any suoh dssigns. The executive of tiie
United States ought to be informed as to tits aims
nnd views of foreign Powere with regard to Texas,
and I presume that, if there bo any of tiie excep
tionable character which I have indicated, the Ex-
ccutive will disclose to the co-ordinate departments
of tho Government, if nol the public, tlio evidence
of them. From what I have seen and licurd, 1 be-
lievo that Great Britain has recently forrnully und
soluinnly disavowed any such aims or purposes—
lias declared tliut she is desirous only of the inde
pendence of Texas, and that she lias no intention to
interfere in her domestic institutions. If ahe has
mndo such disavowal nnd declaration, 1 presume
they are in possession of the Executive,
In the future progress of events, it is probable
that thero will bo a voluntary or forcible separation
of the British North American possessions from
tiie patent country. 1 am strongly inclined to think
that it will bebestforthehappiness of all parties tliut,
in that event, they should be erected into a sepa-
rale and indepondciVi Republic. With the Canadi
an Republic on nne side, that of Texas on llie oth.
er, and the United States, tbe friend oi both, bo-
t'veen ihim, euch could advance its own happiness
by such constitutions, laws, and measures, us were
best adapted to its peculiar condition. They would
be natural allies, ready, by co operation, to repel
any European or foreign attack upon cither. Eacli
would afford a secure refuge to tho persecuted and
upprossod driven into exile by either of the otlieis.
They would emulate each other in improvements,
in free institutions, ttud in the science of self-gov-
ernmont. Whilst Texas lias adopted our Conslitu-
lion as-iiie model of hers, she has in several impur.
tuut particulars, greatly improved upon it.
Although 1 have felt compelled from llm nature
uf tiie inquiries addressed to me, lo extend this com.
muiiication to n much greater length lliun 1 could
hnvo wished, i could not do justice to tiie subject,
and fairly ami fully expeso my own opinions in a
shorter space. In conclusion, they may be stated
In a few words, to be, tliut I consider llie annexa
tion of Texas, at litis time, witiiout tlio ussent of
Mexico, us a measure compromising llie national
character, involving usceitainly in war witii Mexico,
probably with other foreign Bowers, dangerous lo
the integrity ol tlie Union, inexpedient in tiie present
financial condition oftlie country,and not culled for
by any general expression of public opinion.
1 uai, respectfully, your obedient servant.
H. CLAY.
MILLEDGEVILLF,:
Tuesday Morning, May 7, 1*11.
For President,
HENRY CLAY.
June Convention.
At a meeting of the Whig memberB of the Legislature on
the 7th of December last, the following resolution w as adopt
ed :
Resolved^ That tire Whigs of die several counties of this
.Suite he requested lo select as munv delegates us they now
send to the Legislature, under the old system, to meet at Mil-
iedgevilla on the Fourth Mohdat in June next, fortlie pur
pose of nomiuutiug Electors of President und Vice Piesident
uf llie United Stales.
WHIG NATIONAL CONVENTION
Far the nomination of Camlidates for President and Vice
President of the Untied States.
Tlio National Whig Convention, as contemplated, as
sembled at Baltimore on the 1st inst. Its proceedings
are before us, but as we have already but little variety
in our paper of to-day, we shall content ourselves with
only a synopsis of the proceedings. All tire States were
represented in the Convention, the utmost good feeling
and harmony prevailed, and the enthusiasm is repre
sented by the "American," as being as great as that of
lb-10.
At 11 o’clock, on the 1st, the Delegates assembled
at the UniverBalist Church. For tlio purpose of organ
izing the Convention, the Hon. Arthur L. Hopkins,
from Alabama, was appointed President pro ton. Mr.
Hopkins took '.lie Chair and submitted to the Conven
tion that tiie blessing of God should he invoked upon
the Assembly on the occasion. For that purpose, the
Rev, Mr. Johns would pronounce the first prayer made
before tlio Continental Congress.
The Lord’s prayer was then uttered, followed by
some of the most appropriate prayers of the episcopal
service. The immense assembly stood while tho pray,
era were read, and the scene was most impressive.
Another of the city clergymen, Rev. Mr. Williams,
read appropriate passages from the word of God, ex
horting the people “to walk worthy of their vocation.”
The lion. Ambrose Spencer, of Netv-York, was then
chosen President, and 20 Vico Presidents appointed,
among whom was Mr. Dawson, of Georgia.
After an Address from the President ol lire Conven
tion,
Mr. Watkins Leigh, of Virginia, tn brief terms slat,
sd the occasion under which tho Convention had met.
The great object was to nominate candidates for l’resi.
dent and Vice President. For the first office there was
a hearty unanimity for Henry Clav—a word that ex
pressed more enthusiasm—that had in it more eloquence
than the names of Chatham, Burke, Patrick Henry, and
to us than any other and all other men together. Mr.
Leigh proposed the following resolution:
Resolved, Thnt this Convention unanimously no.
minntc nnd recommend to the People of the United
Slates ItENItY CLAY, of Kcutucky, ns President
of these United States,
A thousand voices sounded almost a thousand times
" amen” and "amen,” accompanied by such cheers and
clapping of hands as tho world never heard befuro.—
The choerH were prolonged for many minutes, and with
such deafening shouts as made the church quake.
A motion was made that a committee of five mem-
hors be appointed to inform Mr. Clay of his nomination.
The following committee was appointed lo inform Mr.
Ci.ay of his nomination :
Messrs. Berrien of Georgia; La whence of Mas-
sachusetts ; Archer, of Virginia ; Burnett of Ohio ;
and Erastus Root, of New York.
A motion was made by a Delegate from N. Y. to in
vito Mr. Clay to attend the Convention to-morrow
(Thursday.) The Convention were divided us to tho
propriety of this step when a Delegate from Maryland
reatl the following letter from Henry Clay, tho good
sense of which all present acceded to:
Washisoton, April 29, 1811.
My Pear Hir:—I cannot reconcile it to iny sense ot ileli-
cncy and propriety to attend either of the Whig Conventions
this week in Baltimore- Such is tny deliberate judgment. I
hope tny friends will acquiesce in my detorminatiun, und not
urgu me to revoke it, which I cannot do.
Yours, faithfully, II. CI.AY.
Tu Uevkrdv Johnson, Esq., Baltimore.
Letters were received from tho Ifon. Gforge Ev.
anb, tho Ifon. JonN M. Clayton, and the Hon. John
McLean, withdrawing their names from the considers*
tion of the Convention, as candidates for the Vice Pres
idency.
Messrs. John Davis, of Massachusetts, Millard
Fillmore, of New York, Theodore Frelinguuysen, *f
New Jersey, and John Sergeant of Pennsylvania, were
put in nomination, and tho following is tlio result.
Whole number of votes
275
Necessary to a choice
.
138
llsfil
l’-’d]
13d.]
John Davis
83
74
78
Millard Fillmore
Ji3
51
40
Theodore Frolingltuyaen
101
118
155
Joint Sergeant
38
32
On the first ballot, the Delegations out of New Eng.
laud were divided—five were for Joint Davis, and It.
Island for Mr. Frolinghuysen. N. York for Mr. Fill,
more, and scattering votes woro thrown for him in the
West. Mr. Sergeant roceived scattering votes in tho
West. After tlio second ballot, Mr. Sergeant’s name
was withdrawn.
The venerable President announced that
THEODORE FHELINGHEY8EN
having received tho majority of votea wai the Candi
date of tho Convention, A score of cheers followed.
Judgo Burnet, of Ohio, offered the following resolu
tion, which was unanimously adopted :
Resolved, That THEODORE FRELINGHDYSEN
ia unanimously Aommated to the office of Vico Presi
dent, and that ho be presented to tho American People
for that office.
Mr. Lumi’kin of Georgia, said lie was not with
out aoperslilious credulity on this occasion, He be-
lieved there was sometimes virtue in a name. “The
odore !” "the gift of God to man." So tho people
would take it, and so lie believed it would prov.i to he.
He then went into a brief hut beautiful speech, which
wob warmly received by all the listeners on acc-aunt ot
the generous feeling it expressed for all the Union. He
concluded with the following resolution :
Resulted. That the Nation he requested to meet on
the 3d of July next, in State Convention, in all the
States of the Union to respond to the nomination.
Alter responses from other Delegates of the differ
ent Slates, and after passing several resolution t, the
Convention adjourned sinedie.
Wo learn that the Southern Delegates, generally vo
ted for Mr. Frelenghuyson.
texasTand the treaty.
It haa not fallen to our lot since we have had Conner,
tion with the press, to present to our readers a paper
containing in it matter of as great importance lo the
welfare, the prosperity and perpetuity of this Union, as
this number contains. A responsibility therefore de
volves upon us, in the expression of our sentiments;—
humble and unpretending as we are, or desire lobe—
which, though we should gladly shun,yet,buoyed up witii
a consciousness ol the rectitude of our intentions, we
fearlessly meet, asking only front those, with whom we
weekly hold converse, an unprejudiced hearing, anti,
should our premises or conclusions unfortunately differ
from theirs, indulgence not denunciation—for, iike litem,
the right if we know it, shall only be pursued. We
premise this much only, because of the excitement anil
agitation of the public mind, in relation to Texas and
the Treaty, and the tetters of Mr. Clay and Mr. Van
BureN, together with tiie official papers which the Pres
ident of Utu U. Elates has transmitted lo the Senate, alt
of which, with other matter pertairing to the same sub
ject, will be found in our columns to-day.
No one can regret more than *ve do the necessity
which compels us to write our eentiments on this occa
sion. Much would wo have preferred abiding the Sen
ate’s discussion aud determination of the important
question of annexation lo i he U. Stales of Texas, than
for it to be made a newspaper warfare, in which many,
we regret to say, are engaged, more for the purpose of
advancing party interests, than for promoting the wel
fare of a Republic whose founders were such men ns
the illustrious Washington, the philosopher, Frank
lin, the statesmen Jefferson and Madison, and a host,
ot aB pure patriots as the new or the old world ever
saw, or celebrated ip history or song. But it is forced
upon us to speak out—our political opponents will have
it su—and our political friends demand it at our hands.
The first, we know, and fear not any of their assaults
—the latter, we respect, and as far as in our power it
may lie, we shall always cheerfully accommodate and
oblige. We, therefore, enter into the contest not to agi.
tale tho public, mind, already more than sufficiently ex-
cited, but to discharge a duty, to review the whole sub-
jeet calmly, temperately, and, at the same time, to ex
press uur firm convictiuns ol what we believe to be the
true policy of the Government; that one best calcula
ted to promote the common good of the whole people.
The press of our opponents, the Democratic, Van
Buren(J) Press, call loudly upon the Whig Papers, de
manding, as though they were the only representatives
of the people’s views, why il is that we do not cry out
lustily for “Texas and the Treaty!”—and taunt us
with being opposed to Southern interests. All that we
shall say in reply to such as this, is to refer those who are
thus dogmatic and arbitrary, to Mr. Van Buren’s letter,
and if this authority does nol satisfy them, which, con-
sidering the paBt, is hardly a suppoBable case, they may
then peruse somewhat more of this article which we de
sign for the more immediate use of, not partisans hut
tho people at large, the bone and sinew of our Slate,
In the first place, then, we are not against the annex
ation ol Texas to the United States, hut for it and yet,
with the lights before us we are opposed to the movements
and course pursued by the Ileadsof the Federal Govern
ment, touching this whole matter. II u w could we. horn
and reared, in the South—with a Southern sun always
shining above our heads—and educated to believe in the
utility of Southern institutions—we ask, how could we
be opposed at heart, or as a measure of good policy, to
the annexation of a people to our people, who are hone
of our hone, and flesh of our flesh—how could we he
opposed to the annexation of a laud to our land, whoso I
soil and climate are like ours, and whose closer conitec-
tion with us. would tend to strengthen the political pul- '
icy of the South! Il is preposterous for political oppo- i
nents to think otherwise than that wc are in favor of I
annexation — it is assuming to themselves, even more !
than wc Itavo over yet given idem credit tor, the solo I
guardianship of Southern rights, and Southern interests, j
We ask of such, to he patient for a while, lest their j
zeal, if not arrogance, involve litem in a dilemma from ;
which it will he hard to escape. Let them pause a Ip- 1
tie, and they will find that il is not those who make I
the greatest fuss nbout the annexation of Texas, who
are really the true friends of such a policy ! Let them
remember, if Mr. Van Buron’s letter lias not already
taught them so, that there are two ways of doing a good
thing—a right and a wrong way—and if Texas is an-,
nexed lo the United Stales, in any oilier than the right j
way, admitting that no earthly power can interfere or j
injure tins Republic for so receiving that territory, let t
them remember, that such an annexation will detract |
from, und not add lo our national character! This, it j
is true, may be a small consideration with some men* I
but it is a remarkable fact, which all history proves, I
that the first sLep to any Government’s fall, may be j
traced to injury inflicted upon foreign nations; and it
is also equally true that a Government guilty of such
conduct, will soon trample upon the liberties of its own
people. The necessity of preserving the national hon
or should, upon no consideration whatsoever, ever be |
lost sight of. Tho statesmen who do so, place their,
country in the wrong—the people who sanction Buch
diplomacy arc themselves in the wrong. No good can
ever conic of it, and much of evil is to be always ap
prehended.
The letters of Mr. Clay and Mr. Van Buren are full
and explicit upon this subject. Both oppose tho pre
sent annexation of Texas, and both assign their reasons
which, wc think, will satisfy the larger portion of the
people, North, or South. The advocates too of imme
diate annexation, aud of the Treaty now before tho
Senate for ratification, will also find ill other documents
which we publish, reasons why tho Treaty should be
confirmed. Thus both sides will have a fair hearing, or
at least such a one as the limits of our paper will ena
ble us to give in a single number. We hopo our rea
ders will refer to these documents for light, to satisty
themselves, as well as to arrive at a correct understand-
ing of the reasons which induco ui to occupy the ground
wo do—for it is impossible, in the limits of an edi
torial article, to present every thing that may he proper
to sustain our position.
We have said that we are not oppoaed to the annexa
tion of Texas to the United States—hut, wo do say
that wo are opposed to tlio political scheme which gave
birth to the present Treaty, und to almost every move,
ment in ado by the present Administration in sustaining,
and in pressing it to completion. Wo do most con-
fldenlly believe that this Treaty haa been originated,
and forced upon the cons.deration of the Country, more
locflV'cl purposes foreign to what is pretended, than to
further llie true internals either oftlie South or of Tex.
as. That the people of Texas are aincerely desirous of
being allied to tho United Slates, we do not qaostion-
Tbit ia but natural, and must, in the course of eventt |
be effected. We charge them not with being in.
fluenced, in making their application, by any improper
motive. Wo know that it is their interest to be united
to us, and in malting their application, they but do wliai
self preservation demands of thorn. It is not of them
wc complain ;—it ia of those who, a few years since,
treated a similar proposition with cool reserve—declar
ed it would be a violation of national honor—and who
now aro engaged in the most intemperate and heated
advocacy of the project ,-—it is of those who are ms,
king it a political question ; who would sever this glo
rious Union; involve it in a desolating war with
foreign nations ; form three confederacies ; or do any
other act, to place themselves in power, for the brief
space of a Presidential term. Of this, we have a right
to complain—it is our duty to do so, and to warn the peo
ple, that they be not deluded into the aupporl of desper
ate measures planned and put forth by desperato men.
The position which the United States should occupy
in relation to Texas, is the one that she has thus far
occupied. This government has long ago, aud often,
recognised the right of Mexico to Texas—and so long
as Mexico claims her right to Texas, tho United States
cannot in honor, while at peace with that Nation, re
ceive Texas into the Union, except to prevent its
transler lo another power. As well might Spain ac
cept a proposition from Florida to bo again united to
that country, as for the United States to receive Texas.
What would bo the consequence, we ask, if Spain were
•were to thus act ? Why the answer is in the month of
Elio reader at once — war, war to the hilt, would bo a:
mice declared, and Spain would be made to feci, that
her love to the people of Florida, would not protect
her from summary chastisement. What then are we
to expect from Mexico, should the Treaty be ratified!
Certainly Mexico lias some national pride, and if site
has, weak though she may be,yet will she show us,
her superior, that, if she cannot conquer, she can, at
least, greatly annoy, and seriously injure our commerce
with other nations.
It is not though alone with Mexico that wo have to
contend. She will have an ally, powerful enough to
cope with the United States, even though we were
twice as strong as we now are, or can expect to bo in
twenty years to cotne. We, of course, mean Great
Britain. This too has, it appears from the published
documents accompanying the President’s Message, uot
been lost sight of by the present Administration.—
Knowing that any invasion of the rights of Mexico, to
extend our greatness as a nation, would procure front
Great Britain not only sympathy, but assistance to re
pel it, and that the people of the United States have no
desire to provoke such a state of tilings, an excuse has
been vamped up, and Great Britain, in spite of her dis
claimer, has been made a party in the matter, and her
position in relation lo uur domestic institutions, is as.
signed to Mexico, as a reason why this Government de-
sires to trample her pretensions in the dust, and rob her
of a territory, her claim to which, he site able or not to
maintain it, this Government has most solemnly ac
knowledged. We assert nothing but what is proved
by documentary evidence, all of which we shall pre
sent to the reader.
Seriously indeed should those who are so actively
engaged in advocating the immediate annexation of
Texas, without at all respecting the rights of Mexico,
or tho views of the European powers, reflect upon the
effects of involving this country in war. And most so.
riously too should those who contend for the annexa
tion upon Southern grounds, pause and calculate the
advantages and disadvantages accruing to them in such
a contest. Defending our rights when assailed, it is
then, and only then, that the cost of war should never
he counted—but it is quite a different matter when
war is declared against us for interference with others’
rights, for the purpose of self aggrandizement. Let it
be tried when it will, and our word for it, ere it is over,
there will not be a man in our State, who, when he sees
the untilled cotton field, and witnesses the genera)
abandonment of agricultural pursuits, but will wish
that the cost had been fairly counted, ere this Govern,
ment had assumed so hasty and rash a position.
These, and other views advanced in the letters al.
ready referred to, place us in opposition to the move
ment of the President and his Cabinet, in relation to
Texas. With all our desire to see that rich and fertile
country annexed to this, we cannot so far forget a duty
which we owe to all interested, as to advocate a move,
ment, rash in the extreme, to say nothing of tho politi
cal nnnouvre which so plainly characterizes it. Like
Cain, it is stamped with a brand in the forehead, which,
at a glance, exposes the whole secret.
No! we go for tho annexation of Texas to the United
Slates upon quite different principles. We will have
it upon the square, by conquest, or by fair Treaty with
boll) Mexico and Texas. It is natural that that rich
and fertile country should be a part and parcel of this,
and it must he ere many years shall pass away. No
interference on the part of Great Britain, or any other
foreign power, to control, or to make Texas llteir colony,
would we tolerate for a moment. In such an event, if
nothing else would do, wo should even advocate the
taking possession of Texas by force. This though lias
not been, and we do nol think, will ever he, attempted.
Great Britain utterly disclaims it, and if she makes
no such attempt, il is reduced to a certainty that no
other European power ever will. Let us settle what
we conceive to be the main difficulty, and then we will
advocate annexation, with as much zeal as any of its
present advocates! Let Mexico give her consent, and
the great foreign diffiottlly will at once he removed!
Let the Treaty then ho submitted to the proper author
ities, and so far as we aro concerned, wo shall advocate
its ratification by the Senate! But we join no political
clique to add to their small capita 1 , when we feel al-
most confident that any sacrifice of public interest will
be made to advance their supremacy. We are attached
to our Government, its institutions,and lo tho Union —
we desire to see neither of them in a crippled state, hut
all flourishing and happy. As for war, we look upon
it as the greatest calamity which can befall us as a
people, if we except the throe confederacies which some
contend can now be and ought to be made out of these
six and twenty States. From such a scheme wc hope
to he forever free, and we shall most certainly never
advocate annexation upon that ground. We shall go
for it though upon tho broad ground of its being a na.
tional benefit, for if it can ever be beneficial to tiie
Southern States, it niU6t of necessity be so to the whole
Union.
We cannot closo this article, without calling tho at
tention of our readers to the letter of Mr. Clay. They
will find him in it, freely and frankly speaking nut his
views, and taking high national ground for his founds-
tion. No one who reads it will fail to see that no mo
tive but Ilia country's guod, controls him or his opin
ions. Mr. Van Buron's letter is a so an able one, in
which the w hole subject ia discussed at length. lie
will bring down upon his head the abuse of a largo por
tion of his former allies, hut we have no doubt that tiie
larger portion of (lie Democracy in the U. States, will
sustain the sentiments put forth in his able letter.
THE SAVANNAH REPUBLICAN.
We notice by a lato Savannah Republican that the
senior Editor of that paper having determined to make,
a visit to Europo, tlio set vices of S. T. Chai'Man, Esq
hive been engaged, who will assist llte present Junior
Editor in conducting tlio Republican for the lime being
Though the Republican has been one of the ablest ami
best conducted papers ill the Slate, wo doubt whether
it will sufll-r under its present management—Mr. C. If
well informed, a good attj efficient writer, and cannot
but well supply the place lie lias assumed.
a£l hail viroihia !
Tho Whig* of this good old Commonwealth havo no.
bly done their duty—having obtained, it io supposed, a
sufficient msjority in the House of Delegates,to over
come the Democratic majority in the Ssnato—sna
thereby aecuretho election of a U. S. Senator—and
having also carried the popular vote in the State. Lest
year tho Locofocomajority in the House was 10, m the
Senates. From tho counties heard from, the Whig*
have already a majority of eight in the Houae. Mr.
Ritchie apeaks despairingly, and that's enough. Well
done, Virginia!
rr The Hon. Dixon II. Lewis now a repreaentative
in Congress from Alabama, haa been appointed by the
Gov.-rnor U. S. Senator, to supply the place made va-
cant by the Hon. W. R. King, Minister to France.
ITMr. Weoster, in compliance with an invitation
of a committee, addressed the Whig Convention of Ra
tification, at Baltimore,on Thursday last,
BALDWIN SUPERIOR COURT,
Arntu 30th, 1844.
Iverson L. Harris, Esq- from the Committee pre
viously appointed for the purpose,£made the following
report:— ,
Si use the session of this Court in March last, the
Bar of Milledgeville have been deprived by death of
one of its most valued members, FRANCIS V. DE*
LAUNEY, Esq. So frequently has it been summoned
within llie last ten years to render its tribute of
respect to the memory of a departed brother, that Mr.
Deiauney, though but a middle aged man, indeed in the
meridian of manhood, was at llie time of his lamented
death, its eldest member. Tilts fact is lull of sad ad-
monition to the surviving few of the local, who have on
this occasion united with tbe Circuit Bar, to mingle
their griefs together in a common affliction proceeding
front a common loss.
We indulge in none of the'stereotype forms of eulo
gy, unmeaning oft as they are insincere, when we ex
press our conviction that his intellectual merit was
much beyond llte professional reputation winch he had
acquired with the public. Unobtrusive and diffident,
and without a particle of vanity, he did not secure, be
cause the qualities of liis mind forbade its pursuit, that
most fugitive of all professional reputations, the reputa
tion of eloquent advocacy. He preferred the solid to
the specious, and sought no other rank in tho profession
than that which is attained by the application of a clear
mind, deliberate in its investigations, earnestand saga
cious in the search of truth, lo the pursuit in which he
was engaged. His faculties and habits better fitted
him for the duties of the Counsellor and Special Plea
der, than for the more brilliant career of the advocate,
and such is indeed the organization of our judicial sys-
tem, that a just appreciation of the former cannot be
had until a proper forum is provided tor their appropri
ate exhibition.
We have spoken of Mr. Deiauney as a lawyer—it is
as a man we delight most in contemplating the charac
ter lie has left with us, and which will five after him.
With strong but well regulated paesions.he never gave
utterance to those emotions of anger which mark the
man of impulse, and which are so often the sources of
hitter regrets. With a steady and unfaltering firmness
he pursued the path of duty as it was illumined by rea
son and illustrated by principle. Uniformly urbane,
his deportment was kind and bland, and frank and un-
affected, sincere and unselfish. No man was ever a
truer friend.
We will not dwell however upon thoBe numerous
virtues and traits of character which classed him with
tho best of men, hut we cannot close this last unpre
tending and heartfelt offering of respect to the dead,
without adding that there was an ennobling beauty in his
private life without a stain—as also in the pure and un
sullied integrity with which the several public trusts,
at various times confided to him, were discharged—fur
nishing to all within the circle of his acquaintance at'
example for imitation—aman upright and without re
proach. With a deep sense of the loss we have sus
tained in the severance of a tie stronger and closer than
that of a common membership of the same honorable
profession, we recommend that
The members of the Ocmulgee Bar and the officers
of this Court will wear the customary badge of mourn
ing for thirty days. That these proceedings be entered
on the minutes of the Court as a just mark of respect to
one of its officers.
That His Honor Judge Cone be requested to trails,
a copy of these proceedings to the family of tho deceas
ed.
And further, that these proceedings bo signed by
His Honor Judge Cone, and that the papers in Mil*
ledgcvillc be respectfully requested to publish the Bame.
F. H. CONE.
A true extract from the Minutes.
D. M. MCDONALD, Clerk.
The Texas Treaty.
Tiie New York Evening Post of Saturday afternoon
contains the Texas Annexation Treaty and its accom
panying documents, which have been communicated to
the U.S.Senate. They fill a number of columns, and oc
cupy a space lar greater than we can devote to them at
this particular juncture. We therefore onlygive the
Treaty at tins tune.
IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Apart 22, 1844.
Read the first and second times, referred lo the committee
on foreign relations, and ordered to be printed in confi.
deuce for the use uf the Senate.
TREATY OF ANNEXATION,
Concluded between tho United States of America and
the Republic of Texas, at Washington, the 12th day
of April, 1844.
The people of Texas having, at the time of adopting
her constitution, expressed, by an almost unanimous
vote, their tlestre to he incorporated into the Union of
the U till'd Stales, and being still desirous of the same
with equal unanimity, in order to provide more effect
ually lor their security and prosperity ; and the United
States, actuated soley by the desire tu add lo their own
security and prosperity, and to meet the wishes of too
government aud people of Texas, have determined to
accomplish, by treaty, objects so important to their mu
tual and permanent welfare.
For that purpose, the President of the United States
has given lull powers to John C. Calhoun, Secretary of
' Siate of llte United Slates, and the President of the Re-
public of Texas Das appointed, with like powers, Isaac
Van Zandl and J. Pinckney Henderson, citizens of the
said Republic, and the said plenipotentiaries, after ex
changing their full powers, have agreed on and conclu-
ded the lolluwing articles :
Art. I. Tho Republic of Texas acting inconfortni-
ty with the wishes oftlie people, and every department
of its government, cedes to the United Stales all its ter
ritories, to he hold by them in full property and sover
eignty, and to he annexed to the said United States as one
ol their territories subject to tlio same constitutional
provisions with their other lerritories. This cession
includes ail public lots and squares, vacant lands, mines
minerals, salt lakes and springs, public edifices, for.
Plications, barracks, ports and harbors, navy and navy
yards, docks, magazines, arms, armaments and accoti-
tremeuts, archives and public documents, public funds,
debts, taxes and dues unpaid at tiie time of the ex
change of the ratifications of this treaty.
Art. II. The citizens uf Texas shall be incorpora'
ted into the Union of the United States, maintained and
protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty and pro
perty, and admitted as soon as may be consistent with
the principles of the federal constitution, to the enjoy
ment of all the rights, privileges aud immunities of cit
izens of the United States.
Art. 111. All titles and claims to real estate, which
are valid under the laws of Texas, shall he held lo he
so by the United Stales; and measures shall be adopt,
ed for the speedy adjudication of all unsettled claims
to land, and patents shall be granted to those found to
bo valid.
Art. IV. The public lands hereby ceded shall be
subject to the laws regulating the public lands in the
oilier Territories of the United Slates, as far as they
may be applicable ; subjecl, however, to such alterations
and changes us Congress may from tints to time think
proper to make. It is understood between the parties,
that if in consequence of the tnodo in which lands havo
been surveyed in Texas, or from previous grants or lo.
cations, the sixteenth section cannot be applied fortlie
purpose of education, Congress shall make equal pro.
vision by grant of land elsewhere. —Ami it is also far.
ther understand, that hereafter, the books, papers, and
documents of (ho general land office of Texas shall he
deposited and kept at such place in Texas as the Con
gress of the United States shall direct.
Art. V. Tne United Stales assume and agree to
pay the public debt and liabilities of Texas, however
created, for which tlio faith or credit of her Government
may be buund at thu time of the exchange of the
ratifications of this treaty ,- which dubts and liabilities
are estimated not lo exceed in the whole, ten millions
of dollars, to ho asceflatned aud paid in the manner
hereinafter stated.
The payment of tho sum of three hundred aud fifty
thousand dollars shall bo made at the Treasury of thu
United Elates, within ninety days after the exchange
of the ratifications of thie treaty as follows
hundred and fifty thousand dollars to Frederick [),,-?
of Baltimore, or bis executors, on the <1< It very of 2
amount of ten per cent, bonds of Texas; one a--?*
thousand dollars, if so much be required, m the ,32*
tion of tiie exchequer bills which may be in c tre ~^
at tho timo of the exchange of the ratification,
treaty. For the payment •? the remainder of the
and liabilities of Texas, which, together wj t j,
amount already specified, shall not exceed trn
of dollars, the public lands herein ceded, aad~Z-
net revenue from the same, arc hereby plednj '
A«t. VI. In order to ascertain the fxlUSSN
the debts and liabilities herein issnmed, and t),,’
ily and validity thereof, four commissioners shall t,
pointed by the President of the United Slates h.
with the advice and consent of the Senate, who
meet at Washington, Texas, within the Deriod ol
months after the exchange of the ratification,„»
this treaty, and may continue in session not t—
twelve months, unless the Congress of the U.
should prolong the time. They shall taka an '
the faithful discharge of their duties, and (bat thn^
not directly or indirectly interested in said eliiL,
the time, and will not be during their continue,*, •
office; and the said oath shall be recorded with |J[
proceedings.
In case of the death or sickness, or reilgnatsA
any of the commissioners, bis or their place or pW?
may be supplied by the appointment as aforesaidl-E
the President of tbe United Slates during theiwS
of the Senate. They, ora majority of them,
authorized, under such regulations as the Congn*S
the United States may prescribe, to hear, ox,njj2j
decide on ail questions touching the legality and,2
ity of said claims, and shall, when a claim it aline
issue a certificate to the claimant stating the
distinguishing principal from interast. The certifi-S
so issued shall be numbered, and entry made o(fc
number, the name of the person to whom issued 2
the amount, in a book to be kept for that purpon! '
They shall transmit the records of their proceed*
and the book in which the certificates are entered"!?
the vouchers and documents produced before tbeatl
lative to the claims allowed or rejected, to the Trait
ry Dopartment of tho United States, to be demM
therein; and tho Secretary of the Treasury ,hj|2
soon as practicable after the receipt of the same,
lain the aggregate amount of the debts and IjabiS
allowed; and if the same, when added to the in
to be paid to Frederics Dawson, and the eum,
may be paid in the redemption of tin- exchequer |
•hall not exceed the estimated sum of ten rnillio——
dollars, ho shall, on the presentation of a certified,if
tbe comtuiasionars, issue, at the option of the holder,
new certificate for the amount, distinguishing pritnid
from interest, and payable to him or order, out o(2
net proceeds of the public lands hereby ceded, or ,uu
of the United States, for the amount allowed; ]M y,
ing principal and interest, and bearing an iittereuU
three per cent, per annum, from the the date dump
which stock, in addition to being made payablo o«l
the net proceeds of the public lands hereby ceded «M
also be receivcable in payment for the same. '
In case the amount of the debts and liabilities tlht,
ed, with the sums aforosaid to be paid to Fred;,
Dawson, and which may be paid in the redemptwa.d
the exchequer bills, shall exceed the same said ,tug#
ten millions of dollars, the said Secretary, before iutm
a new certificate, or stock,as tbe case may be,it}
make in each case such proportionable and rateabl, -
duction on its amount as to reduce the aggregate ts£
said sum of ten millions of dollars, and he shall i
power to make all needful rules and regulation, net
eary to carry into effect tbe powers hereby vests! h
him.
Art. VII. Until farther provision shall be
the laws of Texas, ai now existing, shall remiitx
force, at.d all executive and judicial officers of Tent
except the President, Vice President, and heads of'
partments, shall retain their offices, with all power l
authority appertaining thereto, and the courts of ju* '
shall remain in all respects aa now established and
ganized.
Am. VIII. Immediately after the exchange of iji
ratifications of this treaty, the President of the Unit!
Stales, by and with the advice and consent of the 8»
ate, shall appoint a commissioner, who shall procettlk
Texas and receive the transfer of the territory thend
and all tho archives and public property and othi
things iterein conveyed, in llie name of tbe Unit!
States. He shall exercise all executive authority i
said lerrlory necessary to tbe proper execution of th
laws, until otherwise provided.
Art. IX. The present treaty shall be ratified bylbl
contracting parties, and the ratifications exchanged
the city of Washington, in six months from thedaU
hereof, or sooner if possible.
In witness whereof, we, the undersigned, plenitk
tentiarie, of the United States of America tali
the Republic of Texas, have signed, by virtu, d
our powers, the present treaty of annexation, id
havo hereunto affixed our seals, respectively.
Done at Washington, the twelfth day of April
eiglitteen hundred and forty four.
J. 0. CALHOUN, rSeff.1
ISAAC VAN ZANDT, [Sell.
J. PINCKNEY HENEDRSON. jSe,l|
It haa been recently stated in the ncwspapeil
that the Hon. B. F. Butler of New York was on l
journey to the Hermitage. One of the explii
lions oftlie object of his journey is thus staled ins
Pittsburgh paper :
After tiie result of the Connecticut election
ascertained, Mr. Van Buren, disheartened by lbs
disustrious defeats of the Locufoco party in ihX
State and Maryland, and in the town election, il
New York, despatched Mr. Ex.Attorney Gewnl
Butler, bis bosom friend, with a messuge to bit
friends at Washington, committing his case «U
• heir Imuds, and expressing his willingness to is-
linquish itis claims to a nomination if the inter*#
of the Democratic party, in their opinion, denud
ed the sacrifice. At Washington, a« the story
goes, tlm scheme was then concocted witii Mr. Vu
Buren's consent, of course, to make an attempt W
induco Gen. Jackson to permit his name to I#
used by tiie Uultimore Convention os the Candida#
for President, with Mr. Van Buren as the caitdidi#
for Vice President.
Tiie Old Coon Trbe’d.—When Mr. Clay nudl
his appearance at the Bnrbacue,on Saturday last,
tltere was such a tremendous rush towards him,ths*
we really feared lie would bo smothered or tramp
led under foot by die enthusiastic moss. At length
seeing the danger lie was in, ho made for a lreo,id
bracing himself against it, he said with his inimita
ble pleasantry—“Ah ! on id he, you have treo’dlbl
old Coon ut Inst!” Such an uproarious shout f
followed this remark, was never heard before.
Raleigh Register.
Tito following extract is taken from a spescb
delivered by Mr. Clay in 1832 ;
“Of uii foreigners, none amalgamate themself#
so quickly with our people ai the natives of tbs
Emerald Isle. In some of the visions which hi#
pussed through my imagination, 1 have suppo*!
that Ireland wus, originally, part and parcel of lb#
Continent, und dial by some extraordinary convul
sion of nature, it was torn from America, and, drift'
ing across die ocean, wus placed in the unfurtuM#
vicinity uf Great Britain. The same openhearltd-
ness ; die same generous hospitality ; llte a*# 1
careless and uncalculaling indifference about bit-
man life, characterize the inhabitants of botli’COM-
tries. Kentucky has been sometimes railed fi#
Ireland of America. And 1 have no doubt that,if
the current of emigration were reversed, and #j
from America upon tiie shores of Europe, inaie*
of bearing from Europe lo America, every Ameri
can emigrant to Ireland would there find ai evsff
Irish emigrant hero finds, a hearty welcome sodl
happy Itottto !’’
During Mr. Clay’s visit here,as well aa at olb#
points of the State, several Loco Focos franklj
gave in their adhesion to Mr. Clay, and told hi#
plainly, thnt they could no longer hold out, *•
would vote for him if they lived-—Ral. Reg•
Salt.—This article ii singled out wlionovertbs
Locofoco* abuse the Whig Tariff. Jt i» » oW
ed eight cents n bushel. Under the tariff* of lw*>
1821 and 1829. it was taxed twenty cents*
el, and for this tax, Van Buren, Jackaon, C#lho*> n -
Benton. Johnson und Buchunan, the greut g°d* ®
Locofncoism, all voted. The Whigs reduoed 1
from ton cent*, the duly imposed by the compm""*'
of 1842, to eight cunts. In tho files of these
Locofoco* have iltu audacity Io vilify the Whifi#'
account of (lie tax on foreigu salt! The LoC#JJ*
arc eo lar gone that neither an outcry abuuisaB##
even salt itself eau save them.—-Lou. Jour,