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„ rsu£r| %,; "‘ f SH|3e£~ bateUtrMMi'liWiun. iWw »« »r*t iQ, » UtkHMtairi (km I* ik. . ,*» *k*l”*I I* .kick ik* immi eAke|l'«ela . ,.Mic |Sh W til Ol^| -- ' -»* nd^r , i'-»* 4*1 ■ r‘l’ : HfiOB’-W'"-' 101 IttWu of Madison, be unquestionable. (I P- 86.) la (peaking *f tha to the Convention, he eeyet 11 During Iht d«l*y* and voi,. XXXV- p** ^IkM *eleeHl «*/ Srtl'W •ttSkR.t eesklie s.RtleB.ea A* (rit Tl.i i ik« e*ett, VinisMTk* ••-•Ikemr* *f **l*,*t ik* plan .fee!,- It Ik* auktr *»Mf • Ik* MUir* M.i.ineiMr*, of Admlel-ira > ^*“« r “ w4 ‘ •jjujjyjjjjji . Iiheemy, k*il»«* la Ilk* ma -fottr 4*j*cr«*lo*il* ika dag eTule. bttf* la ik* baUara *ae Oradiiora ef *a Raut* am be paWUwd ittkaiaaMlaatlaawill ke stele la tka Caan afOrdlaarg fo> ankUSill. laart MeaMlakad far rOUR KONTII8. I M laarala **U NBUSOK*, me.l ka pakllakcd far FIX III IS.hehre.aT enter akaaiat* akall ka laada tkaraoa ky ikr -tH.nfer Lnlir* ef .1 l.aiaialraliaa, <en-t ka |>akluk*d thirty Jt*t dla sltriosfiresi siatel.iretlee, aMaUUy *U auaila—tar SI*, ■afi.vi II* irJiuakla. IWtadca*. n»*f >r f«KjU*ar* er MeHS*f* »a*l ka nabllakcd saoelAJr for W.aOakllaktae kMI papar*. far Ik. fl.ll inn ./ Uri. ■ apaMag IMte* fra at Rateiilara or Adialalttralora, pa kalkM ka*a (iraa ky Ik* daeaaMd, IM/Uliyau */ Ikrr* leaiiaavaill always kreoallaaad aieatdiag la lhaar, tka legal >,aalaaaalkarwl«a ardared |kati*aa^aflklriilaeeMU^a*l*>*a*ireyr*aipl*lteiilUin alike KsiTTAtVGXS If BAIL.—"A paHaiaatermay encloae aioaey latter la tkaaaklbkar ar a atwanayer.l* pay Ik* aabacrlMlon of a 4 aerrta^ad fl aaklka 11 War, If vtktlaay kiaiaalf.**— data* Kcu- POLITtCAL. _ ‘spTexTh 7 . r 1 11 Of THE >*. A- U. STEPHENS, OF GEORGIA. tout the Tarif Bill reported bp Ike Committee ' Wage end Mesne, delivered in the Hour« of eprerentativee, Map 7ik, 1844. Me. Stspbeh* (aid: Mr. Chairmen, I do not i to make e epeeeli to my constituents, at (lie iMeitton who bai jukt taken Mi (eat said-of him- Wlien I with to address them, I prefer to be ongil them, end to meet them face to face, os I ire done, upon the subject* touched upon in this Late, and as I (hall always take pleasure in do- g, when opportunity affords, as well upon this as I other questions involving their inierest. But i will never be the place selected by mo for that I rise, sir, at this time, to address my- elf to tlie members of this Committee—to give l my views upon the subject before them—to •lice some of the remarks made by gentlemen have preceded ine in the discussion—and to vent, if possible, by anything I can say, the pas- of the bill now under consideration—as I aider it a measure not only unwise in detail, but arly destructive in its ends of the necessary re* {renues of the Government—apart from its iujuri- i effects upon many of the great interest! of the airy: Nor do I intend to follow gentlemen in sir “fancy sketches,” in declamation against I'systems of legalized plunder and robbery,” and Vlegislation for the benefit of the few to the injury T the many,” or to “build up one class by the op tion of another,” or to “enrich one aection at ! expense of another." These have been the general denunciations of i who advocate this measure, against the act bf 1843—who, instead of offering the House any reason for the passage of the present bill, ave exhausted their time, as well as their arguments, tthe multiplication of violent and harsh epithets gainst the existing law. And to all such I have uti short answer: To all "systems of plunder,” Shether legalized or not, I am ai much opposed as ^ny member upon this flpor; nor am I less op ed to all kinds of "robbery,” or "system* of [illation fur tho benefit of one class or one sec- i to the injury of another.” And in defence of i existing law, which has been called the "odious flllg Tariff of 1842," and, by some, the "black Tariff,” 1 advocate no tuch doctrine as “taking mo iey from one man’s pocket and putting it into that pf another;” nor do those who agree with me ad' Ste any such doctrine. That act, air. ia found iupon no such principles, and no such oonse quences result from its operations. It “robs” no- dy—it "plunders” nobody—nor does it "build up any one interest in ilia community at the expense of another.” Tito main object of the “act of 1843” wa* to tin means to support tha Government. For sev' bral years preceding, the revenue fell far short of eting the annual expenditures. The conse. quence was the accumulation of a debt which now amounts,according to the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, which 1 have before me, to 420 743,049 09. (Seo Appendix, A.) The Whi(; oagress found the Treasury not only destitute ol eans and burthened with a debt, but destitute of rtdil. Such a state of things, in time of peace, ivas never before heard of in thia country, and all suiting directly from the ruinous policy of the preceding administration, for a restoration of vhich the advocates of this bill seem to be so ex dingiy desirous. What was to be done but to [increase the duties—to raise money to meet the urrent expenses, and to discharge the obligations already incurred? This was their duty, and this was Iwbti they did ; and by their aotions the honor and harseter of the country have been preserved—her prostrate credit has bson revived, and with it, to ome extent, public confidence lias been restored L i wholesome and invigorating influences of which «aM In be tlie parly watchword—dial auction which it miis skid, would, above aII others, "be ground to ibo dust ’ under its operations—but all such pre- iliciion* in relation to its gonnrul effects upon the country having failed, nod experience having shown dint it will not probably yiold enough reve- duo to support tlie Government and pay its debt, din tone is now changed, and the position assumed dint dm duties under it are so enormously high that importations are prohibited, nndlltey are to be re duced in order to increase tlie revenue. Tbit, 1 any, sir, I consider a pretext of die lust resort j and in order to expose its fallacy, I propose to give it a • brief examination. ( 'be first plucc, what says tlie Secretary of tlie Treasury, whose opinions upon this subject should cerluinly bo entitled to some weight. In his re* purl, speaking of the dudes under tlie existing set. the probable deficiency of iho revenue, and tlie best menus of increasing it, lie suys : “l.nnkiug st tha subject exclusively in ila beerier* upon Ilia revenue, ilia uuHerstgoed is not prepared lo specify soy very iinnoilnnl rsles of duly that will hesr reduction, unless the deficiency be supplied by dmiss upon other articles." This opinion sheuid ucrtainly be good against tlie bare assumption of die committee, that a rs- duction of tlie duties will increase the revenue, and particularly when the commiltoe do not undertake to controvert the opinion of the Secretary, or offer any reason for their difference from him, or give any information upon this subject, or even attempt to inform the House as to what would be live pro bable amount of revenue to be derived from the bill diey iiave reported, and which we are now call- ed upon to pass. The languagaof the report up on this point is so remarkable, that I must ask tho House to give it their particular attention. I read from page 10 : AflLLEDtiEVJLLE.s —i-7T.ds ' TUESDAY. JULY 9, 1*44. NO- 41 - Htsu _ ..— _ , I laws. Ska tailored ail as a sonree uf rateane. Rssolsueas Ware to rncoiirsfs snd protect her owe savin! inf; and in consefuencc of comptilals i Norliilk, Alexandria, and sthrr zini iho argument is founded, or, rsther,upon which the assertion is based, that is, that importations increase with a diminished duty, and that tlie act of 1842 is prohibitory in ila character. I commence with the articlo of carpeting, al most ut the head of jhe list in the table In which I alluded. Tho average annual value of the impor. rations of the various kinds of this article. For the years 1837,1838 and 1839, was ®517.02fl Fur the years 1940, 1941, ami 1842, was 308,7» 1 Being a falling off, per annum of 9208,25 4 whilo the duties were considerably lower In tins f last aeries of years than the first. Again: Th«t urticle of blankets, costing loss than 75 cents each, comes next in the list, and tho average annual val. ue of them imported, For lira years 1837,1838, and 1839, was §558,880 For the year* 1840, 1841, and 1842, was 304,363 AVliat I nin now speaking of, Mr. Clinirman, is lha/nrt llint prices on most articles subject to duty hav-j not rhon since the passage of iho law. The mo it violent opposer* of lira act of 1842 predicted tb»4 they would riso lo un amount equal lo tlie duty. Tusking the whole full ns a tnx upon lira consumer, while those who advocated tho measure were of a dif ferent opinion ; and I am now only speaking of the factsconncctod with tho result of tho experiment. [Mr. l)elscr,of Alabama, inlcrrupted, and ask- ■v'ed if prices had not correspondingly fallen in Hug- | land ?] Mr. Stephen* replied : Yes, air, they linvo, and that was just wlrat was oxpoctod ; and if the same ref dialing fni'lc, it w-mlil follow (hat ila mxnapitizing or nn equal iof ulnlioiift of foreign nalioim could be counlcrar ted— tImi tmither the alaple ariic.lra of auhaiafonc*, nor tho eawn* tinl implfiuenta for the public aafn/s could, uudnr any cir- cunutancnn, ho inmircd ar foMrred ut home by regulation* of commerce, the iimimI and ino*t convinn mode of providing for both.”—(rice Sup. tu IS ilea Uog inter, vol 43, p. 33.) Tito rule laid down by Mr. Jefferson, while Sec. rctnryof Slate, soon aftor lira organization of the Government, is familiar lo all. lie said : When i [snd, may be proper for us to do Ibo *«ioo thing by tiivir. first lur* lliening or excluding lho*e production, whirl) they tiring here - competition with our own of (he *mne kind—ioipn.ing on policy is pursued, they may full lower there still. Bef 1 Showing a failing off; per annum, of 9254,467 A similar result appears in relation to all othear kinds of blankets. The average for these : For the year. 1837. 1838, and 1839, was ®528,66!! For tlie year. 1840, 1841, ind 1842, was 305,161! A falling off, per annum, of 8228,50ft an Again: Tlie average importations of the man ufactures of cotton. For the years 1837, 1838, and 1839, were 810,345,615 For lira years 1840, 1841, and 1042, were 8,710,651 ave already reached the remotest part* of the ' And if this It may bn expected of I he eommiliee that they will make an cellmate of tho revenue toba realised under the rale* of duly they propoee to re-ratabliab, but they feel ilirmaelrea wholly incapacited to do to to any useful purpoao." Was any thing like this ever befoye hoard of from a committee reporting a bill of the magnitude and importance of this! f speak it with no disre spect to the committee. But this confession on their part should be a sufficient reason for the re jection of the measure. Sir, you will not pass the smallest bill on your private calendar without a full investigation, and-a report giving tho reason's for the relief asked for: and how could any commit tee reasonably expect that this House would un- settle and change the whoie revenue laws of the country at a bare randon suggestion, without esti mate and without any information touching the probable results or effects of the change, and espe cially when the proposed change is in direct oppo sition to tlie opinion ot the heud of the Treasury Department 1 * ut, in the second pluce, we are not without ex perience upon this subject; and the random sug gestions of tho committee, that a reduction of du ties will give an increase of revenue, upon which the present bill is predicated, will not bear an ex amination by thut standard. It is useless to indulge in speculation and conjecture, when the teachings of history are equally convenient and much more to the point. The duties under the acts of 1828 and 1832 were in the main consider ably higher than they are under the act of 1842. i know the contrary Iras been asserted, and that the act of 1842 has been denounced as more oppres sive than the act of 1828, which has been called the "bill of abominations but 1 have them all before me, and 1 find that upon most of tho lead ing articles the duties under tho last are much low er than under the former of these acts. For instance: upon iron in bars, &c., by the Tariffof 1828, the duty was 837 per ton ; by tho act of 1832, it was 830 per ton; and by the act of 1842, it is only 825 per ton. Manufactures of woollen,by the act of 1828, were subjected to a duty of 45 per cent; and by that of 1832, to 50 per cent; and by that of 1842, to 40 per cent. Flannels, also, by the act 1828, bore a duty of 45 per cent., and, by tho act of 1842,14 cents a square yard, equivalent to 21 per cent,, according to the report of the committee. And so with salt, sugar, and cotton bagging, upon all which the duly is less. But 1 cannot detain the House by reciting them. (See appendix, B.) The act of 1842, in the whole, is not only consi derably lower in the amounts of the specific duties laid, but is also lower in the average ad valorem amount upon the aggregate of dutiable articles, than either of the acts of 1932 or 1828. And, yet, what was the effect of those acts upon tho imports and revenues of the country ? In House Doc. No. 7, of the present session, we have a report fiom the Secretury of the Treasury, giving the net an nual revenue arising from imports, from 1821 to 1842, and from whiolt it appears that the average annual net revenue from this source, for three dif. foreat periods, was as follows : For the years 1829, ’30, ’31, under the act of 1828,.$25,144,. 3 *FoVthe yoare 1835, ’3C, ’37, under graduel reduction, $20, A decrease, per annum, of 91,634,064 But 1 cannot pursue this table further. Similar results appear from comparing almost every arti cle given ; and all going to show that tlie average importations for the years 1837, 1838, and 1839, wore greater than in the years 1840, 1841, and 1842, when the Tariff was comparatively lower. But further still: In the same Doc. No. 7, to which I have referred, is furnished a tab s of the an nual values of various articles for a series of years back; and I find, upon an examination, the aver age value per annum of the articles imported under the threo leading heads of manufactures of wool f manufactures of cotton, and iron and its manufac. tures, at three different periods, to be as follows : Woollens, Cotton, Iron, &c. Ave’go value nor an. for *33, ’34,35, Ava’ge value per an. for ’37,’38,’39, Ave’gc value per an. foi • ’40,’41/45 • $14,335,420 11,057,738 4,744,558 $12,863,052 10,886,114 5,549,163 $9,482 741 » 9,280,013 \ 3,670,981 ) From which it appoars that the importations a f these articles, which have only been selected lo II- lustrato what it is believed wilt be fouud true o I most others, were greater under the comparatively high Tariff of 1832, than under the lowest dutiei t of 1840, 1841, and 1842: so that it could not be said that ovon the tariffof 1829 or 1832 prohibited’ importations, and much lets that the act of 1842 does. But it is said that the act of 1842 is "onerous and oppressive ;’’and the gentleman from South Caro* lina, (Mr. Rhett,)said the people would not submit toil; and, os I am equally opposed to bear unne. ’ myself, as 1 am to place their. For the years 1840, ’41, 42, when duties were lowest, $12,- 485,367 Union. And if this be "robbery” or "plunder," kbea such grave accusations may be laid lo the 'srgeof the Whig Congress of 1842, for Ihepas- ge of tho Tariffof that year, but not otherwise. Are not gentlemen in favor of raising sufficient tvenue to support the Government t They all fail that they are. Then I wish those who are > violent in their opposition to the act of 1842, to t) if it will yield more revenue than is necessary • rapport tlie Government and provide for u grad- *!payment of tlie present debt? They frankly ►fail that it will not—they cannot do olherwiso; |f«t the secretary of the Treasury and the l’rosi. tof Urn United States, at tlie commencement tha session, informed us that there would even i piobshie deficiency, lo meet the current expens. ■ of tho year, much loss to ullow of any surplus' l bo applied to the extinguishment of the public ^bt. But not only this : the committee themselves »ho reported the present bill to tlie House, admit i their report that the "set of 1842” will not yield ‘oro than the necessary wants of tho Govornmonl qulro. Indeed, their bill is founded upun tlie as. (■option that mure revenue is required, and is pre- Bated- with an avowed purpose of increasing 6 revenue. And this is one of the objects dc- Bred by tliose who advocate its passage ; tlie *re slit lament uf which, it would seem, ought lo i * sufficient answer to all Ural hat boon said of Could proof by experiment be more conclusive tere exhibited, that by reducing duties reve. than is here nue cannot reasonably be expected lo be increased Or shall wo try another experiment when wc are just recovering from tlie sad effect of the last? It it not apparent from the tables to which 1 allude that lira avorago rovenue for any given series of years, within iho limes stated, have been greatest when the duties were highest, and least when du ties were lowest; and if the act of 1828 did not prohibit, but gave an average annual revenue of 25,000,000, and upwards, for the years 1829, ’30 and ’81, how can it be said tlie act of 1942 prohib its, which is lower than that act was! And how does it happen, that, during tlie years 1840, ’41 and ’42, when the duties were subject to gradual reduction under lira Compromise until they reach ed the minimum rates, the lowest point under the net, lira revenue decroused in a corresponding ra tio, not much exceeding lralf enough to support lira Government. And again : If tha assumption of the commilteo be correct, that, by a reduction of tho duties, an in- crease of revenue will be secured, bow docs it hap. sfore tlie imposition of the duly, and iho home competition increased by tho fostering influence ol this encouragement and protection, the manufac turers of England had the market to themselves, ond could sell to us at utmost any profit. They could buy our cotton, our ricn, our rosin, at their own prices, and soil us their manufactures upon the same terms. But when, by tho policy of our Gov. IMM .... | ( tlioae, (iiilie* lighter nt firit, but henviernnd heavier afterward*, oilier channels of supply open.” Does this show that Mr. Jefforson draught that, levying a Tariff or imposing duties, Congress should Iravo an eye solely lo revenue, without re gard to other interests ? But not not only this : mongst tlie earliest acts passed by Congress, we find the first Tariff, bearing upon its luce tha fol lowing preamble ; .ernmont.u homo competition is established, they conrnwcmcnt and protection of vuinufadurea, that duffon' cessnry “burthens’ or coulinue them upon others, I would inquire where this oppression is felt 7—for I am disposed, to think there is moreof''huinbuggery”in it than ar ,y- thingeUe, after all.—When the people are op* pressed, i believe they are generally apt to c om- plain; and where has any complaint been h eard against the act of 1842, save from certain p .olili- cians, and porlraps, Home foreign importers. 1 diicuo the commencement of the present session, Kiune,'- ous petitions, from various parts of the country, ir is true, have been sent up to this House agaiiut a change of that act, but not one, that I know of, for its repeal. But it is said that the South is "oppressed” by- Weil, sir, I come from the South, and I know that my constituents, so far from feeling oppressed by the operation of that act, are getting on much better, by far, than they did in the “golden days” of 1840,1841, and 1842, when the duties were lowest, and when all the benefits to bo derived from the minimum of the Compromise were in full frui tion. If they are oppressed, of course it must be by an enhancement of prices for what they aro compelled to buy ; and so far from this boing the case, prices for what they buy for consumption are generally lower, and those for what they sell are generally higher now than before the passage of the act of 1842. Cotton bagging, an article which was represented in the South as being so enormously tax. ed by the act of 1842, sells lower now than it did be fore the passage of the act, notwithstanding the enor. mous tax 1 And tho shame may be said of most of our articles of consumption, which have been repre sented as being so "onerously burthened” with du* tios, to wit: iron, salt, molasses, sugar, nails, twine, &tc., Its well as cotton goods and woollens: I have ' before me tables of prices from the most authentic* sources in several of the cities, which 1 apprehend, cannot be denied, and which establish the facts'. which I assert.* And if a people pay less for what i’ they have to buy, and get more for wlrat they sell,! after the adoption of u measure imposing duties j upon imports, than they did before, it will bediffi- 1 . cult to make it appear that they are "burthened” j by its operation. However clearly gentlemen may “cypher it out," and mnko it. apponr, in figures, by calculations, thut 100, and 150, and 200 per cent, duty is paid by the consumer, notwithstanding he | guts his article cheaper, yet it will be a difficult matter to mnke the oppression felt in this way. You might as well go out and undertake to convince tho first man you meet in tho street that he is "burthen, ed” and "oppressed” by tho weight of the atmos phere in which ho moves, by proving to him that lie bears fourteen pounds upon every square incli ol Tl pen that, since the increaso of duty in 1842, under ,i,ni no. wo iravo had an increaso of revenue? i ‘-heavy oppressions” of the presoul act, and at- quits suffiuie nisei to show that all such dcnuucia. at are more properly atirinuluble lo party zeal ban to any woll founded convictions. But to cs- |-3po from’tbii conclusion, it is suid that tho reason po more .ravsnue is derived from the act of 1842, »ih1 that a rednitien of duties will cause an increase revenue. Is. that the rate* under that act are too higkfor revenue I—that it prohibits Importation, jind, I hare fore, prevent* revenue. Audit is upon this principle tho proposed meas are is recommended—a proposition which I think bpon etamlsalion, will bo found no lens curious in btaractair. (ban unfuundsd ia fact. Indeed, 1 can braside^it nothing but a pretext and a l«*t resort covsr a retreat from the stand lakan at first fHiusi tha act of 1842. Whan that act was first f*B*Bd, (hr poildeal effect a clamor was raUpd I it, sad It that act, wo From tho receipts in lira custom houses, it is now believed that tho revenue this year w ill bo at leaxt twenty-three millions, and most probably it will be moro. Wlrat folly it is, then, to talk seriously about indenting tho rovonuo by roduchig lira du. •i 01 ! , I,,, But, sgnin.usto the importations, and tho idea that tin present act is prohibitory in its churacter. Upon this subject also, we have tho experience ol tha past; but there is no nocessily to go further than Iho tables furnished by tho committee thorn, selves, ond oppended to their reporl, to prove the orror of that assumpti*n. In tublo U, appendod to the roport, I see ex hibited tho aonuul average value of the impor. rations of all tho principal articles subject to duty, for the years 1837, ’38,and’30, in one column, and a similar averagu fyr lira year* 1840,1841, end 1842, in another, contiasted with lira partial re turn. for the year 184*, In a third. Now, without ■topping to allow huw unfairly this exhibit haa been made, so far as tlie partial returns for 1848 iscon- - - T *--but an inspection of ftiU to which the surface of Ins body. This, I believe, by philos ophers, it is said, can bo “cyphered out” and de monstrated to mathematical certainty, and ac cording to which an ordinary man supports or sus tains constantly not less than twenty five thousand pouuds 7—an immense “burlhen," according to fig ures, but one that is never Jell in practical lifo. And it would be very difficult to prove to a man that he suffers much from this calculated pressure, or that ho would bo better off if it were romoved. Heavy and enormous us the orist and dealer in fig- ures might make it, yet he knows that it is essen- tiu\ to his health, vigor, action, and lifo—that with out it he could not exist, and that in it he literally lives and moves and lias his being.” But gentlemen say that they cannot see how it it that prices do not riso whon dulios are incroasod. i Well, sir, that is not my object at this time to ex plain. All 1 am speaking of is facts no man can gainsay or deny. Duties on the articles to which 1 have alluded have boen increased, and prices on tha same have not risen. It is very clear, there- fore, that it cannot be said that the people have boon "oppressed” thereby. This may appear strange,‘but not stranger than many things around us, whicli, however, little understood, aro neverthe less known to be truo. The liws of trade, like tho laws of nature, must not be judged by abstract the ories disconnected from experience and observa tion. How the vapors ascend and form tlie clouds in the firmament abovo, and again falling in re freshing showers, to water tlie earth and purify lb* air* and sustain animal ahd vegetable life, may not T ned -“ ini ruinous to the eoooiry.” «d "Be. »*• farinV** up0 n ;In lb*section from which loom* mb P#»«tve ik error of tho asaumptlon upon bo very well understood or fully comprehended by all, and yet all ora quito sensible of ’ the truth of the fact. "Has Appendix C lower their prices in order to undersell; by which means their previous profits pass into our Tronsu. ry for tho support of our Government, instead of [Joing into their pockets, while the purchaser can get as good an article at even cheaper rates. Va. rious illustrious of this could be givon. I will give ibe gentleman from Alabama tho benefits of one. Sumo years ago, as I am informed, tho city of CJiarleslon, South Carolina, was supplied wilh ice sr.u>8tly by n company, who sold it at prices thought to be high and exorbitart. Other individuals, of h ,ss means and capital, undertook tlie business, and c ommcnccd supplying lira same luxury at much f tirer rates, making only a reasonable profit on thoir I. ibor und capital employed. No sooner was this d one, thaa tho first company commenced undersell. i ag. und evoir putting their ice at a price that a/Jlotvod nu profit at nil, and which tho weaker con- c ern could not afford to do. The objocl of course >vas to break down their now rival—lo get it out of tJie way, and then to iravo the market to themselves again, whon they could restoro previous prices, or ■perhaps higher rates, to make up for losses.— Tlie rosult was, nn appeal to tho people, or tlie pur. chasers ofico, to Buvlnin tho opposition, or domestic establishment. Tlie people did so—tho compcti- lion was kept up, and the prices kept low. And so it is with English captalists and manufacturers —when they cannot sell to us at a large profit, they will rake less; and whon they find that urtizans and mechanics and craftsmen of all kinds can make as good wares and articles of merchandise as theirs and are likely to deprive them of tho market of this country, they will doubtless even offer for u time to sell without any profit; in order, by underselling, to break down American establishments. This is the op eration—selfishness is nt the bottom of it; and I I toll the gentleman from Alabama, therefore, that 1! am not to bo influenced by the tables of British i nerchants—such as is appendod to the report of the • eommitte accompanying this bill—to govern me in my opinion of the oppression we are suffering for not buying from them as cheaply as they say they could sell, if only permitted, or allowod to enter our markets without paying quite so muclt duty— timeo Danaos el dona ferenles—a known enemy should never he trusted, and his gratuitous kindness always suspected. These men are interested in liuvlall iito xvurkdltops nmi factories, of every description in this country closed, and nil our tno- chanics and manufactures driven from employ meht. Tho policy of England has always been opposed lo the interests of i)io United Stales. It was so when they were colonies, and it continues Xobesoyet. VVho does no recollect tho boast of llte infamous Cubbett, that," previous to tlie Revo' lution, wo could not manuiacturo a single hobnail 1 *ur our own use.” Tho same spirit still exists.— 'l^he courso pursued towards us when colonics, was to keep as subject and as abject as possible, e\ ’er jealous of our acquiring real national indo- pi tndencc. And what is her course towards us no w, in her regulations of trade 7 Site taxes our -wheat, 50 per cent.; flour, 60 per cent.; beef, 69 per cont.; pitch, 25 per cent.; rosin 75 per cet it. ; spirits of groin, 600 per cent. ; rice, 30 per cemt. ; butler, 70 percent. ; spirits of molasses, 1,. COO per cent.; tobacco, unmanufactured, 1,000 per ceul.*, tobacco, manufactured 1,200 per cent. ! And yet uhe would induce us to pursue the policy of fos tering her nranufacturors, artizans, and mechanics instead of pulronisingour own. Sir, 1 don’t sub. 8cri.bc to the doctrine; and gentlemen must excuse me if I tell them that it is, in my opinion pa'.Tiotic and anti-American. But this brings mo to what I intondod more pro perly to say under another view 1 proposo taking of tho act of 1842. It has not only boon said that that act was onerous and burdensome, but that it is violative of the constitution of tho country. This was tho argument of the gcntloman from South Carolina ; and I wish tho gontlman was in his scat to tell mo tvhcrcin or in wlrat provision that act vio lates tho Constitution. Perhaps tlie gcntloman from Alabama can inform mo, as ho used tho samo argument. [Mr. Bclser answering, said, it violated the Con stitution in tho principlo of protection.] Mr. Stophens continued : By tho principlo of protection, I suppose tho gentleman moans the prin ciple of discriminating in favor of the inierest, cn terprise, und industry of our own people? [Mr. Belsersaid, yos : Whon a duty was laid with nn eye to protection, that was n violation of the Constitution. That a tariff laid on imports wilh. an eyo alone to rovenue, was constitutional but whon laid directly wilh an eye to protection ■was unconstitutional.] I understand, then, tlie argument of tho gentle mat i from Alabamu, like lira: of the gentleman from So' rtli Carolina, to be, that Government, in levying its necessary supplies, must have an eye to nothing but raising tho amount required, wiliiuot consider ing on what articles it can be most prudently raised or'no most easily borne by tlie people; and if, in lay iug the duties, it has an eye at all to the interest of the people, it is a violation of Iho Constitu tio » ! . Sir, litis not my understanding of tho Constitution 11 tlways consider that the Constitution required th oto to whom legislation is committed, to guard w Melt over, and protect the rights und interests ihje people in the passage of uIt laws, and especially lo look to, and have an “eye directly" to thoir in te rnsts in the passage of revenue laws. While h old that not one dollar moro should be raised by imposts limn is necessary to support tho Govern nmeiit, economically administered; yet 1 ulso beliovo that great prudence and discrimination should be ox e rcised in lira manner of levying tlie requiste amount. And it is in the proper exercise of tho dis crimination that the interests of the people should be considered, as well ns tlie want* of tho Govern menu This doctrine I also hold to bo founded up oi* the Constitution.—And in this opiuiun I am sut rained by the ablest and bast men that ever lived ia this or any other country—men who formed a made tho Constitution, snd who ought lo know wlrat it means. The House will indulge me while i ad duce sumo of these authorities in support of my proposition. Upon lira point iusl made by tho gen- llsman from Alabama, Mr. Madison said; IfrawatK b* ilw*W« oltjact ofa l*(iti,nai* impost, and ih* • imported.' This bill, which thus by it* vory jneamblo H«»nr- sliowcd ils double purpose of providing revenue and nt the same time looking to the interests of tho people of our own country, was advocated by Mr. Madison and passed unanimously by the first Con. gress,nnd received the sanction of President Wash, ngton, who himself, in !>is first address to Con- gross, brought the subject to their attention ; und, in his last communication to that body, in 1795, in reference to tho same, uses tho following lan guage : ‘CongroriH have repeatedly, ttnd not without iiucceM,direct- their nttention to the encouragnmcnt of manufactures.— 10 subject is of ton much cnnseipienrc not to insure a con tinuance of tin iraflbrtsln evary ivny which shall appear oligi- 7^ navigation law* of^Greal Brkai j between the United ttutaa and iliam she deliberated with a purpose caartrottad Jour. a -_sjMHB’ y of separate mea*urra f oa thn^apnrinauf «*®***I*|^* reefproeity by prohibitory ragnUftona of hor n#t, . House Del: 1785.) i nation imposes high'dulic* on our productin ■ not this the cose with Cirent Hriloin now ?] The effect of her separate attempt! to raiae tmmmkf duties on import* *oon appeared In repreaentalipna from her merchant* that the commerce of the State wee he turned by them into other channel*, especially of Maryland, ^hijn Un- B orta were lei* burthened than in Virginia.—(tJeeJont.Honon lei. 178G.) ‘Such a tendency of “separate” regulation* wan,junked, loo inimical to escape anticipation* * * * Amongst tbe project* vthrritp 09fr commerce, noted on the part of Maryland, wa* that of a covenant, first proposed on tne pan oi mnryieno, for a uniformity ofregulations between the two Slates, and Commissioners were appointed for that purpoao# It wan aoaa perceived, however, that the concurrence of Peoo*y1ra*m wa* a* necessary to Maryland a* of Maryland to Virginia, amf the concurrence oi Ponnaylvania wa* accordingiv Invited f Pennsylvania could* no more concur wrtnaat Mew York, than Maryland without l*enn*ylvanla. nor flaw York without the concurrence of Bostou, dec. The»e jryaia werw superseded for the moment by that of tbe CMffldm mt AnnapoUt in 1786, and forarer by the Convention at Phila delphia in 1787,oudtheConatitutioawhich waa the fruit of it. “Whereas, it is nccesssrv for the rapport ol t he government Unit t'd If the discharge of the debts of the I cment and protection of manu goods, wares, nud merclmndii I States, ahd iho c I iravc, also, tlie authority of Mr. Baldwin, a member in the First Congress from Georgia, and one of the framers of lira Constitution, who m lb* dUcussion upon the first Tariff bill said : “The ei'himereial restriction* Great* Britain placedapo; ir commerce in pursuing lier stiff*ispoUajr,gava ntt to — —‘ tiling cUimcr. mid excited tho faehui attempt which of the State Legislature* mode to counteract til® detttfi regulations of a commercial enemy; but this proving iltogl er ineffectual to ward off the effect* of the blow or revenge thoir cause, the Convention at Annapolis waa formed for the expreu pnrpotc of counteracting them on general princi ple*. Till* Convention found the completion of tha butiatta ! -i.. .. .—binds* It terminated, aa i* taaati atvera- li detewtiblt npossihle to be effected in their hand*. ell known,iii calling the Convention that formed the pretea* ich ImB perfected a happy revolution in poI> encouragement of domettie article* be not witfcfc. the power of And what way moro clligible, or so olligibio, ns ' that Adopted by the first Congress, of levying du- * lies for revenue, wilh discriminations nt tho sitme ‘ timo for :ho encouragement of ihcso important in- ! tcrests. Again: Mr. Jefferson, when President, in his ' message of 1802, upon tho samo subject, uses tho following language : " To cultivate ponce nml maint tin commerce nud navigation nil thoir lawful onterprisrs, to foster our fisheries ns nurse ries of our navigation nnd for the nurture of man, and and tu protect the manufacturex adapted t> our circumstances, to pre serve tho faith of the nutioti by an exact dirchargo of its debts nnd its contract*, expend the politic money with the same care nnd economy we would practice with our own, nnd im pose on our citizens no uunccosHnry burthens, to keep in a 11 thingR within the pale o/ our countiintioual poiccrs, nud to cherish the Federal Unioti ns the or.lv rock of our snfety— these, follow citizen* are the tnudmarlu hv which we me to guido ourselves in all our proceedings, jlv continuing to make them the rule of our action, we *hull endenr to our coun trymen tho due principles of tho Constitution, nnd promoten union of sentiment nnd of notion equally auspicious to their happiness and safety.” But lurther still: Mr. Juficrson not only held tlral it wn. “ within tlie pale of tho constitutional powers” of Congress “ to protect manufactures” by discriminations in the imposition of duties for revenue, but ho hold that it was constitutional evon to lay prohibitions against foreign imports for that purpose. In his message of 1808, ho .nys : “Tho aiinponxinn of f.ireicn roinmorcr produced l,v ilia in- jURjico of tho helligoront powers, ond tho contingent lusxeH -nd .aerified of our oilixon r, aro Ruhjoct. of join concern. I’ho Riiuntim, into which wc liava iIuir been forced, Iirh com pelled ur to apply a purlin,, of our induRtrv nnd cnpitnl in intornul mniinlncturcR nnd iinprovomentfl. Thu extent of tliin converRion iR duily i„cre„ei„ir, „ m | Hole dnulu rcimiine that the cAtoblidimcntR formed and forming will, under tho iiKHpi- cor of choupor material and Bul)RiRte„cn,ihe freedom of lot,nr from taxation will, „u, nnd protecting duties and pro/iiliitions, beeotne permanentv Tho same opinion soents to have been general ly entertuiued in Iho first Congress tvlton tlie first Tariff bill was under consideration, for motions were mado to put prohibitory duties upon several rlicles, the constitutionality of which, from tlie de bates, seems never lo have been questioned at llint day. But I need not multiply theso authorities, as I could do, to nn almost endless extent. Self-pro. servntion, sir, is tlie first law of nature, nnd np- plies to nations no loss titan individuals. It was to guard and protect llio rights nnd interests of the pcoplo Mint tho constitution was formed, nnd in looking lo these objects as well as others, is wlrat I understand consists tho grout objection to tlie net of 1842. The main object of that net, ns I have said before, wa9 to raise revenno to support tho Government; but, in levying the requisite amount, the framers of the law looked also lo tlie great interests of our own country, and arranged the duties so ns tlral the wants of tho Treasury might lie supplied, and, nt tho samo time, by proper discriminations, fair and adequate protection be afforded to tlie in. dustry and productive labor of our own citizen*. Tho gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Illicit) said that Iho object of tho Constitution tvna to cn. lublish wlrat lie is pleasod to lerm Free Trade, or at least, that litis was tltu object of (lie Convention at Annapolis from which originated tlie Convention that fortnod the Constitution ; and I was not a lit tle surprised at the assertion. It shows, however, to what extremes party impulses will sorflolimos drive men. But no less surprised was 1 at this grent error as to tho objects of the Convention that formed the Constitution, than I was to hear Itint characterize tlie Constitution itself as nothing but an "abstractionTlie gentleman, in ins open- retjrarlis, invoked us to guard nnd preserve that instrument. Sir, 1 trust Mint such invocation will never he made in vain within theso walls. I have a deep and abiding reverence fur tlie Consti tution—no less (Iran tho gentleman himself; hut I would inform him that I look upon it ns something more real, substantial, and practical titan a hare "abstraction”—an elcmonlnry or theoretical prop, osition. It is tho Constitution that forms our Gov. crnmenl—that binds together twenty-six separate and independent Slates—llint secures liberty nt itume nnd protection tthroad—and gives us a char, acler unsurpassed by nny people amongst the na- lions of the earth! And is it nothing but an ab straction that does all this? As woll might you tho deep foundations ef this Capitol an ab. ■traction—or theso stalely pillars that support this lowering dome—or that all pervading law of na. lure by which llio material world is held together, nothing butnn abstraction. What sir! was Mag na Charta nothing but nn abstraction 7 Was tho establishment of tho right of Trial by Jury noth ing but an abstraction 7—the. Habeas Corpus Aci 7 The Declaration of Independence7—tho old Arti cles of Confederation 7 Were these all ahstrnc- lions? And is onr Government, and laws, and legislation, and liberty itself, nothing hut an ab straction? If so, Mien Berkeley was right—the wot Id is less titan n phantom—nnd lifo itself, with all its hopes nnd sorrows, aspirations nnd disnp. pointinents, is nothing hut a mental delusion ! But, sir, I do not belong to Mint school of moralists, phi losophers, or politicians. I believe In the real ex- istcnco of tilings, and I hold Mint tha Constitution of the United Slates is, as it wns designed to he, eminently practical in its nature. It i*, indeed, “tho broad sheet anchor of our snfity”—some- tiling firm, strong, and I trust, enduring. Hut let us examine llte opinion of the gentleman touching tho objects of its for,nation, So far from its being lira object of the Convention til Aunupo lis lo establish the principlo of Free Trndo, or lo open our ports to the free introduction uf niorclran- dive from other countries, unless I am much mis taken it will be found that the main object of that body wn* lo protect the inleresls of tlie peoplo of the adjoining Slates by regulations of commerea CoiiRlittlliotl, which I tics nndcoinmeroe* The general expoclAtien of the country ia, ttisl'nieta shall n discrimination, llint ihono nations who have not Til ,, plnincd tho terms on which nn intercourse ehsll ha carried on, or u Ito have, l,y eRlnl,tithing regulations hearing hard upon such intercourse,may know our ability vfid disposition to with hold or bestow ndvntitaees, Recording as wa find a principle of iprocitv prevail. Thinking a Mserimtnalion naceiMry, „,„! /.■„«, ting the mice of the people e«Us-tov it, wc shall net nn.trer the end for which ire came here hy ncgiecltng orreftts- ing to mate it," Front which it clearly appears what was the ob ject of the Convention nt Annapolis, oad what- was ono of the main objects of the Conventiwo that' formed Mte Constitution. But will, gentlemen any that they prefer to lake the Constitution as it It, and lo judge ol H» powers n9 well at its objecls forthem* selves, without consulting or relying upon the o« pinions of others 7 Well, sir, wo say the same, too. Wonre willing to lake the Constitution as it is;-wu say Mint its character, objects, nnd power* are 1 clear upon its fnce. But gentlemen say il eoiw tains nn such powers, and discloses no such objects, ns we snv are quite apparent and explicit.. A dio- agroemont, therefore necessarily arises aa to it* - true meaning nnd intendment, and we refer to these' authorises only for the purpose of fortifying our.- selves in our position, and to show most clearly und unquestionably that our understanding and construction of it is right ; or, at lensl, that we a- groe in understanding and construction with those- who ntndo it. It is for this reason we appeal to this weight of authority to sustain n construction which, in llte language of General Jackson, "lias been confirmed as well by the opinions of President'' Washington, Jefferson, Mfidison, nnd Monroe, aa by the uniform practice of Congress, nnd the ger*. era! understanding of tha people,” until a period comparilively recent iti our history. Why, sir,, wfiat would you think of n ipan who ohould riaa up' ami prop,,re to tench the true doctrines ofthe Cftiio- tian religion, nnd commence by denying the author ity of tho (.rent Author himself, and declaring that' hi* chosen apostles know nothing of its character or design 7 Would not such an one he turned out of your pulpits, and bo refused an entrance into yoursnnctuarlss, and pronounced, as ho justly should be, an imposter and a hlaslphemcr 7 And wlrat shall we think of tlie politician who at > this day rises up ami professos lo teach the Irue principles of our Government, and to Bi v ® a ' ru ® construction nnd exposition of the Constitution! and > commences by disagreeing wilh its authors end 1 repudiation their authority, nnd oven charging them with n violation of its most snered provisions! ’ I know not to what school of politics such men may proporly he said to belong, hut ono thing is certain ; tiioy do not belong lo that school or parly to whlclr the founders of tho Government wero attached. Upon llio subject of commercial intercourse,. Mr. Chairman, llinve said the doctrine of self’de*- fence and self preservation applies, and it is true. This is llio first, llio groat, universal, and all con trolling law of nature. In individuals it is founded- 1 upon instincts nnd rides over all reslroinls—in com munities and nations its impulses are equally strong, and Its sanctions no less obligatory—and in our reg- Intions of trade with foreign countries it is not nly constitutional, hut wise, patriocic, nnd right- for us to look to our own interests. And in no better way can this be done than in e proper ond judicious discrimination in tho levying of the necessary rev- nue for tho support ofthe Government—by arrange- it,g llio duties so as to countervail ns far as potalhlo- llio injurious policy of other countries, nnd plaoing them also upon such articles nt our own people, mechanics, artiznns, craftsmen, nnd manufactures can muko, in preference to those which they can- not; nnd laying such necessaries of lifo as can* not bo raised or producod in litis country, either en- r with the smallest duty. By thiapoli- tiroly free or cy a triplo purpose is answered. ty. In the first pfaee,. means uru provided for tho support of tho Govern ment, which must be nupplied in some wayor oth er. Secondly, Encouragement is given lo the in. dustiy of our own people in all its brandies, by stimulating them to make at home rather than to buy abrond. And thirdly, By ihis arrangement the burthons of Government, ns far as tho duty is paid by tite consumer, fulls whore it ought to, on tboao who prefer '.o patronize the lubor, skill, industry, und products of other couulrios ralhor thua those uf their own. It is the interest of every man lo make as much as possible fur sale, arid to buy as little as possible from others. This is the secret of prosperity and tlm road to wealth. Tho same is also true of States and nations. Ho that buys a grent deal and sails but little is sure to break, nnd any nation that pur* sues u similar policy is sure to meet with a similar fate. It is the duty of a wise Government, themfore, by ull proper regulations, lo foster and cherish the onterprize and industry of ils own people, by induc ing nnd stimulating them to make and produce their own supplies within themselves, as fsr as proctica- l poll, piaee,. . hie, rather Mian to Ira dependent for lliemnpnn other*. Why, sir, wlrat caused the great embar. rassmont and distress in our country in 1840-I-’2, and tho yenrs immediately preceding 7 Various opinions have been given as to U* ori gin, and doubtless it was owing to more causae ilmn one. But one, nnd probably not the least ut those that contributed toil, was our foreign indebt edness. Tito home competition in the production of utir necessary supplies, had bcon ntonsurenbly broken down. The foreign importers had the market lo themselves. They sold to us at exo(. bilani profits. We bought more than wo had com modities to pny for, in exchange. A debt Wts in curred, or ttie balance of trade was against us. Tu, moot this, exports of specie were necessary. This curtailed and contracted our currency, already da- ranged and depreciated from'other causes. And iho result wax, the mo«l gloomy period of pecuniary distress, emharrnsstineni, ruin and bankruptcy, thut lias evur occurred in timo ofpenco, in liie history of our country. That wee indeed a *‘ctiel*,” and occurred wheu lb* duties were lowest. And wbet is iho state of things now 7 Asa nation, as wail as individually, we make more and buy leas. In-